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Irish Examiner
4 days ago
- Politics
- Irish Examiner
Cork's Anglesea Street could be renamed MacSwiney Street next year if legislation is changed
Legislation which would pave the way for Anglesea Street in Cork to be renamed MacSwiney Street could be progressed next year. City councillors voted in 2021 to move forward with the name change to honour the family of Cork's most famous lord mayor, Terence MacSwiney. The street, on which a Garda station, Cork City Fire Brigade's HQ, the Cork courthouse and the main entrance to Cork City Hall are all located, had been planned to be renamed after the MacSwiney family the following year, but ran into issues around national legislation. Housing minister James Browne has given Sinn Féin TD for Cork North Central Thomas Gould an update on the matter. The minister said it was expected a resolution to the "legislative complexities that exist between the Local Government Acts and Official Languages Act" may require primary legislation to resolve. He said the matter was being examined by both his department and officials from the Department of Rural and Community Development and the Gaeltacht. He said his department had recently established a local democracy taskforce, which is due to report on its deliberations within the next six to nine months. "It could be expected that there may be legislative change to the Local Government Acts arising from its work, which will be progressed in 2026. Work will continue with the Department of Rural and Community Development and the Gaeltacht on the resolution of the placenames issue, with a view to agreeing revised policy and identification of any required legislative change," Mr Browne's response said. Mr Gould said while a timeline was welcome, the slow pace of progress was frustrating. 'This has dragged on for far too long. I have raised it directly with the previous housing minister, both through PQs and in the Housing Committee. It shouldn't take this much pressure to enact a simple change to legislation, but we are not surprised given the clear disrespect shown by this Government to our history and heritage, with plans to turn the GPO into shopping and office space. 'It is positive that we now have a timeline. We know when this will happen and the legacy of the MacSwiney family, who sacrificed so much for our city and island. I look forward to the day we see the name revealed."
Irish Examiner
11-07-2025
- Politics
- Irish Examiner
Book extract: Woman who refused to be silenced in fight for republican independence
In June 1923 the Belfast Newsletter described Mary MacSwiney as falling on those with whom she disagreed 'with every tooth bared, drops of clotted venom suspended from every outstretched fang'. In her lifetime, MacSwiney was not, however, just a one-dimensional caricature of extreme republicanism but rather a multi-faceted individual. Her biography cannot be written without sustained reference to the importance of family to MacSwiney; in particular, her politics must be understood with reference to the politics of Terence, both in his life and in the aftermath of his death. That is not to deny Mary individual political agency or to suggest that she was anything other than the strong and principled woman that she was. A recognition of the centrality of her siblings to Mary MacSwiney's life is instead a testament to familial love and the influence of such on a political level. Initially a supporter of female suffrage as a member of the Cork branch of the Munster Women's Franchise League, MacSwiney moved to prioritise the national cause in the second decade of the 20th century. In the lead up to the 1916 Rising she, as most republican women, was involved in gendered work. Unlike in Dublin where the Rising did take place, women in Cork had limited opportunity to expand their involvement in republican politics during Easter week. Founder of Cumann na mBan in Cork However, Mary as the founder of Cumann na mBan in Cork was centrally involved in all the discussions and recriminations that took place in the city. Her brother Terence's position as deputy leader of the Irish Volunteers in Cork meant that the MacSwiney home in the suburb of Blackrock was the locus for many of those who delivered the series of messages, often contradictory, that emanated from members of the Military Council of the Irish Republican Brotherhood in Dublin. After the Rising, MacSwiney began what would become a lifelong pattern of defending the actions of Terence. The MacSwiney siblings operated as a republican family unit; riddled with anguish about the failure of Cork to rise, Terence's sufferings were also Mary's. From this period, she sought to explain and rationalise his actions in pursuit of an Irish republic from her position as a firm republican in her own right. Relatively unusual for a woman born in 1872, MacSwiney was educated