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Shafaq News
24-05-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
The 15% ceiling: Islamist parties' complex path in Iraqi Kurdistan
Shafaq News/ Islamist movements in the Kurdistan Region are grappling with waning public support, evolving social dynamics, and mounting regional interference. Although Kurdish society blends religious conservatism with modern nationalist ideals, Islamist parties have struggled to convert that cultural fabric into lasting political traction. While party leaders claim growing influence, analysts argue that political Islam in Kurdistan has stalled—its momentum slowed by deep-rooted historical and ideological constraints. A Fragmented Rise Islamist political movements began to emerge in the Kurdistan Region in the late 20th century, shaped by regional developments and shifting domestic dynamics. The Kurdistan Islamic Movement (KIM) was established in 1987 by Sheikh Osman Abdul Aziz and a group of clerics, drawing ideological influence from both the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi currents. The political landscape shifted in 1991 following the Kurdish uprising against Saddam Hussein and the creation of a de facto autonomous administration in northern Iraq. This new environment allowed for the rise of various political actors, including Islamist factions. Among them was the Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU), launched as the Kurdish branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. In contrast to the KIM, the KIU, at that time, emphasized political participation and engagement with emerging institutions rather than armed activity. Throughout the 1990s, the KIM maintained an armed wing and became involved in a series of confrontations with secular Kurdish parties, particularly the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). These clashes reflected both ideological differences and local power rivalries. Over time, regional mediation efforts contributed to a gradual de-escalation and the partial demobilization of KIM forces. The group eventually moved toward greater involvement in formal political processes. Internal divisions continued to shape the Islamist camp. In the early 2000s, Ali Bapir, a senior KIM leader, split from the movement to form a new faction—the Islamic Group of Kurdistan, later renamed the Kurdistan Justice Group (KJG/ Jama'at Al-Adl Al-Islamiya). This party adopted a more pragmatic posture, combining Islamic values with advocacy for social and political reform, and gradually built a support base in certain areas of the region. Hardline factions also emerged. In 2001, Ansar al-Islam was established near the Iranian border, adopting a Salafi-jihadist ideology and imposing strict interpretations of Islamic law in territories under its control. The group pledged allegiance to al-Qaeda and drew international attention during the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq. It was targeted in joint operations involving Kurdish and American forces. Despite initial momentum and an established presence in some areas, Islamist parties have struggled to secure broad political influence. Collectively, they have rarely won more than 15% of the vote in Kurdistan Region parliamentary elections. Analysts attribute this to the sustained dominance of the two main secular nationalist parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the PUK, as well as internal divisions among Islamist factions. Leaders Claim Gains, Analysts See Dip The strength of Islamist parties in the Kurdistan Region remains a subject of debate, with party leaders defending their relevance while analysts highlight signs of decline. Ahmed Haji Rashid, senior leader in the Kurdistan Justice Group (KJG) and member of Iraq's federal parliament, rejected claims of waning influence. In remarks to Shafaq News, he pointed to the group's performance in Baghdad, where Islamist representation increased from four seats during the 2018–2021 terms to five in the current parliament—an outcome viewed as evidence of stable voter support. Addressing the 2024 Kurdistan parliamentary elections, Rashid noted that Islamist parties secured 10 out of 100 seats, down from 12 in 2018. He described the drop as marginal and underscored continued backing in conservative regions such as Halabja, Kirkuk, and parts of Erbil and al-Sulaymaniyah. He also distinguished between Islam as a cultural identity and Islamism as a political project. 'Kurdistan's religiosity is not seasonal, It's cultural, generational, and deeply ingrained.' In his view, this enduring social structure continues to sustain faith-based political movements. Others view the trajectory differently. Political analyst Fuad Majid, based in al-Sulaymaniyah, pointed to structural weaknesses within Islamist factions, many of which were built on models imported from abroad, including the Muslim Brotherhood and Turkiye's Justice and Development Party (AKP). These origins, he argued, limited their ability to align with Kurdish political traditions and resonate with younger voters. Majid also identified past links to extremism as a lasting burden. The legacy of Ansar al-Islam in the early 2000s and the more recent trauma of ISIS have contributed to public unease. 