Latest news with #JohnSmithCentre
The Herald Scotland
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Herald Scotland
Neil and Carlaw to discuss 'improving political culture'
Entitled 'Political Conversations', this evening discussion will see the former SNP cabinet secretary and former Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party take in a discussion with senior pupils at Kilmarnock Academy in Ayrshire. Launching the initiative, Eddie Barnes, Director of the John Smith Institute, said: 'Politics is still the best way to make change in society but we know too many young people are turning their backs on democratic engagement because they don't believe it matters or because of the toxicity of our public debate. READ MORE: 'Political differences of opinion have always existed and indeed are fundamental to the democratic process. But whereas in the past people were able to express those differences respectfully, we now live in an era in which rancour, toxicity and even abuse are all too commonplace. 'The consequences are worrying: when we asked young people whether they backed democracy over dictatorship, more than a third said they'd support dictatorship. 'It doesn't have to be this way. We can continue to disagree on issues, but what matters is the way in which we do so. 'In short, we need to learn how to disagree more agreeably – with courtesy, civility and in an atmosphere of mutual respect." Dr Macklin, who is co-hosting the event, said: 'I have always been deeply interested in the political process, and whilst I am not affiliated to any one party, I believe it is vital that we do more to engage younger people in a positive way with politics. 'The toxicity we witness all too often these days is having a profoundly corrosive effect not only on our day-to-day political debate, but on the foundations on which our politics sits." A recent opinion poll of younger adults commissioned by the John Smith Centre found that while most believe in democracy, they fear for its future, with 63 per cent believing that democracy in the UK is 'in trouble'. There was also a strong call for 'better politics', involving more honest, more open debate. This week's event is envisaged as the first in a series of similar events in schools across Scotland, to be facilitated by the John Smith Centre, in which other leading political figures will take part in debate and discussion on the way forward for the political process. Looking ahead to Monday's event, Mr Carlaw said: 'I'm delighted to be taking part in the very first event in this new initiative, and to have the opportunity to engage in political debate in front of an audience of senior pupils in Kilmarnock. 'Alex and myself have crossed swords rhetorically many times over the years, and will no doubt continue to hold opposing views on many issues, but I hope that by taking part in this event we can demonstrate that it is possible to do so in a way that is positive, respectful and constructive.' Mr Neil said: 'Engaging younger people with politics in a positive way is absolutely essential, not least given the level of polarisation we are currently witnessing. 'I was very happy to accept the invitation from the John Smith Centre and Marie to participate in this event, and I look forward to discussion with Jackson, with whom I have had many lively but respectful debates with over the years.'
The Herald Scotland
3 days ago
- Politics
- The Herald Scotland
Neil and Carlaw to discuss 'improving political cutlure'
Entitled 'Political Conversations', this evening discussion will see the former SNP cabinet secretary and former Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party take in a discussion with senior pupils at Kilmarnock Academy in Ayrshire. Launching the initiative, Eddie Barnes, Director of the John Smith Institute, said: 'Politics is still the best way to make change in society but we know too many young people are turning their backs on democratic engagement because they don't believe it matters or because of the toxicity of our public debate. READ MORE: 'Political differences of opinion have always existed and indeed are fundamental to the democratic process. But whereas in the past people were able to express those differences respectfully, we now live in an era in which rancour, toxicity and even abuse are all too commonplace. 'The consequences are worrying: when we asked young people whether they backed democracy over dictatorship, more than a third said they'd support dictatorship. 'It doesn't have to be this way. We can continue to disagree on issues, but what matters is the way in which we do so. 'In short, we need to learn how to disagree more agreeably – with courtesy, civility and in an atmosphere of mutual respect." Dr Macklin, who is co-hosting the event, said: 'I have always been deeply interested in the political process, and whilst I am not affiliated to any one party, I believe it is vital that we do more to engage younger people in a positive way with politics. 'The toxicity we witness all too often these days is having a profoundly corrosive effect not only on our day-to-day political debate, but on the foundations on which our politics sits." A recent opinion poll of younger adults commissioned by the John Smith Centre found that while most believe in democracy, they fear for its future, with 63 per cent believing that democracy in the UK is 'in trouble'. There was also a strong call for 'better politics', involving more honest, more open debate. This week's event is envisaged as the first in a series of similar events in schools across Scotland, to be facilitated by the John Smith Centre, in which other leading political figures will take part in debate and discussion on the way forward for the political process. Looking ahead to Monday's event, Mr Carlaw said: 'I'm delighted to be taking part in the very first event in this new initiative, and to have the opportunity to engage in political debate in front of an audience of senior pupils in Kilmarnock. 'Alex and myself have crossed swords rhetorically many times over the years, and will no doubt continue to hold opposing views on many issues, but I hope that by taking part in this event we can demonstrate that it is possible to do so in a way that is positive, respectful and constructive.' Mr Neil said: 'Engaging younger people with politics in a positive way is absolutely essential, not least given the level of polarisation we are currently witnessing. 'I was very happy to accept the invitation from the John Smith Centre and Marie to participate in this event, and I look forward to discussion with Jackson, with whom I have had many lively but respectful debates with over the years.'
