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First Post
3 days ago
- Politics
- First Post
Democracy remains a distant dream as Yunus drives Bangladesh deeper into chaos
It is not too late for Bangladesh to reboot its fragile democracy. But if it doesn't act swiftly, the country may well head the way of Pakistan—into deeper chaos and prolonged military rule read more Bangladesh stands at a crossroads as protests against the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government intensify. Image: AP The interim government in Bangladesh, headed by 84-year-old Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, is facing its gravest crisis since assuming power on August 8, 2024. Yunus is besieged on all sides—by civil servants, teachers, political parties, and increasingly, the military. Amidst the current political turmoil, a fundamental question looms—one that has haunted Bangladesh since the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975: Will the promised general elections be held soon, restoring the country's fragile democracy, or is Bangladesh on the verge of yet another prolonged period of military dominance—if not outright martial law? STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Let's explore the turbulent history of Bangladesh—its legacy of student protests and frequent coups (successful or not), that explains the events that brought Muhammad Yunus to power, examines the ongoing crisis, and offers a glimpse into the uncertain future unfolding in India's neighborhood. The Defining Feature: Student Protests From the Language Movement (Bhasha Andolan) in 1952, to the War of Independence in 1971, to the recent uprising that led to Sheikh Hasina's resignation on August 5, 2024, violent student protests have repeatedly defined Bangladesh's political landscape. The agitation that forced Sheikh Hasina, the country's longest-serving Prime Minister, to resign and flee to India aboard a Bangladesh Air Force C-1301 military transport began in July 2024. Initially centered around the issue of government job quotas for families of freedom fighters (widely seen as benefiting those with connections to Hasina's party), it quickly escalated into a nationwide, broad-based protest with a single-point demand: her resignation. Hasina and her party, the Awami League, blamed the opposition—namely the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat-e-Islami—for orchestrating the movement. Yunus Comes Centre Stage How did an apolitical figure like Muhammad Yunus come to lead Bangladesh? The answer lies with the powerful 'Student Uprising Central Committee', whose demands left the military with no alternative. Committee spokesperson Nahid Islam stated emphatically: 'Any government other than the one we recommended would not be accepted. We won't betray the bloodshed by the martyrs for our cause. We will create a new democratic Bangladesh through our promise of security of life, social justice, and a new political landscape.' Faced with these demands, the military acquiesced. Yunus, in turn, eagerly assumed the role of interim leader. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In Doldrums As of May 2025, Bangladesh stands at a crossroads. The economy is on the brink. Government employees are protesting against a new ordinance that allows dismissals without due process. Teachers are picketing instead of teaching. The political parties, particularly the BNP, are demanding early elections. Meanwhile, the reports suggest a 'cold war' between the military and Yunus. Instability Internally, the Yunus government is rapidly losing control. Externally, the conflict in neighboring Myanmar is spilling over into Bangladesh, exacerbating border instability. The Rohingya refugee camps in Cox's Bazar have become targets for recruitment by Burmese armed groups. Cross-border violence and drug smuggling are on the rise, stretching Bangladesh's security apparatus to its limits. Things are as bad as they can get. Promises Made, Promises Unkept When Yunus assumed power with much fanfare nine months ago, he promised sweeping reforms and free, fair elections. Neither has materialised. Instead, he has banned the Awami League, preventing it from participating in future elections. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Whipping Anti-India Sentiments Cornered and increasingly frustrated by his failure to deliver reforms, Yunus resorted to a familiar strategy on May 25: whipping up anti-India sentiment. Through Mahmudur Rahman Manna, president of the Nagorik Oikya party, Yunus pushed the narrative that Bangladesh faces a 'major crisis due to Indian hegemony', aiming to distract from his government's incompetence. On the Street Nine months have passed since the Bangladesh Army stepped in to maintain order following the collapse of Sheikh Hasina's government. Their deployment was necessitated by the breakdown of civil law enforcement, including a nationwide police strike that left stations deserted and public order in chaos. But now, military patience is wearing thin. The General Speaks On May 21, Bangladesh Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman publicly urged Yunus to hold national elections by December 2025 so a democratically elected government can take office by January 1, 2026. 