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Anwar-led talks yield ceasefire, reinforce Asean's role in regional peace
Anwar-led talks yield ceasefire, reinforce Asean's role in regional peace

The Star

time3 days ago

  • Politics
  • The Star

Anwar-led talks yield ceasefire, reinforce Asean's role in regional peace

KUALA LUMPUR, July 28 (Bernama) -- The agreement on an immediate and unconditional ceasefire reached between Thailand and Cambodia during a special meeting held in Putrajaya on Monday highlighted Asean's role as an effective mechanism in resolving regional disputes, as both parties complied with the bloc's call for order. School of Law and Governance Senior Lecturer at Taylor's University, Dr Julia Roknifard, said the desire of Asean members to avoid interference in the internal affairs of the grouping, prompted by United States President Donald Trump's threats, has encouraged both Thailand and Cambodia to adhere to the principle of Asean centrality. "At first, they (Thailand and Cambodia) didn't seem so open to the idea that Asean can play a role, saying that they would like to negotiate on a bilateral basis between each other. Yet, Asean turned out to be the very mechanism to call them to order, and they complied. "The very fact that the Thai and Cambodian leaders had the confidence to hold the talks in Malaysia with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as the host bodes well for Asean as a cooperative organisation,' she said when contacted by Bernama on Monday. Earlier, Anwar announced that Thailand and Cambodia agreed to an immediate and unconditional ceasefire amid rising tensions along their disputed border, following a special meeting he chaired in Putrajaya on Monday. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Thailand's acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai attended the meeting. Also in attendance were United States (US) Ambassador to Malaysia, Edgard Kagan, and Chinese Ambassador to Malaysia, Ouyang Yujing. The US was a co-organiser of the meeting, while China was an observer to promote a peaceful resolution to the ongoing situation. According to Roknifard, both Cambodia and Thailand must work towards putting an end to the conflict, preferably for good, as such situations create an opening for external powers that are seeking to further their own interests. "This will be detrimental to the whole region as we will see instability, potentially a refugee crisis and the proliferation of weapons and increased criminal and militant activity. "None of this will be good for Asean, which is already struggling to address the conflict in Myanmar and potential conflicts in the South China Sea,' she added. During the special meeting in Putrajaya on Monday, Cambodia and Thailand reached a common understanding, including an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, with effect from 24:00 hours (local time) on July 28. The two South-East Asian neighbours have a long history of diplomatic rows over an 817-kilometre undemarcated stretch of their shared border. Tensions between Thailand and Cambodia have been simmering since May 28 following a skirmish between their troops near the disputed Preah Vihear border area, which claimed the life of a Cambodian soldier. The latest round of hostilities erupted on July 24. Armed clashes have been reported along Cambodia's northern border region, with fatalities on both sides. - Bernama

Anwar-Led Talks Yield Ceasefire, Reinforce ASEAN's Role In Regional Peace
Anwar-Led Talks Yield Ceasefire, Reinforce ASEAN's Role In Regional Peace

Barnama

time3 days ago

  • Politics
  • Barnama

Anwar-Led Talks Yield Ceasefire, Reinforce ASEAN's Role In Regional Peace

By Rohani Mohd Ibrahim KUALA LUMPUR, July 28 (Bernama) -- The agreement on an immediate and unconditional ceasefire reached between Thailand and Cambodia during a special meeting held in Putrajaya on Monday highlighted ASEAN's role as an effective mechanism in resolving regional disputes, as both parties complied with the bloc's call for order. School of Law and Governance Senior Lecturer at Taylor's University, Dr Julia Roknifard, said the desire of ASEAN members to avoid interference in the internal affairs of the grouping, prompted by United States President Donald Trump's threats, has encouraged both Thailand and Cambodia to adhere to the principle of ASEAN centrality. bootstrap slideshow 'At first, they (Thailand and Cambodia) didn't seem so open to the idea that ASEAN can play a role, saying that they would like to negotiate on a bilateral basis between each other. Yet, ASEAN turned out to be the very mechanism to call them to order, and they complied. 'The very fact that the Thai and Cambodian leaders had the confidence to hold the talks in Malaysia with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim as the host bodes well for ASEAN as a cooperative organisation,' she said when contacted by Bernama on Monday. Earlier, Anwar announced that Thailand and Cambodia agreed to an immediate and unconditional ceasefire amid rising tensions along their disputed border, following a special meeting he chaired in Putrajaya on Monday. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet and Thailand's acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai attended the meeting. Also in attendance were United States (US) Ambassador to Malaysia, Edgard Kagan, and Chinese Ambassador to Malaysia, Ouyang Yujing. The US was a co-organiser of the meeting, while China was an observer to promote a peaceful resolution to the ongoing situation. According to Roknifard, both Cambodia and Thailand must work towards putting an end to the conflict, preferably for good, as such situations create an opening for external powers that are seeking to further their own interests.