to third level. One of two women arrested in Cork after the 1916 Rising she lost her teaching position in St Angela's School on Patrick's Hill. While this was distressing on a personal and financial level, with true strength of character she established St Ita's High School in Belgrave Place in the September 1916. The first lay Catholic school of girls in the city, it was also intended to educate the future citizens of the republic. Irish activist, Maud Gonne MacBride, with the writer Miss Barry Delany and Mary MacSwiney, at Mountjoy Prison, during the hunger strike in November 1922. Pictures: Getty This was achieved while she visited her brother Terence and other prisoners in internment camps and jail across England and Wales in the aftermath of the Easter Rising. On Thursday, August 12, 1920, Terence MacSwiney left Belgrave Place where he had tea with his sisters, Mary and Annie, at half past five. He then took the six-minute walk across the north and south channels of the River Lee to the City Hall. Violence in Cork was high so Mary must have experienced some anxiety for his welfare when he departed. Three days earlier the Cork politician Liam de Róiste wrote in his diary that the city had experienced 'another night of terror: volleys of rifle fire in many districts; bullets entering houses; shops broken into and looted by the English soldiery'. Terence, along with 10 other men, was arrested in the City Hall less than two hours after he left Mary's home and later deported to Brixton Jail. The death of her beloved younger brother in a high-profile hunger strike on October 25, 1920, was a watershed moment for Mary. The everyday nature of her life as she carried out her teaching and political activities was viscerally sundered. After Terence's death, Mary MacSwiney assumed a central role in republican politics. She conducted two American tours in 1921 and again in 1925. Elected a Sinn Féin TD for Cork in 1921, a seat she held until the first general election of 1927. Her unyielding adherence to the ideal of full republican independence was a stance she maintained during the Civil War and after the Sinn Féin split in 1926, right down to her death in 1942. During the Civil War MacSwiney, described by the British government as one of 'the most extreme and dangerous women in Ireland', endured two gruelling hunger strikes: in November 1922 in Mountjoy Jail and again in April 1923 in Kilmainham Goal. She was a woman who refused to be silenced or defer to what she deemed inappropriate authority, for example, the right of the Catholic Church to make political statements during the Civil War. That de Valera explained his political choices and leanings to MacSwiney in an intimate political correspondence is noteworthy and testifies to her political centrality in the period of the war. MacSwiney was not a cipher for the extreme element within republicanism during the Treaty debates and during the Civil War. Her brother's 'agony' would never, as she wrote to de Valera, 'have been endured to the end for anything less than absolute and entire Separation'; this determined her unyielding rejection of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, 1921. Terence's high-profile death to advance the cause of full republican independence also meant that MacSwiney was not able to countenance, as de Valera was, re-entry into parliamentary politics in 1926. Mary MacSwiney was a woman who suffered ultimate loss in Brixton Jail in 1920. Her witnessing of, in the words of her sister Annie, scenes that were 'agonising beyond anything I could described', changed the trajectory of her life. When she declared in the Dáil on December 21, 1921, that Ireland had 'stood on a noble and spiritual ideal for the last three years', she was referring to the sacrifices of men such as her brother. Betrayal of the republic, for Mary, would have meant betrayal of a brother she loved and admired, and it would have been almost impossible for her to think and feel in any other way. Mary MacSwiney is in bookshops nationwide and at is in bookshops nationwide and at Mary MacSwiney will be launched by Taoiseach Micheál Martin at Cork City Hall on Friday, July 18, at 4pm. Read More Book casts fresh light on ideas that shaped Terence MacSwiney
Irish Times
02-05-2025
- Politics
- Irish Times
Mary MacSwiney by Leeann Lane: A revealing, well-researched and compelling biography of this patriot