Telegraph
02-04-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
There is no such thing as ‘Generation Z'
Is there a group today that is analysed with greater scrutiny than Gen Z? Every week there is a new feature or essay obsessing about them in our national press: from racism and the idolisation of Andrew Tate to feminism and mental health, their condition is now a shorthand for the anxieties of the modern world. Gen Z has become merely a proxy for the nightmare from which we are trying to wake: we dump all our fears into the ongoing development (or lack of it) of a generation. We are told that they are not patriotic enough. That they believe Britain is a racist country. But they are also more authoritarian than their parents and grandparents; and don't drink or have as much casual sex as older generations. They are woke and post-woke, cynical and earnest, too progressive and too conservative, a generation full of narcissists who are unable to read a book because their brains have been fried by excessive social media use. Besides, the books that they do actually manage to read don't constitute literature in any meaningful sense. This level of attention to a group of twenty-somethings and teenagers is not healthy, and probably says more about their parents and grandparents than many would care to admit. There is little use in describing Gen Z as self-absorbed without paying attention to the unusual media coverage that they generate; in some instances, sparking outright hysteria whenever their name is invoked. Perhaps this strength of feeling is justified, with Gen Z bearing the brunt of national decline far more than the millennials ever had to grapple with. They are growing up in a country in which living standards have collapsed over the past decade, and where the combination of stagnant growth and high inflation has immiserated any young person who has done the right things to succeed in life: worked hard at school and university, and established a solid career in early adulthood. Instead they are now priced out of their capital city; the ones that stay know they need to rely on the Bank of Mum and Dad to get on the housing ladder. The green and pleasant land of British imagination feels ever more distant in today's haunted collection of sad high streets. Any generational pessimism can only come from the well-justified sense that the country is getting worse in a painfully visible way: you need only to look up from TikTok to witness the normalisation of petty crime and the dysfunctional state of schools and hospitals. But when we invoke Gen Z to fight any of our culture-war battles, we're not really talking about them. We are talking about ourselves. In truth, Gen Z does not exist. It is a phantom. We have all heard the stories about Gen Z giving up on liberal democracy. But a recent poll by the John Smith Centre at the University of Glasgow has found that 57 per cent of young people prefer democracy to dictatorship, while 63 per cent of them are optimistic about their personal lives and believe it will be better than their parents. The idea of a coherent group that unites people born between 1997 and 2012 makes no sense – not least because the immigration over the past 30 years has radically transformed, and continues to transform, what constitutes a young British person. A study by the Institute for the Impact of Faith in Life this week found that a majority of British Muslims over the age of 65 primarily identified as British. But if you look at Muslims in their 20s they identify first as Muslim rather than as British. In light of these changes, it is no surprise Gen Z are more 'spiritual' and more 'socially conservative' than their predecessors. The key word that is missing in these conversations, though, is 'some'. Some Gen Z are more conservative; some are more religious. But many are not. When we talk about Gen Z we are obliquely talking about a loss of control in the direction of our country's future: the transformative demographic impact of immigration; the remarkable diversity of values expressed through modern technology; a political status quo that is utterly broken and with no discernible movement that can restore the nation to strength. We talk so much and so desperately about Gen Z because, as a nation, we have very little sense of who we are.
