Latest news with #Komeito
CNA
5 hours ago
- Politics
- CNA
Japanese PM under mounting pressure from LDP to step down over election setback
There are growing calls from within Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's own party for him to step down, after the ruling coalition lost its majority in the Upper House. Mr Ishiba however says taking true responsibility means not resigning but staying on to tackle challenges, most of which could explain the subpar showing for both LDP and its coalition partner Komeito in the Upper House elections. Loke Wei Sue speaks to Kei Koga, Associate Professor at the School of Social Studies at Nanyang Technological University.
Japan Times
7 hours ago
- Politics
- Japan Times
Upper House election confirms inexorable decline of voting blocs
The listless performance of established parties such as the Liberal Democratic Party and Komeito in Sunday's Upper House election has confirmed the relentless decline of a long-time fixture of Japanese politics — voting blocs. While the rise of unaffiliated voters is not a new phenomenon, even in graying Japan, it's never been as apparent as on Sunday when the electorate turned up en masse for new forces able to seemingly address its frustration. Exit polls indicated that, when appealing to unaffiliated voters, the LDP faced fierce competition from smaller parties.
Japan Times
7 hours ago
- Politics
- Japan Times
Ishiba loses his ‘mandate from heaven'
Shigeru Ishiba was long considered an outside prospect to become Japan's leader — so much so that he once said it would take the involvement of the gods themselves. "If I were ever to become prime minister, it would probably be when the Liberal Democratic Party or Japan was in serious deadlock,' he wrote in his book published last year. "Unless I receive a mandate from heaven, it's unlikely to happen.' After Sunday's humiliation at the polls, whatever mandate from heaven he once commanded is lost. The LDP suffered a devastating loss in the Upper House elections. Ishiba had already set himself the low bar of retaining a majority in the chamber along with long-time coalition partner Komeito. It failed to achieve even that, even if the final results were better than exit polls had suggested. It's a rebuke from the electorate that has few parallels outside of times of extreme economic distress, such as when the LDP was ejected from power in 2009 in the aftermath of the global financial crisis. The brewing matter now is the ongoing trade talks with the U.S. But these results show Ishiba no longer has the authority to negotiate them as Japan's leader. Against all odds, he was elected LDP leader, and therefore prime minister, after a fractious search in 2024 — with a party tainted by scandal looking for a new face that could win elections. He had previously sought the top office on four separate occasions and had declared this his last attempt. With little support from traditional factions and hewing to a more liberal wing of the party than normally commanded power, his goal seemed quixotic. Nonetheless, he saw off the opposition to realize his four decade-long quest to to lead Japan. This latest crisis was largely of Ishiba's own making. Upon becoming prime minister last year, he called a snap election — one that wasn't legally required and which he initially said he wouldn't seek. His purported popularity dissipated instantly and he was forced into a minority government. His period in power since has been a hodgepodge of temporary alliances just to keep government lights on. Last month, Ishiba oversaw the most disastrous campaign ever for his party in the Tokyo assembly election. Surely, this third time must be his last chance. He has been so unpopular with his own party's candidates that many asked he not show up at rallies. As a result, the LDP was virtually anonymous and the party that has ruled Japan for most of the last seven decades yielded the debate floor to the opposition. The vote in 2024 left the LDP without accomplishments to run on, while smaller groups with YouTube accounts and gripes about foreigners promised the electorate everything. In 2009, as a member of then-Prime Minister Taro Aso's Cabinet, Ishiba was among the first to break ranks after an electoral defeat and call for Aso's removal. Yet now, in the face of a far worse loss, he insists he will stay on, citing the need to handle the ongoing U.S. tariff talks — discussions he has presided over for three months without the slightest sign of progress. Ishiba's smartest political move has been to exploit the threat of U.S. President Donald Trump to extend his own time in power. He cleverly branded the threat of tariffs a "national crisis,' a phrase politicians previously used to describe the likes of the devastating March 11, 2011, earthquake. But Sunday's results leave little doubt. In three major elections in a row, the public has rejected him. Younger voters and conservatives deserted the LDP in droves, drawn instead to the likes of the fringe right party Sanseito. It's a movement that I believe won't last long, but which is attracting right-leaning voters with its populist talk — and nabbing those who would normally lean LDP. If, like in Aso's era, there was an organized opposition party waiting in the wings to take power that would be one thing. But the protest vote from a disillusioned electorate has gone instead to cranks and conspiracy theorists. Ishiba says he must solve the trade issue, but what right does he have to negotiate such long-lasting deals? No one wants to see a return to the "revolving door' of Japanese politics. But this is an exception. Ishiba must do the right thing and resign. It's unclear if there's anyone in the LDP who can salvage the party's fortunes. But it's not the current prime minister. Gearoid Reidy is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist covering Japan and the Koreas.