'The army is meant for defending the nation, not for policing… We must return to barracks after elections,' he said. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD He further warned that prolonged deployment for civil duties threatens national defense preparedness. Meanwhile, Yunus, who holds the title 'Chief Adviser,' continues making controversial decisions—including on foreign policy—drawing open criticism from the military. Restive Generals The military's frustration isn't limited to election delays. General Waker strongly opposes several of the interim government's foreign policy moves. Chief among them is a proposed 'humanitarian corridor,' which Waker derided as a 'blood corridor': 'There will be no corridor. The sovereignty of Bangladesh is not negotiable.' He warned that such moves could entangle Bangladesh in proxy conflicts, stressing that only an elected government can make such decisions. Other controversial issues include the potential foreign management of Chattogram Port and the proposed launch of Elon Musk's Starlink service—both flagged as national security risks by the military. Speculation is rife that Yunus may have attempted to remove Waker, prompting the general's defiant stance. His public focus on constitutional processes and national sovereignty reflects deepening discontent within the military. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD If tensions escalate, a military takeover is not unthinkable—Bangladesh has a precedent for it. Political Slugfest Despite growing pressure, Yunus has yet to announce even a tentative election date, continuing to insist: 'reforms first, elections later'. This has infuriated not only the military but also political parties. The BNP has issued an ultimatum: unless elections are held by December, it will withdraw support for the interim government. On May 28, the BNP and its affiliates—Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, Jubo Dal, and Swechchhasebak Dal—held a massive rally demanding early elections. Speaking via video from London, BNP acting chairman Tarique Rahman said: 'Excuses are already being made regarding the national elections. Even after 10 months, the interim government has not announced an election date.' But the situation is more complex. While the military and BNP push for elections this year, the National Citizen Party (NCP)—formed by former student leaders—is in no rush. They insist that elections must follow sweeping reforms and the prosecution of former Awami League leaders for last year's crackdown on protests. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD What Does Yunus Want? The answer depends on who you ask. Some say Yunus wants General Waker removed. Others believe he aims to prolong his unelected rule—or even ascend to the presidency. Some speculate he plans to quit, though his cabinet suggests otherwise. Planning Adviser Wahiduddin Mahmud stated that Yunus, the chief advisor, is not stepping down. Yunus himself said last week, 'We are not going anywhere till our job is done.' His press secretary echoed the sentiment on May 25, saying, 'We are in a war-like situation.' Though, Yunus has himself announced that the elections will be held sometime between December 2025 to June 2026. Conclusion: A Tipping Point As Bangladesh teeters on the edge of anarchy, India must remain watchful. It is not too late for Bangladesh to reboot its fragile democracy. But if it doesn't act swiftly, the country may well head the way of Pakistan—into deeper chaos and prolonged military rule. The author is a multi-disciplinary thought leader with Action Bias and an India based impact consultant. He is a keen watcher of changing national and international scenarios. He works as President Advisory Services of Consulting Company BARSYL. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Express Tribune
14-04-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Disregarded flag-wavers of 1971
In Pakistan, another March, the month that set the stage for December 16, 1971, passed quietly without any commemoration in its mainstream media, vibrant social circles, or among liberal and feminist groups in civil society. This silence has yet again deprived our decision-makers of insights into the issues that led to the amputation of our homeland. It also marks the beginning of an enduringly tormenting era for some 300,000 Pakistanis who stood with Pakistan. What did they get in return? Over 53 years of displacement, disownment, and disdain. However, in Bangladesh, March 2025 was a different month when compared with March that followed the year 1971. This time three murals of 'Bangabandhu' at the 'Liberation War Memorial' in Lalmonirhat (a district situated at the northern border of Bangladesh) were demolished on March 30. The memorial featured murals of or related to the 1952 Language Movement, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's March 7 speech, the formation of the Mujib government, the reading of the Liberation War declaration, a rising sun, the 1971 genocide, commander-in-chief of the Mukti Bahini MAG Osmani, freedom fighters celebrating after the war, people holding the Bangladesh flag, the Seven Bir Shresthos i.e. Most Valiant Hero (the highest military award in Bangladesh awarded to seven freedom fighters who died in action during the 1971), and the surrender of the Pakistani Army. I