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The National
20-07-2025
- Business
- The National
I pored over John Swinney's strategy – here's what we must do now
Swinney started with a declaration of intent: 'Scotland's interests are best served only when Scotland's future is in Scotland's hands. Our nation will only fully flourish when the people of Scotland are in charge of our own destiny with independence.' He then went on to make his own personal case, arguing that he had 'steadied the ship', and that he had been able to 'restore the credibility of my party and my Government so that we could make – and importantly win – the argument for Scottish independence'. Looking at the polls, this is largely true, and Swinney is right to make the claim that under his leadership the SNP, over the past 12 months, have won 13 local government by-elections – a big shift after a 20-month period without a single victory. However, the irony is that they have achieved this by attempting to tackle the cost of living crisis, rather than focusing on independence. Swinney is right to assert the claim that: 'We restored Winter Fuel Payments for Scotland's pensioners when Labour chose to scrap them. We are taking bold action on child poverty by lifting the cruel two-child cap that pushes thousands of children into poverty – a decision which been welcomed by every anti-poverty charity in the country and which Labour, to their shame, have failed to take at a UK level.' But on other matters, the SNP's claims to be 'tackling the cost of living crisis' seem a lot weaker. For example, Swinney claims that: 'We are offering solutions to the ongoing cost of living crisis – with new policies such as the removal of peak fares on our railways. Our cost of living guarantee delivers savings for Scots that aren't available elsewhere. From council tax that is 30% lower than in England, or water bills 20% lower, or no charges for essentials like prescriptions.' But the big-ticket items, like housing and energy bills, are absent, and only this month the SNP missed a huge opportunity to back zonal energy pricing. The SNP's housing policy has made no dent in the massive urban and rural housing crisis. Swinney has steadied the ship but it is still taking water, and the sextant, compass and maps are all gone. But the point of all of this is to manage a range of constituencies, tribes and demographics, to ensure electoral survival and persuade people that, somehow, the SNP are still the only show in town and the best vehicle to achieve independence, and/or govern a pre-independent Scotland more competently than anyone else. In some ways, this is an impossible task. In other ways, this is a low bar. On the one hand, Swinney needs to manage this transition while operating within the fiscal restraints of devolution, with an overwhelmingly hostile media around him and with severe and vocal dissent from within the nationalist movement. This makes the task one that is just immersed in hostility and negativity. On the other hand, he is faced with opponents and opposition so abject and hopeless that it makes the SNP rise, Lazarus-like, over and over. Swinney has a dual task: to speak to those who want (and need) good governance and those who want movement-building. He is far better at the first than the second. His strategy, such as it is, is broadly to (re) build trust, then build an unstoppable coalition amid the rubble and decay of the debris of Late Britain for an independent Scotland. I would like to take this opportunity to examine this approach and evaluate its strengths and weaknesses. Building a Coalition for Yes TO his credit, Swinney shows some humility saying: 'Our renewed unity and sense of purpose is clear for all to see, and that too is giving people confidence once again in the [[SNP]], as the leading advocates of Scottish independence. Some good and necessary first steps have been taken, but they have only brought us to the starting line.' Rather grandly, he writes: 'We are on the precipice of a new global age and that demands a bold new path for Scotland.' I don't really know what that actually means? Speaking to the opposition, he writes: 'Others speak glibly of a new direction or for the need for reform, but the change Scotland needs is more fundamental', before declaring: 'To meet the challenges of this new age, we need a Scotland that is reborn.' We do. He continues to lay out his case, arguing: 'Last time, many people gave the UK the benefit of the doubt, many believing that an incoming Labour government might put things right. But an incoming Labour government has only made things worse. 'The evidence is staring us in the face: Westminster is not working for Scotland. Life is just too difficult for too many and the UK is incapable of providing the required, essential boost to living standards.' This is self-evident, though worth re-stating, but this is where the cracks in the argument begin to emerge. At no point in this new declaration do the SNP show the intent, the resolve or the track record to offer a genuinely radical economic alternative to the neoliberalism of Labour/Conservative rule. What they have shown is some ameliorative polices to try to counter the most regressive impact of being in the Union. But that's not enough. Without many specifics, Swinney argues: 'It's therefore time for the people of Scotland to take our future into our own hands, so that we can ensure our vast energy wealth delivers tangible benefits for our people, including lower household energy bills and a more competitive business environment. So that we can create a dynamic, internationally connected economy, ensuring opportunities for all in an economy that works for all.' This is, in the words of Jonathon Shafi, 'Word Soup'. Having set out his stall, the First Minister then attempts to lay out his pathway to independence. He says: 'We have to challenge the democratic outrage that Westminster – right now – refuses to acknowledge Scotland's right to determine her own future. 