Mary MacSwiney Author : Leeann Lane ISBN-13 : 9781739086381 Publisher : UCD Press Guideline Price : €30 In September 1922, amid the Irish Civil War, Sinn Féin leader Éamon de Valera bared his soul to his confidante, the Cork Sinn Féin TD Mary MacSwiney . He told her he was struggling because 'Reason rather than faith has been my master ... I have felt for some time that this doctrine of mine ill fitted me to be leader of the republican party'. MacSwiney retorted that 'Faith and Unreason are not synonymous terms. I plead guilty to the former. I resent the latter.' She praised those who understood 'the Spiritual and psychological aspects of the struggle ... men who BELIEVED in the Republic ... Theirs was the Faith that moves mountains.' MacSwiney was a titan of that school of faith and this book does justice to the depth of her belief. As a TD, suffragette, educator and tireless republican activist, she was a lot more than the sister of Terence MacSwiney, the Lord Mayor of Cork who died in October 1920 after a 74-day hunger strike in Brixton prison, though Lane underlines the centrality of that event to Mary's life, career and ultimate disillusionment with her peers. Her uncompromising stance led to her being caricatured as unhinged by her erstwhile comrades. This was unsurprising given the prevailing cultural ethos and fear of loud, assertive and politically charged women; what this book provides, in admirable detail, is a layered overview of what drove her and the perception of her. READ MORE The book draws on a wealth of valuable source material, including MacSwiney's collection of papers in the UCD archives. Born in London in 1872 to an English mother, a teacher, and a Cork father, Mary was the eldest of seven children. The family returned to Cork in 1879 where her father started a tobacco business that failed. Education for members of this tight-knit family was a priority (Mary received a BA from UCC in 1912) as was cultural nationalism and for Mary, the Munster Women's Franchise League. She became a teacher in St Angela's Ursuline College but was dismissed from that position in April 1916 due to her central position in Cork's Cumann na mBan (CnB). Terence was one of the founders of the Cork branch of the Irish Volunteers, but Cork's failure to rise in 1916 in tandem with Dublin was to remain a sore point and some of Mary's snobberies were reflected in her comment to Cork CnB members that it was only 'the scum of Dublin, Larkin's crowd' who fought, an early indication of her penchant for invective. Nonetheless, she threw herself into prisoner welfare work and opened her own school, St Ita's in Cork, to 'eradicate the slave mind from Ireland'. While deeply committed to Catholicism, she was prepared to challenge religious authority. Her fractiousness was also reflected in post-1916 splits in CnB, some of whose members in Cork saw her as overbearing, one contemporary recalling her being 'very annoyed at her wishes being questioned'. As a republican activist during that period, she was heavily influenced by Terence and it was his hunger strike during the War of Independence that led to the life she had lived until then being 'viscerally sundered', a trauma illuminated in powerful detail. Lane draws on the memoirs of Mary's sister and fellow activist Annie, who recalled of Brixton prison, 'none of us will ever forget the horror of that place'. This was political and personal for Mary and in London, she displayed the vigorous energy, resilience, talent for propaganda and rhetoric and disregard for barriers that were the hallmark of her career. She harried officialdom - prison governors, politicians, medical officers and churchmen - and good use is made of British Home Office files to document Terence's demise (in his coffin his body appeared 'like that of a child of twelve') and capture her wrath. If he were let die, Mary told the home secretary, 'we shall hold you personally responsible for murder'. One medical officer found her to be 'troublesome ... unpleasant and disorderly.' She was successful in ensuring Terence's hunger strike 'reached the world' and this was not unrelated to the shame still felt about Cork's passivity in 1916. Her profile and volubility stood in contrast to Terence's wife Muriel, who struggled with her mental health, and who Mary believed 'had not the inner stoicism of the MacSwineys'. With the death of Terence, unwillingness to compromise and determination to honour and vindicate his sacrifice defined Mary to an overwhelming degree and the emotional weight of the loss was channelled into spreading the republican gospel. She criss-crossed the United States from December 1920 to August 1921, where she had a powerful impact and honed her speaking skills, taking precedence over Muriel, who also travelled. There is fascinating detail here on the scale of this tour of 58 cities involving more than 300 meetings, fundraising, confronting infighting among Irish-American groups and the struggle to get access to senior American politicians ('Americans like to be flattered and I don't flatter them,' she wrote). She was also elected a Sinn Féin TD in her absence. One of the values of this book is the extensive documenting of her relationship with de Valera; their letters reveal an intimacy but also her frustration at her lack of involvement in the moves towards a ceasefire and negotiation. She told him in July 1921 she was 