'Many people associate political Islam with instability and authoritarianism. Even among religious families, skepticism toward Islamist parties is on the rise,' he noted to Shafaq News. A 2024 survey conducted by the Kurdistan Institute for Political Studies reflected this trend. Only 11% of respondents supported Islamist parties, compared with 52% favoring nationalist or secular groups. Among voters under 30, support for Islamist factions dropped below 6%, indicating a sharp generational decline. Nearly 37% expressed no party preference, citing broad disillusionment with the political system. Observers also reported declining turnout in areas once considered Islamist bastions. Without internal reforms and a coordinated political vision, projections suggest Islamist parties may struggle to hold even 10% of the vote in future Kurdistan parliamentary elections. Undermining Kurdish Unity? Beyond electoral dynamics, analysts are voicing concern over the growing influence of cross-border Islamist movements in the Kurdistan Region, warning that these ideologies may be weakening national cohesion and reshaping social norms. Karzan Murad, an academic in international relations, described movements such as Salafism, political Shiism, and factions aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood as more than religious currents. In comments to Shafaq News, he characterized them as strategic tools used by regional powers to undermine Kurdish nationalism. 'These groups exploit social vacuums to instill sectarian loyalty in place of national belonging,' Murad explained, pointing to a rising trend among such movements to reject ethnic identity altogether, often framing it as religious deviation. 'They regard national identity as heresy,' he observed. Murad identified the 2014 ISIS offensive on Sinjar and the subsequent Yazidi genocide as a turning point that revealed the social impact of extremist ideologies. He linked the massacre to a broader erosion of Kurdish cultural foundations. 'Their rise has fueled extremism and weakened traditional Kurdish values,' he said. He also raised concerns over changing demographics in disputed areas, where Iran-backed armed groups and other regional actors have been accused of influencing population patterns. These efforts, he argued, form part of a broader campaign to dilute Kurdish presence and fragment collective identity. Piety vs. Politics The evolution of Islamist movements in Kurdistan has not occurred in isolation from regional dynamics. Over the past few decades, the Middle East has witnessed recurring waves of political Islam—from the Iranian revolution to the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood and the emergence of jihadist groups. Though these movements primarily unfolded elsewhere, they still had an indirect impact on the Kurdish political landscape. External support for Kurdish Islamist factions from regional powers, such as the close relationship between the Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) and Turkiye, and the ideological continuity of the Muslim Brotherhood across borders, helped shape the local political-Islamic current. However, as the threat of ISIS loomed large, many Kurds turned to their nationalist parties, seeking security and stability. In the face of existential dangers, the appeal of Islamist discourse waned, as Kurdish political priorities shifted toward safeguarding the region's future. Between 2014 and 2017, as Kurdish forces led battles against ISIS, voter turnout in some conservative districts shifted decisively in favor of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). Yet, popular piety remains deeply embedded in Kurdish society. Daily religious practices—ranging from wearing the hijab and attending mosques to following Sufi traditions—coexist with strong political loyalty to secular nationalist parties. This creates a paradox: while Islam holds a significant emotional and cultural presence, it has not translated into the same political traction. As Ahmad Haji Rashid observed, "deep-rooted popular Islam is one thing, and political Islam is another," underscoring the distinction between personal devotion and political engagement. Despite these complexities, the Kurdistan Islamic Union has remained a notable opposition force, rejecting what it perceives as populist rhetoric. "We chose not to join the latest government due to service and economic challenges and a lack of transparency," Political Bureau member Ghazi Saeed explained to Shafaq News. "Nevertheless, we preserved a solid level of representation—in fact, our seats in the Kurdistan Parliament rose from five to seven, even though the total number of contested seats was reduced." Saeed further emphasized that while some parties may experience temporary electoral success, "they quickly dissolve." The KIU, he added, places greater importance on consistency and principles than on chasing fleeting political waves.