'We demonstrated in 2014 that an agreed democratic referendum is the correct means to bring about that independence. And have no doubt, such a democratic, constitutional approach is necessary if our independence is to achieve domestic and international legitimacy. Something that is essential if we are to receive international recognition and a smooth return to membership of the EU.' These words, this plan, are the dividing line between those in the Yes movement, who want a new plan, a new direction, and Swinney's calculation that this is the route to take the majority of Scotland with him. The Plan SWINNEY lays out his ideas very clearly, saying: 'First, it will be a campaign designed to build the highest levels of support possible for independence as the best future for Scotland. 'I will be saying to those who voted Yes in 2014, and who have become independence supporters in the years since, that what they believed in then is just as valid today. 'They saw that Britain was fundamentally broken, that Westminster couldn't deliver on their dreams and aspirations, and what they saw has come to pass. And now it is time to do something about it. 'But I will also be urging people who were not persuaded of the merits of independence in 2014 to see the state of Britain today and take a different view.' This is all good and shouldn't be disputed by anybody. Who doesn't want to build mass support for independence? The problem, as we'll go on to in a moment, is the lack of detail, ideas or strategy on how to make that happen and to navigate the many contradictions and challenges that it entails. He continues: 'Second, that means building public pressure around Scotland's fundamental national rights. The UK parties speak of a partnership of equals, but those are empty words if Scotland does not have the ability to determine her own future. 'We are ready to turn the heat up on Westminster and its anti-democratic stance, mobilising the support, energy and the impetus of people in Scotland behind the simple idea: no ifs, no buts, Scotland has the right to choose.' This is good, and he's quite right to lay out the basic anti-democratic nature of the British state's 'offering' to Scotland. But again, the problem is the lack of detail, ideas or strategy. There may be more to come but if there was, why not lay it out here? Finally , the First Minister concludes: 'And third, I want to persuade independence supporters that the way to deliver independence is only with an emphatic SNP win in 2026 and the priority is to do that now. History tells us that only when the SNP are doing well is there any prospect of advancing on Scotland's constitutional cause. 'During the next parliament, we reach the point where there will be one million people eligible to vote who, last time around, were too young to do so or not even born. A generation has now clearly passed. 'It's time for the one change that will actually make a difference for Scotland, for the fresh start our nation needs so badly. It's time for Scotland to craft her destiny by ensuring Scotland's future is in the hands of the people of Scotland.' To be fair, framing the SNP as a 'fresh start' after 18 years in power is pretty gallus, but there is something among all of this which shines out, and which could be the centrepoint of a more dynamic strategy. Future Focused MUCH of the dismay about being trapped within the Union is the overwhelming sense of decay and decline that pervades late Britain. If this feeling reached its apogee at the death of the monarch, it can be seen daily in the appointment of ridiculous people to the House of Lords, the overarching power of the government within [[Westminster]] (as witnessed by the actions of Keir Starmer's whips' office against his own party last week) or the immersive deference inculcated by being subjects of a monarch in the 21st century. The feeling of being trapped in an ancient regime that is unreformable and corrupt at its core is overwhelming and debilitating. Beyond this fusion of cronyism and decay, though, is the reality of collapsing living standards, grotesque social inequality and elite grandeur. The response is a populist movement of the far-right that eulogises a mythical past. In among the platitudes and the normcore of Swinney's 'plan', there is an opportunity to really contrast this backward-looking Ruritania, this Britain of fossils and past-glories and relics of Empire. Countless commentators have remarked on how difficult it has become for anyone to 'imagine a better future' in timelines that seem dark and economic systems that seem all-pervasive. There is a glaring opportunity for the case to be made for a new Scotland to really address the multiple problems facing not just young people but future generations – and for this case to be made by framing Scottish independence as a future-facing project in stark contrast to broken Britain. What would that look like? It would mean really taking on the multiple problems faced by younger (and future) generations, which