Yahoo
02-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
There is no such thing as ‘Generation Z'
Is there a group today that is analysed with greater scrutiny than Gen Z? Every week there is a new feature or essay obsessing about them in our national press: from racism and the idolisation of Andrew Tate to feminism and mental health, their condition is now a shorthand for the anxieties of the modern world. Gen Z has become merely a proxy for the nightmare from which we are trying to wake: we dump all our fears into the ongoing development (or lack of it) of a generation. We are told that they are not patriotic enough. That they believe Britain is a racist country. But they are also more authoritarian than their parents and grandparents; and don't drink or have as much casual sex as older generations. They are woke and post-woke, cynical and earnest, too progressive and too conservative, a generation full of narcissists who are unable to read a book because their brains have been fried by excessive social media use. Besides, the books that they do actually manage to read don't constitute literature in any meaningful sense. This level of attention to a group of twenty-somethings and teenagers is not healthy, and probably says more about their parents and grandparents than many would care to admit. There is little use in describing Gen Z as self-absorbed without paying attention to the unusual media coverage that they generate; in some instances, sparking outright hysteria whenever their name is invoked. Perhaps this strength of feeling is justified, with Gen Z bearing the brunt of national decline far more than the millennials ever had to grapple with. They are growing up in a country in which living standards have collapsed over the past decade, and where the combination of stagnant growth and high inflation has immiserated any young person who has done the right things to succeed in life: worked hard at school and university, and established a solid career in early adulthood. Instead they are now priced out of their capital city; the ones that stay know they need to rely on the Bank of Mum and Dad to get on the housing ladder. The green and pleasant land of British imagination feels ever more distant in today's haunted collection of sad high streets. Any generational pessimism can only come from the well-justified sense that the country is getting worse in a painfully visible way: you need only to look up from TikTok to witness the normalisation of petty crime and the dysfunctional state of schools and hospitals. But when we invoke Gen Z to fight any of our culture-war battles, we're not really talking about them. We are talking about ourselves. In truth, Gen Z does not exist. It is a phantom. We have all heard the stories about Gen Z giving up on liberal democracy. But a recent poll by the John Smith Centre at the University of Glasgow has found that 57 per cent of young people prefer democracy to dictatorship, while 63 per cent of them are optimistic about their personal lives and believe it will be better than their parents. The idea of a coherent group that unites people born between 1997 and 2012 makes no sense – not least because the immigration over the past 30 years has radically transformed, and continues to transform, what constitutes a young British person. A study by the Institute for the Impact of Faith in Life this week found that a majority of British Muslims over the age of 65 primarily identified as British. But if you look at Muslims in their 20s they identify first as Muslim rather than as British. In light of these changes, it is no surprise Gen Z are more 'spiritual' and more 'socially conservative' than their predecessors. The key word that is missing in these conversations, though, is 'some'. Some Gen Z are more conservative; some are more religious. But many are not. When we talk about Gen Z we are obliquely talking about a loss of control in the direction of our country's future: the transformative demographic impact of immigration; the remarkable diversity of values expressed through modern technology; a political status quo that is utterly broken and with no discernible movement that can restore the nation to strength. We talk so much and so desperately about Gen Z because, as a nation, we have very little sense of who we are. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Yahoo
02-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Why everything you assumed about Gen Z is wrong
Generation Z, that enigmatic demographic of men and women born between 1997 and 2012 or so, have been presumed to hold wildly progressive views. In the stereotype of public imagination this is – or has been – a group that will go to the wall for net zero, dump a partner if their views on gender politics give them the 'ick', or leave any job that has the temerity to demand their presence in the office. Except it may not be true. A growing mass of evidence suggests that far from the leftie snowflake cohort of lore, Gen Z are disparate in their politics and care about the same things older generations do – jobs, houses, security – more than culture wars or social issues. A report from the John Smith Centre at Glasgow University, published this week, has added to this feeling. Working with the polling company Focaldata, the institute conducted 260 interviews with people aged 18 to 29. Contrary to what may have been expected, it found that Gen Z are more worried about crime than the environment, surprisingly split on the benefits of migration, and focused on jobs, housing and family above all. 'It goes back to Maslow's hierarchy of needs,' says Eddie Barnes, the director of the John Smith Centre. 