Rudaw Net
19-05-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
KDP, PUK to contest Iraq's 2025 legislative elections separately: KRG deputy PM
Also in Kurdistan President Barzani pushes to boost Erbil-Tehran ties, elevate Kurdistan Region's status The secrets of Soran: A 7,000-year-old discovery Mosul woman diagnosed with hemorrhagic fever in Erbil Kurdistan Region governors to visit Sanandaj for economy talks A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Kurdistan Region Deputy Prime Minister Qubad Talabani announced on Sunday that his party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) will contest Iraq's November 2025 legislative elections separately, while continuing talks to form the Region's long-delayed government. Speaking at a press conference in Sulaimani, Talabani stated, 'We have decided not to unite under a single list. Instead, each [party] will run with its own list,' adding, 'From what I understood in the previous meeting [with the KDP], it may be better for everyone to participate with their own list.' Iraq is scheduled to hold its legislative elections on November 11, which will include the Kurdistan Region. The Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC) announced on Wednesday that candidate registration for the elections will begin on May 25 and run through June 24. Talabani's announcement comes as the Kurdistan Region's ruling parties have been holding talks since last November to form the Kurdistan Regional Government's (KRG) tenth cabinet. The Region held delayed parliamentary elections in October, with the KDP emerging as the leading party, securing 39 seats in the 100-member legislature, followed by the PUK with 23 seats. As no single party won a majority, a governing coalition will need to be formed, as has traditionally been the case. Talabani reaffirmed on Sunday that talks between the PUK and KDP 'are ongoing.' He added that senior KDP figure and head of the party's government formation delegation, Hoshyar Zebari, had visited Sulaimani, where they discussed holding 'another meeting between the KDP and PUK this week to move forward with the formation of the tenth cabinet of Kurdistan.' Following their latest meeting, a PUK figure told Rudaw that the two parties have yet to agree on the allocation of key government posts. Talabani stated that the distribution of posts will be clarified when announced but did not provide further details. Meanwhile, Kurdish opposition parties have been working since early May to form a united front for Iraq's November 2025 legislative election, seemingly to challenge the Kurdish ruling parties at the federal level. The opposition groups include the New Generation Movement led by Shaswar Abdulwahid, the Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) led by Salahadin Bahadin, the Kurdistan Justice Group (Komal) led by Ali Bapir, the Halwest movement led by Ali Hama Saleh, and the People's Front (Baray Gal) led by Lahur Talabany. These groups performed modestly in the Kurdistan Region's October vote. The New Generation won 15 seats, KIU seven, Halwest four, Komal three, and Baray Gal two in the 100-member parliament. However, in a surprising turn, the National Stance Movement (Halwest) announced its withdrawal from the talks last week, accusing some parties of engaging in separate discussions with Baghdad. At the time, Shadman Hassan, a member of the Lahur Talabany-led People's Front (Baray Gal), told Rudaw that the alliance seeks to consolidate Kurdish opposition votes and remains open to cooperation with any group, except the KDP and the PUK. It remains to be seen whether this condition will persist.


Rudaw Net
11-05-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
Push for unified Kurdish opposition bloc set back by key group's withdrawal
Also in Iraq Kurdish-directed 'Said Effendi' to make historic debut at Cannes Festival More than a decade on, 2,500 Yazidis still missing after ISIS attack Iraqi university to launch AI programs Iraqi ministry says over 2,200 prisoners released under general amnesty law A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Kurdish opposition parties say they held 'positive' meetings in Sulaimani for the second consecutive day on Sunday, as efforts continue to form a unified alliance for Iraq's upcoming federal elections. However, in a surprising turn, the National Stance Movement (Halwest) announced its withdrawal from the talks, accusing some parties of engaging in separate talks with Baghdad. The meetings brought together several opposition parties including: the Shaswar Abdulwahid-led New Generation Movement, Salahadin Bahadin's Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU), Ali Bapir's Kurdistan Justice Group (Komal), the Ali Hama Saleh's Halwest, and the Lahur Talabany-led People's Front (Baray Gal). In the Kurdistan Region's October legislative elections, the ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), led by Masoud Barzani, won 39 of the 100 parliamentary seats, followed by the Bafel Talabani-led Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) with 23. Opposition parties saw more modest results: New Generation won 15 seats, KIU seven, Halwest four, Komal three, and Baray Gal two. Sunday's meeting, hosted at Halwest's headquarters in Sulaimani, appeared productive until Halwest leader Ali Hama Saleh abruptly announced the movement's exit from the coalition talks. 'We, the Halwest Movement, formally announce that we will not enter a coalition and list with people…who are not worthy of our trust, and surely the trust of the people of Kurdistan,' Saleh said at a press conference. 'After comprehensive talks… it became apparent that there is no [clear] nationalistic agenda,' Saleh said, adding that 'while some parties were holding talks with us, they were simultaneously engaging in talks with Iraq [Baghdad government] about [their] participation in the [upcoming Iraqi] government.' The announcement contrasted with earlier statements from Halwest officials suggesting progress. Hours before Saleh's remarks, the movement's spokesperson, Bakhtiyar Shawais, stated that 'the meetings are going very well and there is an understanding [in the making].' Senior Halwest member, Rebwar Karim, had also stated, 'We proposed nominating 30 prominent figures from across Kurdistan and the disputed territories,instead of having party candidates [run] in the Iraqi legislative elections.' 