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The Diplomat
a day ago
- Business
- The Diplomat
India-Philippines Ties Now Strategic Partnership on Upward Trajectory
Visa-free travel, direct flights, technological cooperation and cultural exchanges are set to complement the new defense-heavy alignment, aiming to turn a once-distant relationship into a broad-based alliance. This August, the visit of Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. to India marked a historic milestone in the relations between the two nations. The president's visit, which took place between August 4-8, was the first such state visit since 2007. On August 5, India and the Philippines formally elevated their ties to a Strategic Partnership, backed by a comprehensive bilateral Plan of Action (2025–2029) signed in New Delhi. In all, 13 memoranda and agreements were signed during Marcos Jr.'s visit. The partnership spans defense, maritime cooperation, trade, digital technologies, tourism, space cooperation, culture and science. However, the transition from a prolonged historic stasis to the current phase of strategic dynamism has not been sudden. While India and the Philippines established bilateral diplomatic relations in 1949, thanks to Cold War politics, for decades, their partnership remained largely symbolic — anchored in mutual goodwill but unfulfilled potential. Initial limitations were rooted in geographical distance, divergent regional priorities and systemic constraints. Over time, however, India's Look East policy, re-branded in 2014 as the Act East policy, began paving the way for more meaningful engagement through ASEAN frameworks, and India's initiatives such as the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative and Security and Growth for All in the Region, whose acronym SAGAR means ocean in multiple Indian languages. This was upgraded to Mahasagar, meaning the great ocean, in March 2025. The expanded acronym stands for Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions. As India and the Philippines celebrate 75 years of bilateral ties, they stand stronger together at the cusp of making qualitative leaps in their relationship. Defense Ties Key Unlike several of its Southeast Asian peers, the Philippines does not have a strong trade relationship with India. The defense and security partnership has thus become the central pillar of the New Delhi-Manila strategic alignment. This is aptly reflected in the agreement on the sale of BrahMos supersonic cruise missile systems to the Philippines. This makes it the first country to procure these missiles from India. India's BrahMos cruise missile system, delivered in two batches (first in April 2024 and the second in April 2025), now empowers the Philippine Marine Corps with advanced coastal defense capability. This was India's first major defense export. During Marcos' recent visit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated that defense cooperation is 'a symbol of deep mutual trust.' In turn, Marcos emphasized the Philippines as a vital partner in India's Act East and Mahasagar vision. Manila is also eyeing procurement of the Akash surface-to-air missile system from India. Strategic Calculus and China On the eve of Marcos' visit, the Indian and Philippine navies conducted their first-ever joint exercises in the South China Sea on August 3-4. The drills were held inside the Philippine Exclusive Economic Zone, as part of Manila's broader efforts to counter China's maritime assertiveness. India deployed three warships – INS Delhi, INS Shakti, and INS Kiltan – while the Philippines fielded BRP Miguel Malvar and BRP Jose Rizal. Chinese vessels reportedly followed the Indian-Philippine flotilla. This shift signals a strategic evolution in India's posture toward the Indo‑Pacific. Barring a few exceptions, India had previously avoided direct mentions of the South China Sea. However, New Delhi now explicitly endorses adherence to the 2016 South China Sea arbitration award, drawing focus on upholding a rules-based maritime order. For India, the South China Sea issue is no longer a peripheral concern, but is integral to its maritime and economic security as well as its regional leadership claims. The partnership with the Philippines is a tangible expression of India's Indo‑Pacific ambitions. India's presence there through joint naval patrols and supplying BrahMos to the Philippines reflects an operational follow-through, not just a diplomatic alignment. The aim is deterrence and presenting a viable counterweight to China's claims in a region critical to global trade, through which about $3 trillion worth of goods transit annually. Manila's pursuit of deeper ties with extra-regional partners such as India represents a deliberate move to reduce dependence on any single ally (for example, the U.S.) and forge multi-directional security and economic collaborations. Looking