Comment: A cautionary tale for Asean from the Middle East
Comment: A cautionary tale for Asean from the Middle East

The Star

time21-07-2025

  • Politics
  • The Star

Comment: A cautionary tale for Asean from the Middle East

(A commentary by Dr Julia Roknifard, a Middle East expert and a Senior Lecturer for the Bachelor's program on Philosophy, Politics, and Economics (PPE) at Taylor's University. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of BERNAMA.) As the Middle East remains in a state of dangerous instability, Asean presented with an opportunity to examine the causes of these conflicts and draw valuable lessons. While taking pride in its longstanding neutrality and consensus-building, which have underpinned its regional stability, Asean must adapt to emerging geopolitical realities. For the grouping to maintain its relevance and agency in a contested multipolar world, it must avoid the strategic fragmentation that has plagued the Middle East and strengthen its own framework for collective security. Asean's fragile consensus Asean, in contrast, has often been lauded for its cautious but sustainable approach to diplomacy, with principles of non-interference, consensus, and neutrality at its core. The "ASEAN Way' of informal dialogue and mutual respect has helped prevent open conflict among its members for decades. There are challenges, however, with great power rivalry over the South China Sea, which has exposed Asean's internal divisions as just one glaring example. While Vietnam and the Philippines seek stronger resistance against encroachments, others like Cambodia and Laos often take a more accommodating stance. This divergence threatens to paralyse the grouping when collective action is most needed. Furthermore, Asean faces growing pressure from external powers such as China, the United States, India, Japan, and the European Union, all vying for influence in the region. The Quad, AUKUS (Australia, the UK, and the US), and increased US military presence signal a securitised Asia-Pacific that could soon drag Asean into rivalries it has long sought to avoid. Without greater strategic cohesion, Asean risks repeating the Middle Eastern pattern of division and dependency, becoming an arena for power projection rather than an actor shaping its own future. Key lessons and the way forward for Asean The Middle East demonstrates that a lack of regional unity leaves individual nations vulnerable to manipulation and exploitation. Asean must recognise that its strength lies not in the sum of its parts, but in its ability to act with a unified voice. While complete consensus may be elusive, a flexible core group of willing states could lead on issues of regional security without waiting for unanimity. Asean's commitment to neutrality has served it well, but in a more polarised world, neutrality must evolve into proactive non-alignment. This means not only avoiding entanglement in great-power blocs but also taking a firmer stand on regional security issues, particularly in maritime disputes, cross-border security, and transnational crime. It is important to note that these very criminal networks that operate along porous borders are often exploited to traffic arms that could be used by non-state actors to create instability. Unlike the Middle East, Asean has an advantage through its institutional foundation, which could facilitate a multilateral defence or security coordination framework. While a full military alliance may be unrealistic, a regional maritime coordination centre, joint patrol arrangements, or a rapid response force for non-traditional threats such as disaster relief, piracy, and cyberattacks would enhance Asean's credibility and security. Asan should adopt a more robust position against the militarisation of its region by external actors. Just as foreign bases and arms deals in the Middle East have entrenched foreign influence, Southeast Asia must guard against becoming a base for great-power military logistics or surveillance. Transparency, dialogue, and clear regional red lines can help manage this risk. Institutions such as the Arab League have been ineffective in part due to a lack of enforcement capability and legitimacy. Asean must avoid the same fate by streamlining decision-making, empowering its secretariat, and reducing the influence of members who act as proxies for external interests. To secure its future, Asean must begin a serious conversation about regional defence autonomy. This doesn't mean cutting ties with the US or China or other blocs, but rather strengthening the grouping's collective bargaining power and ability to shape outcomes in its own neighbourhood. South-East Asia's economic dynamism and strategic location give it leverage, but only if wielded with strategic intent. Asean could develop a code of conduct not only for the South China Sea but for all foreign military activity in Southeast Asia. This would require transparency on base agreements, arms transfers, and intelligence-sharing with external powers. This must be paired by expanding the Asean Défense Ministers' Meeting (ADMM) to include a permanent crisis monitoring centre capable of early warning and real-time coordination. Intelligence sharing and surveillance coordination, which are currently fragmented, will be far more effective and successful through this. The grouping must also reinforce its political values. Non-interference must not become a shield for impunity. Myanmar's crisis is a test of Asean's will to uphold basic norms of governance and order. If unresolved, it threatens to erode the region's moral authority and cohesion. Asean must shape its own trajectory The Middle East did not descend into chaos overnight. It unravelled through decades of missed opportunities, broken alliances, and dependence on foreign patrons. For now, Asean is in a far better position as it can either build on its history of cautious cooperation to become a more resilient, strategic actor, or it can cling to an outdated consensus model and become another arena for global competition. Asean's future as a stable, independent regional bloc depends on whether it can draw the right lessons from the Middle East and act on them before the storm arrives. - Bernama