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First Post
10 hours ago
- Politics
- First Post
Double whammy for Japan: Decline of Ishiba's LDP, and rise of far right
After back-to-back defeats in both houses—a historic first in 70 years for the Liberal Democratic Party—the latest Upper House loss may well signal that time is running out for PM Shigeru Ishiba. At the same time, a far-right surge has unmistakably reached Japan's shores read more Japan's Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba attends a press conference at the headquarters of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Tokyo on July 21, 2025, the day after the prime minister's coalition lost its upper house majority. File Image/Pool via Reuters With the results of Japan's latest upper house (House of Councillors) election held on Sunday, July 20, trickling in, voters have dealt a double blow to the ruling coalition of Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its junior partner, the Buddhist Komeito party. Held just nine months after Ishiba assumed the prime ministership, the election served as a strong rebuke to both the prime minister and the LDP—Japan's historically dominant party. Under Ishiba's leadership, the coalition has now suffered two consecutive defeats in national elections in under a year—in the lower house (October 2024), and in upper house now. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD First Time in Seven Decades Of the 248 seats in the upper chamber, 125 were contested in Sunday's election. The LDP and Komeito needed to retain at least 50 of their combined 66 seats to maintain their majority. They fell short, winning only 47 seats—better than early projections, but not enough to hold control. This marks the first time since World War II, and in the LDP's 70-year history, that an LDP-led coalition does not hold a majority in either house of Japan's national legislature—the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors. Results Decoded According to NHK's Monday, July 21 morning projections, the results break down as follows: The LDP is likely to win 39 seats, and its partner Komeito 8 seats, for a total of 47. The main opposition, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDP), is projected to secure 21 seats. The populist conservative Democratic Party for the People (DPP), with only four incumbents up for re-election, is expected to win 17 seats. The surprise of the election is the far-right Sanseito party, which had just one seat going in but is projected to win 14. Sanseito ran a staunchly anti-immigration campaign under the slogan 'Japanese First'. Nippon Ishin no Kai is projected to win seven seats. The Japanese Communist Party and Reiwa Shinsengumi are expected to win three seats each. And the Real Winner Is… Mirroring a broader trend seen across Europe and beyond, Japan's latest election signals the rising clout of far-right and anti-establishment forces. Once relatively insulated from such movements, Japan has now joined this global wave. The standout winners in Sunday's election are two far-right parties—Sanseito and the Democratic Party for the People—both of which didn't exist five years ago. These parties, with their populist messages, have made significant inroads, particularly among younger voters. Most notable is Sanseito's dramatic leap from one seat to 14. The five-year-old party campaigned on the idea that Japan is under a 'silent invasion' from foreigners, claiming foreign investment and tourism have made the country an 'economic colony'. They described reliance on foreign labor as a 'national doping scheme'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Sanseito has signaled its intent to join a coalition government after the next Lower House election—a possibility experts believe could gain traction amid mounting anti-LDP sentiment. The Double Whammy This comes on the heels of an earlier defeat in the more powerful Lower House election in October 2024, when Ishiba's coalition lost its majority in the 465-seat chamber. That loss was widely seen as voter punishment for numerous financial scandals. The ruling bloc's seat count fell from 279 to just 215—their worst performance since briefly losing power in 2009. The Lower House, unlike the Upper House, selects the prime minister and can override the upper chamber on budgets and legislation. To Stay On Despite the double setback, Ishiba has resisted calls to step down. In interviews with NHK on July 20 and a press conference on July 21, he made it clear he intends to remain in office to fulfill his campaign pledges. 'We've received an extremely harsh judgment from the public,' Ishiba acknowledged at LDP headquarters. '(The result) was extremely deplorable. I apologise.' But he added, 'We will not allow stagnation in national politics.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD He cited ongoing tariff talks with the United States, rising prices, and the looming threat of a major earthquake in Tokyo as reasons to stay. 'Such things do not wait for the political situation to be settled,' he said. Regarding US trade negotiations, he added, 'With the new date of August 1st in mind, I want to reach an agreement that benefits both Japan and the United States based on the idea of investments, rather than tariffs.' Dismal Approval Rating Public approval for Ishiba's cabinet has been low since he took office in October 2024. According to the latest Jiji Press survey, approval dropped 6.2 points in July to just 20.8 per cent—the lowest since his administration began. Meanwhile, disapproval surged by 6.6 points to 55.0 per cent. The reasons cited include lack of hope (29.7 per cent), lack of leadership (21.9 per cent), and disapproval of policies (21.6 per cent). Election Issues Economy: The top issue for voters was the economy—particularly rising prices following decades of stagnation. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Wage Stagnation: While wages have increased somewhat, they haven't kept pace with the cost of living. Spike in Rice Prices: A key frustration has been the sharp rise in rice prices, attributed to government failure in balancing supply and demand. Trump Tariffs: Japan's export-reliant economy is grappling with the unpredictability of former US President Trump's on-again, off-again tariff threats. In June, inflation rose by 3.3 per cent compared to a year earlier, while real wages fell 2.9 percent in May. While the ruling coalition proposed cash handouts to ease the burden, opposition parties favored cuts to the consumption tax. Confusion Galore Though Ishiba has only been in office since October 1, 2024, past prime ministers have struggled to retain power after similar losses. In fact, no LDP leader has survived after back-to-back electoral defeats. The defeats of Sosuke Uno in 1989 and Ryutaro Hashimoto in 1998 are poignant precedents. Still, Ishiba has vowed to continue—for now. But the odds are stacked heavily against him. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD A Jiji Press exit poll found that 24.3 per cent of respondents want an opposition-centered government to replace the current regime. Only 18.4 per cent supported continuation of the LDP-Komeito coalition. The poll also revealed widespread uncertainty: 9.6 per cent favored a DPP entry into the coalition. 7.0 per cent wanted the CDP to participate in government. 5.1 per cent hoped for a LDP-Komeito partnership with Nippon Ishin no Kai. A significant 35.5 per cent supported none of the above or were undecided. What Next? No national election is due until 2028. The next LDP presidential election is set for September 2027—unless Ishiba resigns earlier. The ruling coalition now finds itself in a legislative bind. Without a majority in either house, passing laws will be a challenge. Forming a third coalition partner may prove difficult; building consensus on critical issues could be even harder. After back-to-back defeats in both houses—a historic first in 70 years for the LDP—the latest Upper House loss may well signal that time is running out for Prime Minister Ishiba. Public trust in the coalition's ability to tackle inflation, stabilise prices, and push through reforms has eroded. Experts suggest the coalition's best bet may be to accept opposition policy proposals where possible and form 'diagonal' partnerships on a case-by-case basis to pass legislation. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Future Uncertain As the dust settles, the questions loom: Is this the beginning of the end for the LDP's dominance? Do the new far-right parties represent a fleeting protest vote, or a long-term shift in Japan's political landscape? Is this the voice of the young and disillusioned? It's too early to say with certainty—but what is clear is this: the ruling coalition has reached a checkmate moment. And if the fragmented opposition unites to bring a no confidence motion against the ruling LDP coalition, the unthinkable may possibly happen in Japan. The author is a multi-disciplinary thought leader with Action Bias and an India based impact consultant. He is a keen watcher of changing national and international scenarios. He works as President Advisory Services of Consulting Company BARSYL. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
Asahi Shimbun
13 hours ago
- Politics
- Asahi Shimbun
EDITORIAL: Established political parties must reconnect with the public
The ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party and Komeito has lost its majority in the Upper House, just as it did in the Lower House last October. It goes without saying that this is an extremely harsh evaluation by voters of the administration of Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba. Meanwhile, the main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan only managed to maintain the number of seats it held before the election, while new parties, such as the Democratic Party for the People and Sanseito, made significant gains. The election outcome can be seen as a defeat for the established political parties. Voters appear to believe that they have not adequately addressed the public dissatisfaction and distrust that have been growing under more than 30 years of economic stagnation. At a news conference on July 21, Ishiba reiterated his intention to remain in office, saying, 'Political stagnation cannot be allowed even for a moment.' The prime minister may have judged that it would be inadvisable to announce an immediate resignation given the imminent deadline of the Japan-U.S. tariff negotiations on Aug. 1. Still, staying in power cannot be said to be in line with the will of voters. Ishiba clearly said he is not considering expanding the coalition framework at this point. He said he would discuss individual policy issues with opposition parties, as he has done so far. However, as he failed to gain public trust in both the Lower House and Upper House elections, it remains to be seen how much cooperation opposition parties will extend. It is nothing short of a 'thorny path,' as Ishiba himself put it. Komeito, which shares responsibility for the administration as a member of the ruling coalition, won a record-low eight seats, losing three seats each in electoral districts and the proportional representation portion. Among the opposition bloc, only the Japanese Communist Party lost seats. The party won only three seats, down from its seven seats up for re-election. Despite their long histories and established organizations, both parties have been in decline in recent years due to the aging of supporters, among other factors. They will continue to be challenged to develop new support bases using methods that adapt to the changing times. In contrast to the established parties, the DPP and Sanseito, both founded five years ago, have risen. The DPP, which appeals to the working generations with its slogan of increasing take-home pay, garnered 17 seats, up from its four seats up for re-election. Sanseito, which advocates 'Japanese First' policies, gained 14 seats, although it had only one seat up for grabs. The two parties share a common strategy of expanding their support base by taking advantage of social media to criticize the established parties. Sanseito's antiforeign rhetoric has often sparked intense debates on social media and become a source of conflict and division. Still, simply frowning upon the public discontent that sometimes erupts violently will not resolve the problem. It is the role of political parties to explore the background of such 'public sentiment,' bring it to the table for discussion and present effective solutions. If that channel has been blocked, it must be urgently reconnected. The established parties must start by confronting the reality of being shunned, reflecting on what is lacking and determining what needs to be done to regain the public's trust. --The Asahi Shimbun, July 22