have been a dark inheritance passed on to them. A mammoth, impossible task? Yes, but one worth trying. Where to start? I would start with the crisis of affordable housing which is life-altering for millions of people. I would face the existential crisis of climate breakdown and create deep and radical action plans that would give hope and meaning for a liveable future. I would create the outline of what an 'ethical foreign policy' (to use Robin Cook's words) would look like for a future Scotland. I would begin to meaningfully address the crisis of social alienation and the epidemic of loneliness and mental health that has spooled out of lockdown, late capitalist anomie and digital culture, and particularly affects younger people. If these seem ridiculous, impossible or utopian ideas, that's OK. In such dark times, we need to imagine a better future beyond the confines of today. As the political philosopher Murray Bookchin said: 'The assumption that what currently exists must necessarily exist is the acid that corrodes all visionary thinking.' Framing an independent Scotland as a project for future generations would be a reset for the entire independence movement, and would require a complete overhaul of thinking. But somehow, somewhat improbably, Swinney has stumbled on an idea: "During the next parliament, we reach the point where there will be one million people eligible to vote who, last time around, were too young to do so or not even born. A generation has now clearly passed.' This has two consequences. First, we begin to sweep aside the fragile excuse that the Unionist community has hidden behind for repressing basic democracy in holding up the phrase 'for a generation' and assert that that time has passed. Second, we go to, engage with and inspire the generation that are now eligible to vote, and who are overwhelmingly pro-independence. To do this properly, and to begin to explore the generational issues I touched on, would require a break from 2014 and an effort to re-imagine the case for independence in a much more expansive timeframe. This wouldn't be another 'campaign' with slogans and attack lines, it wouldn't be a politics of resentment, it would be a politics of imagination and possibility. That Britain is in a morbid state is plain for anyone to see, but that must be contrasted with a movement that offers not just a constitutional off-ramp but an alternative to the politics of fear and resentment that activates the populist right. In this sense, we need to rethink the case for independence and recast it entirely. In the words of Marshall McLuhan: 'Most of our assumptions have outlived their uselessness.' Remaining in this Union means being engaged in the 'slow cancellation of the future'. For Scotland to be 'reborn' demands that we step out of that paradigm and away from the hyper-nostalgia and denialism that characterises the most regressive elements of British and American nationalism.
Irish Examiner
19-05-2025
- Sport
- Irish Examiner
The Lion In Winter backed to bare teeth in Derby
The Lion In Winter has reclaimed his position at the head of the Betfred Derby betting after coming in for sustained support. Having drifted out to as big as 6-1 following his first career defeat in the Dante at York, he was replaced as favourite by stablemate Delacroix. However, on Monday all major bookmakers reported support for the son of Sea The Stars and he is as short as 2-1 in some places, with punters clearly anticipating a Lazarus-like recovery that saw Auguste Rodin and City Of Troy win the Derby having been well beaten in the Guineas. Betfred spokesman Matt Hulmes said: "We have had an ever-changing market for the Betfred Derby throughout the trials over the last fortnight, but the most significant period has been the last 24 hours. "The Lion In Winter has halved in price from 5-1 to 5-2 after sustained support on Monday. "Punters are putting their faith in Aidan O'Brien to once again work his magic, after Auguste Rodin and City Of Troy bounced back from below-par efforts on seasonal debuts to land the greatest prize — they are hoping for lightning to strike thrice!" Paddy Power make him their 5-2 favourite, with Delacroix now 9-2 and Guineas winner Ruling Court a 4-1 chance. "He spoilt his otherwise unblemished curriculum vitae on the Knavesmire, but Aidan was his usual ultra-calm persona afterwards and indicated there wasn't just going to be improvement, there would be a lot of improvement," said Paddy Power's Paul Binfield. "We pushed him out to 5-1 after the reversal but started seeing support for him yesterday and that has very much continued today and he's once again become favourite, with punters keeping the faith in the master of Ballydoyle being able to emulate his achievements with the last two Epsom winners Auguste Rodin and City Of Troy, who both suffered shock defeats before coming up trumps where it matters most." Speaking at Naas on Sunday, O'Brien said: "We always thought what happened at York could happen but he needed to run if he was going to go to the Derby. "We were very happy with the run (from The Lion In Winter), he did exactly what we thought could happen. He jumped, he was fresh and things didn't work. "He got stopped halfway down the straight and he would have been probably a good third easily. If he hadn't jumped into the bridle and wanted to tear off early, that would have been another couple of lengths. "Ryan (Moore) did the right thing, he said 'come back and do this right, this is a trial today'."