Papua New Guinea's Asean bid faces a long road
Papua New Guinea's Asean bid faces a long road

The Star

time08-07-2025

  • Business
  • The Star

Papua New Guinea's Asean bid faces a long road

KUALA LUMPUR: Papua New Guinea's bid to join Asean may be raised at the 58th Asean Foreign Ministers Meeting (AMM), but analysts expect a long and winding road ahead. They point to Timor-Leste's experience, which will finally be admitted in October as the 11th member nation of the regional grouping, due to the slew of political, legal and economic requirements it had to comply with. Julia Roknifard, senior lecturer at the School of Law and Gover­nance, Taylor's University, said the island nation's bid to join the grouping could be a topic during the Asean-Australia dialogue. ALSO READ: Asean balancing act begins She said it was Timor-Leste's turn to accede this year, with matters still being assessed given the vast economic disparity between the country and the rest of Asean. 'So for Papua New Guinea, it will be a long way to accession.' Roknifard said discussions on facilitating Papua New Guinea's membership could centre on the possibility of setting up a commission, as was done during Timor-Leste's bid to join the regional grouping. More importantly, she said Papua New Guinea has 'to satisfy the geographical criteria', with the rest remaining at the discretion of Asean members. 'Papua New Guinea is rich in natural resources and can contribute to commodity exports of Asean. 'It is also home to a population of 10 million, which is a big consumer base,' she said. Political analyst Azmi Hassan said certain South-East Asian countries might not be interested in accepting Papua New Guinea as a full-fledged Asean member, given its proximity to Australia. 'Geographically, Papua New Guinea is not part of South-East Asia, so it will be difficult for them to be accepted wholeheartedly by Asean members.' Universiti Malaya International and Strategic Studies Department Assoc Prof Dr Khoo Ying Hooi also said the island nation's bid 'may not move fast'. 'There will be questions about whether it is ready institutionally, politically and economically to meet Asean standards. 'It is not just about wanting to join, as Asean will look at whether Papua New Guinea fits with the region's dynamics, and whether its inclusion will make consensus even harder to achieve, especially when we are already stuck on big issues like Myanmar,' she said, adding that Papua New Guinea is situated in Oceania and has closer ties within that region. 'While Papua New Guinea's application might be discussed or acknowledged, I don't see any real decision happening soon.' On Saturday, Indonesia's Foreign Ministry said Papua New Guinea's bid to join Asean will be discussed at the AMM in Kuala Lumpur. Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto expressed support for the move during the 46th Asean Summit held in Kuala Lumpur in May.

Roknifard: Regime Change in Iran Unlikely
Roknifard: Regime Change in Iran Unlikely

Yahoo

time23-06-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Roknifard: Regime Change in Iran Unlikely

Israel woke up to a new reality Sunday after President Trump confirmed that the US had bombed Iran's main three nuclear sites. The attack has been lauded across Israel as a historic symbol of unprecedented cooperation with the US. However, now the concern is about how Iran will respond. Julia Roknifard, Senior Lecturer, School of Law & Governance at Taylor's University, Malaysia told Bloomberg's Horizons Middle East and Africa anchor Joumanna Bercetche expecting a regime change in Iran on the back of these attacks is extremely unlikely.

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