'We, as the Halwest movement, are ready to forgo fielding our own candidates,' Karim added, emphasizing the movement's willingness to prioritize coalition unity. "Plans are underway to determine the future actions of this coalition in Iraq, with most parties favouring its continuation after the elections,' he said. In a similar vein, former Kurdistan Region parliament speaker, Yousif Mohammed - who also attended the Sunday meeting - remarked that 'some discussions have been held' and that 'in general, the situation is positive.' On Saturday, the Kurdish opposition parties had also met at the KIU's headquarters in Sulaimani. During the meeting, Halwest presented its 'People's Alliance' project - a proposed roadmap for both the formation and future direction of the coalition. Halwest stressed the importance of establishing a unified front but expressed concern over the coalition's direction after the 2025 federal elections. 'We should not just aim to [benefit from] collecting each other's votes,' Halwest cautioned, expressing support for backing the candidacy of 30 independent and influential figures who would be jointly supported by all of the anticipated alliance's members. Meanwhile, the New Generation Movement - which holds the most seats among the opposition parties - in a Sunday statement on Facebook, asserted its right to lead the anticipated coalition. However, it offered to give up that entitlement to foster unity. 'While most [of the opposition] parties have recognized the New Generation's right to lead, we give up that right to you [opposition parties] in the interest of the coalition's success and as a sign of respect.' New Generation further expressed support for joining Iraq's next federal government, arguing that the 'entire Kurdish share' in Baghdad should not be left solely to the KDP and PUK. However, it stressed that any decision to join the government must be reached by coalition consensus. Since early May, Kurdish opposition parties have been working toward forming a united front ahead of the November 2025 legislative elections, seemingly aiming to challenge the Kurdish ruling parties at the federal level. Shadman Hassan, a member of the Lahur Talabany-led People's Front, Baray Gal, told Rudaw that the alliance seeks to consolidate Kurdish opposition votes and is open to cooperation with any group except the KDP and the PUK. Although the Kurdish opposition parties initially planned to announce the date of their next meeting on Sunday, Halwest's abrupt withdrawal has cast uncertainty over when - or if - the meeting will take place.


Rudaw Net
10-04-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
Kurdistan Islamic parties say Erbil authorities blocked Gaza rally
Also in Kurdistan Formation of new KRG government 'different' this time around: Qubad Talabani Kurdistan Region security identify ISIS-linked assailant behind attack on Christians Assyrian, Chaldean Christian heritage showcased at Ankawa festival KDP leader Barzani urges KDP, PUK to accelerate government formation A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - The Kurdistan Region's two main Islamic opposition parties said on Thursday that Erbil province authorities rejected their request to hold a mass rally in support of Gaza. The Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) and the Kurdistan Justice Group (Komal) stated in a joint statement on Wednesday that they had plans to hold a rally on Saturday, in solidarity with Gaza in front of Erbil's Shanidar Park, near the city's historic citadel. 'We will hold a mass rally to support the Gaza Strip against the genocide they are facing,' read a joint statement by the two parties. However, on Thursday, the two parties said that their representatives had approached the Erbil provincial office to request 'authorization [to hold the rally] and security coverage for our rally from the relevant authorities,' but their request was denied. Speaking to Rudaw on condition of anonymity, a senior source from Erbil's provincial office said on Thursday that other groups had also submitted requests to hold rallies in support of Gaza. However, all such requests have been turned down because 'such a rally in Erbil is deemed unnecessary.' Komal and the KIU had stated on Wednesday, 'As always, as a religious and humanitarian duty, we strongly condemn the crimes against humanity committed by the occupier [Israeli] army, in a flagrant violation of all heavenly and humanitarian laws and norms.' 'We urge international organizations to put an end to these [Israeli] crimes,' they added. In October 2023, the Palestinian movement Hamas launched a large-scale incursion into southern Israel, killing more than 1,170 people, according to Israeli figures. Israel responded with a massive offensive in Gaza that killed 50,000 people, mostly Palestinian civilians, according to the Gaza health ministry. Following 15 months of war, Israel and Hamas agreed to a ceasefire which went into effect in mid-January. However, on March 18, Israel launched new attacks on Gaza, killing more than 1400 Palestinians and injuring more than 2500 others, according to the Gaza health ministry. Israel says the offensive aims to secure the return of 59 hostages still held by Hamas. In the Kurdistan Region, humanitarian efforts in support of Gaza have continued. Haji Karwan, a former member of the KIU and head of the Erbil-based Bextewery Organization, told Rudaw's Nwenar Fatih in early April that his organization has sent $5 million in aid to Gaza since the start of the war. The aid, he said, was raised through public donations across the Kurdistan Region. For its part, the Erbil-based Barzani Charity Foundation (BCF) announced in November 2023 that it would send humanitarian aid to Gaza in support of the Palestinian people. The aid package included 14 tons of medicine and medical supplies, 2,500 food parcels, 200 boxes of hygiene products, and 400 large cartons of clothes. BCF President Musa Ahmad said his foundation coordinated with Palestinian officials and partner organizations to deliver the aid.