at the South China Sea (or West Philippine Sea, as the part within the Philippines' exclusive economic zone is called) issue from the Philippine perspective, it is clear that — barring perhaps Vietnam on occasion — no country has faced as much harassment over territorial claims at the hands of China as the Philippines has. Recognizing the need to balance China's assertiveness, both countries are prioritizing maritime cooperation, information sharing and defense engagements to protect a rules-based order in the area. Diversifying its security and defense partnerships would not only reduce the Philippines' dependency on any single country but also empower the Philippines and India to navigate the complex interplay of regional strategic dynamics effectively. Beyond Security This strategic realignment extends into non-military domains too. For instance, India and the Philippines announced visa-free entry for Indian tourists and free e-visas for Filipino nationals, alongside plans for direct Delhi–Manila flights, expected to expand bilateral tourism and people-to-people exchanges. It has not gone unnoticed in Manila that Thailand and Malaysia offered visa-free entry to Indian tourists and, as a result, saw great benefits in tourism. These recent moves promise to further strengthen people-to-people linkages between the two countries. The two sides have also agreed to launch a preferential trade negotiation, as bilateral trade remains modest ($3.3 billion in 2024), but has abundant room for growth. This is in tune with the ongoing review of the ASEAN-India Free Trade Agreement that was implemented in 2010. India-Philippines collaboration frameworks span space exploration, digital innovation, culture, health and agriculture, all underpinned by the 2025–29 Plan of Action. India's strengths, including IT, digital inclusion, pharmaceuticals, and space, align closely with the Philippines' development goals, positioning the partnership for substantive impact beyond security. Once characterized by distant potential and limited interaction, the bilateral relationship between India and the Philippines is now evolving into a strong strategic partnership. In a changing Indo-Pacific region marked by increasing great-power rivalry, this partnership stands to benefit India's pursuit of its strategic objectives, and the Philippines' efforts for strategic diversification. Originally published by
Time of India
7 days ago
- Business
- Time of India
India sharpens strategic play in China's backyard
In a clear demonstration of its evolving strategic play in the Indo-Pacific, India has upgraded its bilateral relationship with the Philippines to a strategic partnership, marked by intensified cooperation in defence, maritime security and regional stability. The timing, symbolism and depth of this development -- culminating in the recent visit of Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. to New Delhi -- reflect India's sharpened intent to assert its presence in the South China Sea (SCS), which is considered China's strategic backyard. A calculated strategic shift For decades, India's engagement in East and Southeast Asia was shaped by its Look East and later Act East policies, the frameworks that emphasised economic engagement and people-to-people ties. However, recent geopolitical flux in the Indo-Pacific, especially with China's increasingly assertive maritime posture, has forced India to recalibrate. By signing a strategic partnership with Manila -- one of the principal claimants opposing China's sweeping claims in the South China Sea -- India is sending a calculated message. It no longer views regional maritime issues as the concern of East Asian states alone but as integral to its own national security and regional order objectives. Productivity Tool Zero to Hero in Microsoft Excel: Complete Excel guide By Metla Sudha Sekhar View Program Finance Introduction to Technical Analysis & Candlestick Theory By Dinesh Nagpal View Program Finance Financial Literacy i e Lets Crack the Billionaire Code By CA Rahul Gupta View Program Digital Marketing Digital Marketing Masterclass by Neil Patel By Neil Patel View Program Finance Technical Analysis Demystified- A Complete Guide to Trading By Kunal Patel View Program Productivity Tool Excel Essentials to Expert: Your Complete Guide By Study at home View Program Artificial Intelligence AI For Business Professionals Batch 2 By Ansh Mehra View Program The symbolism of India conducting its first-ever joint patrol with the Philippines in the South China Sea, timed with Marcos Jr.'s India visit, could not be more pointed. It reflects a conscious Indian attempt to move beyond rhetoric to operational presence. This patrol is not just a show of solidarity. It's a demonstration of India's willingness to share maritime burdens and contribute to a rules-based order, despite China's objections. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like The Simple Morning Habit for a Flatter Belly After 50! Lulutox The presence of three Indian warships in the Philippines underscores India's growing naval outreach in Southeast Asia. It is also a reflection of India's larger Indo-Pacific vision that seeks to counterbalance China's coercive maneuvers in the region. Perhaps equally significantly, both India and the Philippines jointly underscored the 2016 arbitral tribunal ruling under UNCLOS (United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea), which invalidated China's expansive "nine-dash line" claim. While India has traditionally been cautious in taking sides on territorial disputes, its explicit call, first in 2023 and reiterated in this joint statement, for China to respect the ruling marks a major diplomatic evolution. It is a signal of India's growing comfort in aligning more closely with countries that challenge China's maritime narrative, and of India's willingness to use international law as a tool of strategic leverage. Live Events India's defence outreach is not just symbolic or operational. It's becoming increasingly transactional and industrial. The sale of the BrahMos cruise missile system to the Philippines, India's first major defence export of such a strategic platform, was a breakthrough. Now, with Manila expressing interest in more Indian weapons, India's defence diplomacy is evolving into a potent foreign policy tool. This growing interoperability between the two militaries, backed by defence exports and training programs, enhances India's profile as not just a balancing power but a capable security partner in the Indo-Pacific. The China angle Predictably, China has reacted sharply. It accused the Philippines of 'rallying an external country' (a clear, though unnamed, reference to India) to interfere in the South China Sea. China's displeasure reflects the strategic discomfort with India stepping into its backyard, especially at a time when China is also engaged in border tensions with India for several years. India's engagement with the Quad, its naval deployments in the Indo-Pacific, and new bilateral strategic alignment with Philippines, all point toward a more muscular and proactive Indian posture. India's manoeuvre here is delicate. On one hand, it seeks to assert itself in the region; on the other, it must manage its own complex relationship with China, especially ahead of PM Modi's visit to China for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit later this month, when India-US relations have also turned tense. That India has not backed down from joint patrols or public posturing, despite this upcoming visit, indicates that it is increasingly willing to separate tactical engagement from strategic competition. India's evolving ties with the Philippines and its assertive steps in the South China Sea represent a major inflection point in its foreign policy. The partnership with the Philippines is a crucial test case. If India can deepen this relationship through sustained engagement -- maritime, defence, economic, and diplomatic -- it will not only contribute to regional stability but also redefine India's role as a key player in shaping the future of the Indo-Pacific order. In China's strategic backyard, India is no longer a distant observer. It is now becoming an active, assertive presence.
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Business Standard
02-08-2025
- Politics
- Business Standard
Best of BS Opinion: India must not bend the knee before Trump's tariffs
Hello, and welcome to the Best of BS Opinion, our distilled wrap of today's Opinion page. Our lead columnist Shyam Saran makes a forceful case for standing up to the United States' geopolitical arm-twisting using tariffs as leverage. Not resisting now will lead to bigger demands in the future, he warns, and could had long-term consequences for India's national security, credibility, and influence. There will certainly be a price to pay, and India should be prepared, not by closing off its economy but by making it more outward-looking. As it is, the US' tariffs will only have a modest impact on India's GDP, a price the country should be willing to pay. In fact, he says, India should follow its Look East policy more vigorously because that region wants India to be a counterweight to China. It should also become part of the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership, where currently neither China nor the US is present. Insulating the nation from the vagaries of Trump's policies may be best served by this initiative, he says. It is not easy steering Indian democracy in live action: witness the often-raucuous scenes that play out on our screens when Parliament is in session. Yet, it is a role that Harivansh Narayan Singh has in the past played to near-perfection, writes Aditi Phadnis. As deputy chairman of the