The Age
29-04-2025
- Business
- The Age
Dan Murphy's owner needs a rescue but can its new boss deliver?
Few Australian captains of industry play 'hrdball' like Australia's highest profile female executive - the recently departed Virgin Australia boss Jayne Hrdlicka. Few are as accomplished in the science of networking, the art of the business turnaround, and even fewer are more controversial. Having accepted a new challenge to revive the fortunes of Endeavour, the company that owns the big box booze barns – Dan Murphy's, BWS – and a portfolio of 350 pubs, her focus now turns from getting customers onto Virgin's planes to having them fill bars and/or their trolleys with beer, bourbon and Bordeaux. Hrdlicka was privy to a masterclass in the art of corporate ruthlessness by her former boss at Qantas, Alan Joyce. Credited as being part-architect of the airline's 2011 decision to ground the airline as part of the nuclear-level move against the company's unions, Hrdlicka has seemingly learnt her lessons well and certainly proved her chops by resuscitating Virgin Australia. Hrdlicka's announcement to move to Virgin's departure lounge certainly caught most by surprise. The airline's Lazarus-like revival from administration appeared to be a textbook restructuring, and its current earnings profile is more positive than it has been for a decade or more. Despite years of industrial relations education at the feet of Joyce, Hrdlicka also managed to establish a workable relationship with Virgin's unions. Her tenure handed a magnificent return to Virgin's owner, Bain, and assuming we escape a Trump-induced global recession, the airline's prospects look rosy in the short to medium term. Hrdlicka is considered tough, ruthless and polarising to her critics and fans alike, so there is little doubt that the under-performing Endeavour is in for radical change. Having worked in the cutthroat world of private equity, reigned over infant formula group A2, run the discount airline Jetstar, and then its mid-tier competitor Virgin while holding court as head of Tennis Australia, Hrdlicka appears as energetic as she is industry-agnostic.
Sydney Morning Herald
29-04-2025
- Business
- Sydney Morning Herald
Dan Murphy's owner needs a rescue but can its new boss deliver?
Few Australian captains of industry play 'hrdball' like Australia's highest profile female executive - the recently departed Virgin Australia boss Jayne Hrdlicka. Few are as accomplished in the science of networking, the art of the business turnaround, and even fewer are more controversial. Having accepted a new challenge to revive the fortunes of Endeavour, the company that owns the big box booze barns – Dan Murphy's, BWS – and a portfolio of 350 pubs, her focus now turns from getting customers onto Virgin's planes to having them fill bars and/or their trolleys with beer, bourbon and Bordeaux. Hrdlicka was privy to a masterclass in the art of corporate ruthlessness by her former boss at Qantas, Alan Joyce. Credited as being part-architect of the airline's 2011 decision to ground the airline as part of the nuclear-level move against the company's unions, Hrdlicka has seemingly learnt her lessons well and certainly proved her chops by resuscitating Virgin Australia. Hrdlicka's announcement to move to Virgin's departure lounge certainly caught most by surprise. The airline's Lazarus-like revival from administration appeared to be a textbook restructuring, and its current earnings profile is more positive than it has been for a decade or more. Despite years of industrial relations education at the feet of Joyce, Hrdlicka also managed to establish a workable relationship with Virgin's unions. Her tenure handed a magnificent return to Virgin's owner, Bain, and assuming we escape a Trump-induced global recession, the airline's prospects look rosy in the short to medium term. Hrdlicka is considered tough, ruthless and polarising to her critics and fans alike, so there is little doubt that the under-performing Endeavour is in for radical change. Having worked in the cutthroat world of private equity, reigned over infant formula group A2, run the discount airline Jetstar, and then its mid-tier competitor Virgin while holding court as head of Tennis Australia, Hrdlicka appears as energetic as she is industry-agnostic.