'longing for a peep at the inside negotiations', but the Anglo-Irish Treaty, negotiated without de Valera, shattered, in her words, 'the cause for which Brixton was endured'. Mary became the most vociferous opponent of the Treaty. She spoke for more than 2½ hours against it during the Dáil debates . Her speech was, as Lane notes, fanatical; if all the Irish were exterminated, she declared, 'the blades of grass dyed with their blood, will rise, like the dragons' teeth of old, into armed men'. Her words rested on the assertion that Terence's deathbed scene was 'the like of which has never been known in the world before'. She did not care if her constituents were pro-Treaty because she would only adhere to, as she told CnB members, 'the sacred question of principle'. This was also a period that marked a ferocious reaction to her from men such as Dublin TD Batt O'Connor, who decried women 'frothing to the mouth like angry cats'. For Mary, the Civil War was about reclaiming 'the worth and meaning of her brother's sacrifice'; she was arrested four times and endured two gruelling hunger strikes - the first lasted 24 days - during which she lambasted the Catholic Archbishop of Dublin for the refusal to allow her receive communion. She compared herself to Joan of Arc, and in parallel, spent much time pleading with de Valera to 'stand firm' and 'not break our hearts'. Her criticisms of Treaty supporters, and indeed its opponents, whom she regarded as not firm enough, became increasingly severe. WT Cosgrave's assertion that her 'ambition is, I believe, to be Queen of Ireland' is seen by Lane as a sexist slur, but it was hardly an unreasonable claim given Mary's language and dismissal of democracy ('we shall win out, even if only a few are faithful'). She was well able to dish out the insults herself, declaring proudly she was 'the most extreme of the extreme'. This is an intense, revealing, well-researched and often compelling biography. Lane, author of previous biographies of Dorothy Macardle and Rosamond Jacob, has made a profound contribution to our understanding of the republican women of that generation and their intimate and public lives. This book is, however, somewhat undermined by poor editing, repetition and unnecessary didactic interventions about gender and trauma themes. Readers are well able to see, in the copious contemporary correspondence and commentary the author uncovers, the forces that were at work in relation to how politicised, campaigning women were viewed. They do not need it constantly pointed out to them; likewise, the narrative of Terence's agonising death is gripping and tragic enough without the need for heavy-handed authorial interjections to remind us how it traumatised his family; again, that is painfully apparent in the quoted accounts and their own words. Mary's mindset led to increasing resentment against her, including from many women; Macardle criticised her 'sense of our moral inferiority'. Loyal to the second Dáil elected in 1921, and anti-Treaty Sinn Féin, she lost her Dáil seat in 1927. There was an inevitable parting of the ways with de Valera, and eventual resignation from senior positions in both CnB and Sinn Féin for their members' perceived compromises in tolerating certain dealings with the Free State she regarded as illegitimate. She was still desperately pleading with de Valera in 1936, when he was ensconced in power with the Fianna Fáil party she scorned, to 'come back to the Republic before it was too late'. But the response from de Valera was a refusal to engage in a 'futile controversy on matters of past history'. Mary never relented; her constant focus on that history made her increasingly politically marginalised, but this book makes us understand why she would not compromise. Diarmaid Ferriter is Professor of Modern Irish History at UCD. His most recent book is The Revelation of Ireland 1995-2020 (Profile Books). Further reading Margaret Ward's groundbreaking Unmanageable Revolutionaries: Women and Irish Nationalism (Pluto, 1983), quotes the memorable summing up by Sheila Humphreys of the bleak new Free State dawn for women republican activists: 'We felt the Irish public had forgotten us. The tinted trappings of our fight were hanging like rags about us.' The long-neglected memoir of another anti-Treaty republican, Máire Comerford's On Dangerous Ground (Lilliput, 2021) was edited by Hilary Dully to preserve the 'authenticity of Máire's voice in the telling of her story'. At the outset of the Civil War Máire wrote, 'I was in a place where there was no need for argument, and among people whose unanimity was like a distilled spirit of highest concentration.' Síobhra Aiken's Spiritual Wounds (Irish Academic Press, 2022) is also strong on trauma and argues strongly that 'The many voices that broke the silence can no longer be overlooked. Civil wars engender vibrant bodies of competing discourses.'