Rajya Sabha, he was unerringly fair, always putting principle over party. It also helped that he was unfailingly polite. A former journalist who is credited with the turnaround of Bihar Prabhat, his politics hewed close to former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar, who was a major political influence in his life. With the Vice President's position falling empty with Jagdeep Dhankhar's abrupt resignation, political circles are abuzz with names of likely candidates for the second-highest position in the republic. It is no surprise that Singh's name is among them - a win would redefine his political career. India, and the rest of the world, is trying to figure Donald Trump out so as to survive him until the midterm elections in the US two years from now. Before that, India must look find ways to protect itself from his monumental irrationality. But first, we must also look within at the bipolarity within the Indian 'establishment' - which encompasses government and its multi-faceted support base, including social media and TV studio experts, write Shekhar Gupta. From being euphoric about our closeness to the US and India finally gaining its rightful place at the world table, the Indian establishment is now reverting to Cold War-level suspicion of Uncle Sam and playing hurt victim. The other element of bipolarity exists within the establishment itself, he points out: even as the Prime Minister and others are acting quietly and prudently, working the levers behind the stage, the support base is the exact opposite, in a constant state of anger and hurt. There is something about nostalgia that makes us want to revisit the past, no matter how long ago. We all go back at least once to our school or college or hostel, just to soak in our memories one more time. The recent box-office success of Indian movies upon a re-release seems to prove that point. Sandeep Goyal pulls on that thread and wonders if a rerun of brand campaigns that have had a successful first innings would work the second time around. Recalling some of India's most iconic ad campaigns - Gold Spot's 'The Zing Thing', Parle's 'Melody itni chocolatey kaise bani', and Tata Sky's 'Isko laga daala to life jhinga-la-la, to name just a few - he bats for a second coming of such memorable ads. There are caveats, though: Tinkering with the original might backfire spectacularly, as Cadbury's gender-reversed re-run of Dairy Milk showed. Chintan Girish Modi, pens a heartfelt ode - ironically, in prose - to the legendary Eunice de Souza, poet extraordinaire and teacher at the equally famous St Xavier's College in Mumbai. August 1, when this column was written, is also de Souza's birthday and is commemorated by the college as Poetry Day, a rare incidence of anyone celebrating either a poet or a teacher, or as in this case, both. Modi recites parts of her poems, and is struck by her distinctive voice, and even more by her freedom with - and within - the language, unencumbered by the need for obscure allusions and pretentious references.
Hindustan Times
30-07-2025
- Business
- Hindustan Times
Philippines Prez India visit to coincide with South China Sea joint naval drill
New Delhi: Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr is set to visit India this week to take forward economic and security ties, with the trip coinciding with the first naval exercise between the two countries in the South China Sea. Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. (REUTERS) Marcos, also known as 'Bongbong', will make his first visit to India since becoming president in 2022 during August 4-8, people familiar with the matter said on condition of anonymity. On August 3, India and the Philippines will begin their first 'bilateral maritime cooperative activity' in waters close to the Scarborough Shoal, a focal point of the maritime dispute between Manila and Beijing. Besides holding talks with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Marcos will deliver a speech on the theme of the Philippines and India as partners for a rules-based order at an event organised by a think tank on August 6. The people said Marcos' visit underscores the growing strategic convergence between India and the Philippines, especially in defence and maritime security cooperation. The visit also comes at a time of heightened tensions in the South China Sea, with New Delhi and Manila working to expand military collaboration and strengthen regional security. The two-day joint naval exercise, for which India is fielding three warships, including a guided missile destroyer and an anti-submarine warfare vessel, will focus on enhancing inter-operability and maritime cooperation, the people said. The Indian warships will also make a port visit ahead of the exercise. The Philippines will deploy two warships for the drills that will be held in waters off several islands claimed by China. In recent