read and read this news item and looked at the dissection of this news in Bangladeshi media. I searched and searched for stories and in-depth analysis regarding this development in our media including some WhatsApp groups. The 'Fall of Dhaka' perhaps does not qualify as the national tragedy. It is not that I expected much, but I still experienced an unfathomable mourning. Each year, I renew my hope that someone outstanding from the media, civil society, or in positions of authority will highlight the plight of our Pakistani Bihari and non-Bengali Urdu speakers who have been exploited perpetually in the ghettos of Bangladesh. The internet and global libraries swarm with information detailing how Sheikh Mujibur Rahman informally declared Bangladesh's independence on March 7, 1971. He rallied the Bengali people with a call for civil disobedience and prepared them for a war of independence. The Bangladesh "Liberation War" commenced 18 days later when the Pakistan Army launched Operation Searchlight allegedly against Bengali civilians, intellectuals, students, politicians and armed personnel. UNESCO added Sheikh Mujib's speech to the Memory of the World Register on October 30, 2017, recognising its significance as a documentary heritage. However, what remains largely cloaked is the fate of patriots in East Pakistan and the ruthless treatment of several army families due to the rebellion of the East Pakistan Rifles. Civilian non-Bengalis, despite their native proficiency in Bengali and integration into society, were hard-heartedly targeted. They faced abduction, slaughter, looting of homes and atrocities even against women and children. I have recounted the indescribable and unrecognised genocide of this community and eyewitness testimonies numerous times in my podcasts and columns, often citing books, like Blood and Tears. Yet, these efforts have failed to create mass sensitisation or initiate a national dialogue on these human rights violations and unresolved grievances. These people have been expunged from the narratives in the post-Hasina phase of friendship between Bangladesh and Pakistan. As diplomatic ties improved and gestures of goodwill are being exchanged, there is a conspicuous uncommunicativeness about the plight of the stranded non-Bengali Urdu speakers - the very people who paid the price for their loyalty to Pakistan. It is utterly unsettling that reconciliation efforts between the two nations and countries do not bother to admit or address this unfinished chapter of our shared history. I say this with full responsibility, despite recognising the important academic and advocacy work done by state institutions, like Army Institute of Military History in Pakistan. The problem lies not in the absence of truth, but in its rationed reach and effectiveness. Voices like mine, which strive to offer unprejudiced and authentic perspectives - including both the injustice toward Bengalis (which I have always documented) and the forgotten ordeal of the Bihari and other patriotic communities - remain disregarded. Meanwhile, plots that focus solely on anti-state and anti-army sentiment are far more widely accepted, internalised and amplified. What troubles me far more is a multifaceted threat - the way truth is so effortlessly buried simply because it is not trending. Some well-wishers caution me against speaking out, warning of potential repercussions due to geopolitical sensitivities. They argue that I lack an understanding of the complexities of geostrategic politics. Despite the cautions, my concerns remain insistent and have always revolved around three fundamental questions: 1) Why was the repatriation of these Pakistanis not completed despite ample funds? 2) How can nationalist sentiments or political maneuvering justify abandoning one's own people? 3) Why has Pakistan failed to handle its history with honesty, especially when it comes to acknowledging the incontestable suffering inflicted on its loyal citizens in East Pakistan? Instead of crafting a truthful and nuanced narrative, the state has allowed and tolerated misleading propaganda to flourish, further wrecking its image. Why is this critical issue being buried under the guise of diplomatic sensitivities or other priorities, especially when it remains relevant today amidst ongoing unrest in regions like Balochistan? Media, political parties, civil society groups and academics draw parallels between the situations in Balochistan and Bengal without fully understanding the historical context. What example are we setting by allowing history to be controlled, leaving real people as collateral damage? Reconciliation constructed on selective memory and manipulation is not only against human rights norms but will also do no good for Pakistanis. The untold story of stateless Pakistanis in Bangladesh's ghettos need to be told and deserves to be heard. Truth should never be a casualty, and citizens should never be treated as collateral damage in any democratic state. Once again, I call for an empathetic and inclusive national dialogue with all stakeholders to bring the buried and disremembered perspectives of this unfortunate period of our history into the mainstream. The state should confront this issue and take ownership, as ignoring it could undermine the stability and prosperity of present-day Pakistan.