'The bottom of that triangle is basics (including food, water, shelter, sleep, housing, health, finances). That's where the younger generation are. This is a generation that has not had much in the way of wage growth, they've had extremely high housing costs, and financial insecurity. Those, not culture war issues, are the top priorities. What do people care about? It's the financial stuff. Crime ranks much more highly than the environment, which was a big surprise.' When asked what the biggest contributors were to them feeling 'nervous, anxious or on edge', respondents replied: 'financial worries' (37 per cent), 'work pressures' (23 per cent) and 'job security or unemployment' (20 per cent). Climate change languished on 10 per cent. Another question asked: 'When you think about community, which of the following groups or places come to mind?' Some 42 per cent said family, 38 per cent said their 'local town or city', and 36 per cent said their 'friends and social circles'. Gender, by comparison, was only 7 per cent. The 'most important issues facing the UK today' were inflation and the cost of living, health care, housing and crime. Only 20 per cent said climate change and the environment. The figure is down on a global survey from 2019, which found that 41 per cent of young people thought climate change was more pressing than anything else. The poll carried out for the John Smith report did not ask a specific question about the pandemic, but Barnes says it came up in focus groups conducted as part of the research. 'There was a feeling Covid was yet another thing that had damaged young people's upbringing,' he says. 'One young person said, 'We'll never get that time back again.' There wasn't bitterness or anger, but a feeling of lament.' Whatever the various causes, the result is a generation apparently more hardened to economic reality than millennials. 'Home ownership and the economy are far more important than climate change,' says 25-year-old Oliver Freeston, a Reform councillor from Lincolnshire. 'Climate change is natural, it's been happening for thousands of years. If we have this crazy drive to net zero it's going to bankrupt the country. It's not lowering bills, it's increasing them. For young people it's already tough with stagnating wages and a high tax burden. We don't need it to be made any harder.' In his constituency, he says, young people echo fears from older generations about excess migration, too. 'People say it's only the older people concerned about migration,' he says. 'I know so many people my age who are becoming politically motivated because they're not happy with the way the high street is changing, how they can't get on the property ladder, how rents are going up, they can't get a GP appointment. This affects young people just as much as it affects older people.' Some 51 per cent of respondents surveyed for the John Smith Centre research agreed immigration has changed their communities for the better, but 32 per cent disagreed. Immigration had more support among better-educated and higher-earning groups, as it does in older generations. But a concern with economic basics is not confined to young people on the political Right. Saira Banu, also 25 and completing a master's degree at King's College London, contributed to a focus group for the report. Originally from Dubai, she voted Labour at the last election, but agrees the priority for her peers is financial. 'I'm constantly worrying about money because I live in London and it's expensive and there's a housing crisis,' she says. 'I have friends who commute in from Birmingham because they can't afford to live in London. It's a privilege to be able to worry about the climate and culture wars and things like that.' On politics itself, the survey found that Labour retained a lead, with 30 per cent of respondents saying they would vote for it, but the Greens and Reform were tied in second place, at around 15 per cent each. The Tories would get only 9 per cent of the vote. But more broadly the report found respondents were 'disillusioned with traditional parties' and that Labour and the Conservatives could no longer count on their vote. 'Why are we talking about Gen Z as these hyper-progressive or hyper-regressive people who are super interested in social issues and identity issues, when very clearly their concerns are about cost of living, getting a house and getting a good job?' says James Kanagasooriam, of Focaldata. 'Gen Z is being parsed by other people in a way that isn't, I think, potentially that accurate. [The study] is a great sense check on what is actually important.' He adds that Gen Z are less homogeneous in their voting intentions than previous generations: 'People who are trying to divine the next generation need to remind themselves that they are not like the generation before them. Prior to the 2019 general election, boomers were almost unilaterally voting for the Right and millennials were unilaterally voting for the Left. It's clear that Gen Z people will go their own way.' Donald Trump's re-election in the US, helped by a stronger-than-expected performance among young men, had prompted fears that young people in the UK similarly crave a powerful leader. A study commissioned by Channel 4 earlier this year found that 52 per cent of Gen Z thought 'the UK would be a better place if a strong leader was in charge who does not have to bother with elections'. The John Smith report found that they support democracy by 57 per cent to 27 per cent, but agree that 'democracy in the UK is in trouble' by 63 per cent to 24 per cent. More generally, the picture painted in the John Smith report is surprisingly sunny. Despite their fears about housing, the cost of living and job insecurity, nearly two thirds of respondents said they felt 'optimistic' about their own futures, although again this figure skewed higher among those with higher levels of education and income. Barnes, who was formerly the head of strategy for Ruth Davidson, the ex-leader of the Scottish Conservatives, says that the report points to a simple path to improving trust in politics. 'To show that politics is working it's pretty simple,' he says. 'Build more houses, get an economy growing. That's the big message coming from this poll. 'There has been a lot of doom and gloom about Gen Z, and that 'oh, God, it's going to hell',' he adds. 'But perhaps we should be wary of catastrophising them when they seem to be broadly positive about the country.' With a yawning pensions deficit and a murky economic outlook, Britain's ageing population is counting on Gen Z to provide for them. It is lucky that the kids seem – perhaps surprisingly – all right. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