Irish Daily Mirror
22-04-2025
- Sport
- Irish Daily Mirror
Bohs have a new hero as Easter Monday rising is written into Gypsies folklore
An Easter Monday rising saw Rhys Brennan write himself into Bohs folklore as the Gypsies staged a timely resurrection against the old enemy. Brennan, 18, was sprung from the bench in the 52nd minute as a replacement for Connor Parsons, who had suffered a head injury. Bohs boss Alan Reynolds had quite a headache himself by then having watched his side compete well with Shamrock Rovers but go in at the break 2-0 down. Another teenager, Michael Noonan, had been given the freedom of Tallaght to score the Hoops' second in the 41st minute - his first ever League goal in a brilliant breakthrough season for the 16-year-old. That came just two minutes after Josh Honohan opened the scoring and comfortable Rovers looked destined to extend their unbeaten run to eight games - and top the Premier Division table for the first time since winning the title in 2023. But Dawson Devoy handed Bohs a 70th minute lifeline and, as the Hoops' rearguard went into meltdown, Ross Tierney - who scored the winner when the sides met in the Aviva Stadium in February - dragged the visitors level 11 minutes later. Then, in the sixth minute of injury time, it was Brennan - whose industry had opened the door for Devoy's goal - who buried the rebound from his first shot to complete a Lazarus-like revival that Reynolds later dedicated to club legend Billy Young, who died last Thursday. Remarkably, the last time that Bohs came back from at least two goals down in the League to win away from home was against the same opponents in that remarkable 2001 encounter at Morton Stadium, when the Gypsies were 4-1 down at the break. "Unbelievable," said Reynolds later. "You're hoping the lads will believe you, you'll get one goal and it changes." Bohs reverted to a four-man defence and pushed up, taking the risk that they could concede more. "I felt after 55 minutes, it started to swing," recalled the Bohs boss. "We started to get control and obviously got the outstanding goal at the right time with Dawson. "We looked fit and strong, when we got to 2-2, you're probably thinking take the draw and get out of here but Rhys Brennan comes up with a great goal at the end. We stuck to it and the rest is history. "You can see the celebration from all the players and all the staff, we're in this together. We know there is noise outside but it's irrelevant to us. We know we're tight and strong and that will help." Reynolds has been under pressure from the Bohs faithful and, at 2-0 down and the Rovers fans singing 'You're getting sacked in the morning', there would have been plenty in the away end agreeing with their bitter rivals. "Ah look, it's not nice, is it? It's something that I suppose both sets of fans joined in on, so it's not nice to get," claimed Reynolds. "I've been around it long enough and as long as they're with me, the players and the staff, I'll get on with it. "I have to win supporters over, that's clear, and it's a fight. But I've been fighting all my life so I'll keep fighting with this. The main thing is the players. Delighted for them, and for Rhys Brennan. You've got to be brave as a manager as well throwing him in and you could be reluctant at times, but in training he's been outstanding. "You've got to come into a team that's kind of playing OK and the crowd...I don't want him to come in where it's real hostile and tough going. Now, you could say 'what are you doing putting him on there today' but he's an exciting talent. To beat these at Tallaght, I don't think it's been done since 2019, so to do so is great." For Rovers boss Stephen Bradley, there was real frustration in giving up winning positions in Dublin derbies in less than 72 hours - taking one point from six, with Shelbourne to come to Tallaght on Friday. "We need to address it," said Bradley. "On Friday and today, decisions in possession and really basic defensive decisions. We've not made those decisions in really high pressure games. We can't do that. It's not just the defenders. We're all accountable, players and staff. We need to understand why it went wrong, making basic errors. "The goals were so soft. It can't happen. We've been on a good run. We're all hurting. But these players always move on and refocus really quickly."