months, China has deployed naval and Coast Guard vessels to deter Philippines warships patrolling the country's exclusive economic zone around Scarborough Shoal. China has also criticised joint patrols by the Philippines and its partners in the South China Sea, describing it as interference by outside powers. India has openly expressed its support for the Philippines in the context of the maritime dispute in South China Sea. While India had earlier only acknowledged the Permanent Court of Arbitration's ruling of 2016 in favour of the Philippines in its territorial dispute with China, it revised its position in 2023, when a joint statement emphasised the need to adhere to the arbitral award. In 2024, external affairs minister S Jaishankar reaffirmed 'India's support to the Philippines for upholding its national sovereignty'. The Philippines has also emerged as a key buyer of Indian defence hardware. In 2023, it became the first country to take delivery of the BrahMos cruise missile jointly developed by India and Russia, and Filipino officials said in April that Manila is set to receive a second consignment of the missiles. India's partnership with the Philippines and other members of Asean with the launch of the 'Look East' policy in 1992. The Philippines now is a key pillar in India's 'Act East' policy and vision for the Indo-Pacific. Modi and Marcos met briefly on the sidelines of the Asean-India Summit in Laos in October 2024. There has also been a regular political dialogue between the two countries. Economic and commercial engagement is an important aspect of bilateral relationship, and two-way trade was worth $3.5 billion in 2023-24. There is a significant presence of Indian companies in the Philippines in the areas of IT, healthcare and pharmaceuticals, textiles, infrastructure and chemicals. India is also the largest supplier of pharmaceuticals to the Philippines, with exports growing from $290 million in 2020-21 to $460 million in 2024-25.
The Hindu
25-07-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Kerala Tourism in high hopes for its Look East campaign after decision to restore Chinese tourist visas
The Union government's decision to issue tourist visas to Chinese nationals after a break of five years comes as music to the ears of the State as Kerala Tourism had been looking to tap into the potential of the Chinese market through the Look East campaign. Kerala Tourism had kicked off the Look East campaign to woo tourists from eight East Asian countries, including China, in April this year. As part of the campaign, a 90-member delegation from eight countries, including social media influencers and 40 outbound tour operators from China, Japan, Malaysia, Australia, Indonesia, New Zealand, Vietnam, and Laos, visited the State. The campaign helped in increasing tourist arrivals from especially Malaysia and Singapore as there is direct flight connectivity between Kerala and these countries. The absence of issuing tourist visas to Chinese nationals was a dissuading factor for Kerala to tap into the Chinese market, despite the country being the world's largest outbound travel market in Asia. The marketing campaign has also not earmarked any specific amount for the China campaign, said a source in the Tourism department. The marketing budget for Kerala Tourism for this year was mainly for European and Arab market campaigns, apart from the Look East campaign. In next fiscal This year's budget and campaigns were finalised, and a targeted campaign for China could be undertaken only in the next fiscal. In addition, the situation has to be assessed well before strategising a dedicated China campaign as the ties between China and India have weathered ups and downs in the past. Nonetheless, China is an enticing market for Kerala, as 3,39,442 Chinese nationals visited India in 2019, as per the statistics of the Ministry of Tourism, although the number nosedived to 39,586 in 2020, 3,502 in 2021 and 11,762 in 2022 following the COVID-19 outbreak and the frozen ties between India and China in the wake of the military standoff at the Line of Actual Control and Galwan clashes in 2020. In 2019, as many as 11,778 Chinese tourists visited Kerala, an up of 22.31% compared to 9,630 tourists in 2018. According to James Kodianthara, former chairperson of the Kerala chapter of the Indian Association of Tour Operators (IATO), Chinese tourists visiting the country were mainly looking for the Golden Triangle tour package, a popular tourist circuit connecting Delhi, Agra, and Jaipur, and the northeastern States. Though the issuance of visas started on July 24, direct flight connectivity is yet to be restored, which is vital for increasing the tourist arrivals and cultural exchange, said Mr. Kodianthara. Also, China is a promising market for Kerala, and getting a pie in the Chinese market will benefit Kerala Tourism in a big way, he added.