Rudaw Net
28-02-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
KIU says governance in Kurdistan Region is backsliding
Also in Kurdistan Kurdistan Region leaders, officials welcome Ocalan's call on PKK to disarm Ocalan will ask the PKK to disarm: President Barzani President Barzani, Ameri discuss political developments, enhancing dialogue in Iraq Erbil Forum kicks off A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - The leader of the Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) on Friday said he is concerned about the state of governance in the Kurdistan Region and confirmed his party will not take part in the next cabinet, arguing that they can be more effective in opposition. Salahaddin Bahaaddin, the KIU's secretary-general, stated during a panel at Erbil Forum 2025 that while his party maintains good relations with the ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), they have long harbored concerns about governance in the Kurdistan Region. 'Rather than improving, it has backslid,' he said, adding that the current political reality prevents any party outside the ruling blocs from having a role in decision-making. 'We have observations on the performance of the government,' Bahaaddin said. 'We believe these observations are legitimate and we are not willing to bear the responsibility.' The KIU experienced a significant decline in parliamentary representation between the 2013 and 2018 elections, dropping from 10 seats to 5 seats after they participated in the government. 'We were not very careful,' the KIU leader said in reference to their joining the cabinet. In the 2024 elections, KIU's seats witnessed a humble jump to 7 and the party has decided to remain in opposition. It and the other opposition parties are skeptical about participating in the government, fearing that joining the KDP-PUK coalition might alienate their supporters. The KDP and PUK, while rivals, have shared power in government since the establishment of the Kurdistan Region in the early nineties. On the first day of the Erbil Forum, Nechirvan Barzani, president of the Kurdistan Region and deputy-chair of the KDP, announced that the KDP and PUK are the 'main blocs' forming the government, and that they 'need to sit together and form the government, and the other parties need to participate too.' PUK leader Bafel Talabani on Sunday said that forming the cabinet will be complicated, though talks are progressing 'very well' with the KDP. Bahaaddin also addressed the groundbreaking letter from the jailed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan who called for the group to disarm and disband. The KIU leader said he expects a positive response from the PKK. "Ocalan is an intellectual and political figure. He knows the best direction to route the process to the best destination," he said, adding that they are ready to help advance the peace process. Bahaaddin also said that Kurdish forces in Syria 'have to accept [Ocalan's] message.' The People's Defense Units (YPG) are a Kurdish armed group in northeast Syria that is the core of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). The Turkish government considers them a PKK offshoot. Bahaaddin said 'They have to understand what happened" and should not pose a threat to efforts to chart Syria's future or the peace process in Turkey. SDF commander Mazloum Abdi welcomed Ocalan's call to lay down arms as a positive step toward peace. However, he clarified that it does not apply to the SDF. "Ocalan's call was directed at the PKK and its guerrillas, not directly at our region,' he stated during a press conference on Thursday. Salih Muslim, co-chair of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the political wing of the YPG, echoed Abdi's sentiments, emphasizing that the decision to disarm rests with the PKK and that the situation in Syria is distinct. "The ball is now in the Turkish state's court," Muslim told the PKK-affiliated ANF News, noting that this process will happen gradually and that 'the decision to dissolve itself also belongs to the PKK.' He rejected links to the PKK.