Telegraph
09-04-2025
- Business
- Telegraph
‘We bought a two-bed London property for £250k – and made £150k profit'
Collette MacSwiney was stuck on the idea of buying her first home in London. It is where she grew up, where she works and where her friends and family live – but her budget of £250,000 wasn't going to cut it. 'I was 25 by the time I graduated university and I didn't want to rent anywhere, so I lived at home with my parents in north London,' says MacSwiney, 29, who works in insurance. 'I started looking at properties but my limit wasn't getting me anything or anywhere close to where I wanted to buy. I wanted somewhere that wasn't two buses and a train ride to work.' She looked into the shared ownership scheme, where you buy part of a property and rent the rest, but decided it wasn't for her. In the end, her mum suggested she try an auction. Bidding for a property is relatively simple – whoever offers the highest amount wins. Any property can be sold via auction, but there is typically a reason that it has not been put on the regular market, such as needing vast renovations or having a tenant in situ. They are often good value for money, but can come with risks and nuances. There may be extra fees or a deadline for completion. And because auction properties are sold 'as seen', you are legally bound to purchase once the hammer falls – regardless of any nasty surprises. This didn't faze MacSwiney. After weeks of finding only houses with triangle-shaped rooms or corridors masquerading as a one-bed flats, she spotted a two-bedroom property in Willesden Green, north-west London. There was only one photograph of the outside of the building and a floorplan, but it fit the bill. The starting price was about £150,000. 'The outside was nothing special, but the flat was square with normal-shaped rooms,' says MacSwiney. 'We went to see it and it was pretty much as expected. The place was completely full of stuff and there were some weird decor choices – one of the rooms was completely pink with a large mural of Elsa from Frozen, for instance – but it didn't look like there were any structural issues.' MacSwiney and her mum decided to take part in the auction as a trial, just to see how the process worked and check that they were happy to go down the auction route. They opened with a low bid of £250 over the starting price and then watched as the other 13 bidders pushed up the price. If someone's bid remained unchallenged for 60 seconds, that person had won the flat. 'When the price was approaching our budget, mum just said, 'let's put in our maximum and then someone will up it and we'll know we're out'. We pressed 'bid' and then just stared at the screen saying 'someone will swoop in now, surely someone will come in, please someone else bid', but no one did,' she says. 'The auction ended and we had won and I was suddenly thinking, 'wow, I guess I'm buying this flat'. But the stars aligned, because we couldn't have planned for how well it's all gone.' While property auctions are typically thought of as the realm of investors and developers, MacSwiney is far from alone in using the process to buy her home. According to Savills, the estate agent, opportunistic buyers – those not necessarily looking for a property but who spot a good deal – and those searching for a property for their own use now make up two in five of those heading to auctions. It's becoming increasingly popular, too, with the number of new bidders increasing by 133pc since 2021. 'We've seen a strong seam of demand in the auction market,' says Gary Murphy, of Savills. 'Online live-streamed auctions have continued to offer an accessible route to purchase.' It's not only risk-takers entering the bidding wars, either. According to Savills, 58pc of those buying a home via auction said they would only bid when they were sure it represented 'fair value and minimal risk'. And most of them are happy customers – once buyers have used the auction process to buy a property they are very likely to return, with 95pc saying they would buy at auction again. This is certainly the case for Madeline Miller, who bought her first home in Manchester via auction after becoming disillusioned with the normal market when she was repeatedly outbid. 'We wanted a three-bedroom Victorian terrace filled with personality, but it's fiercely competitive and people frequently pay well over the listed price,' says Miller, 38, a tutor at UKWritings. 'It left us feeling completely disheartened.' Spurred on by a friend, Miller and her husband began to research the process and signed in to watch some property auctions in action. Eventually, a Victorian terrace in the right location and within their budget went under the hammer. They bought it for £185,000, well below the going price for similar homes of £230,000. 'The auction was exhilarating and nerve-wracking,' she says. 'Our main worry was placing an excessive bid during the auction, so we set a strict maximum and stuck to it. I'd absolutely use the auction process again, as it offers fair pricing and removes uncertainty. We could also approach it with more confidence next time. 'We love the house. It's hard work, but it's been amazing turning it into a home.' MacSwiney, who ended up buying the flat with her sister, Florence, 24, feels the same. It took a year and cost them nearly £100,000 to do up, but it is now completely refurbished. 'There was loads to do in the end,' she says. 'We had to completely empty the flat, which was packed. We threw away the sofa because it didn't have any cushions, but then we found them a few weeks later under a pile of stuff in the bedroom. 'We also thought we could keep the kitchen but then mum went to open a cupboard and the whole thing just fell on her, so we ended up gutting the place completely. The floorboards had all been taken up in my room and some weird polystyrene had been put down, so we ended up having to get all new floorboards.' It was all worth it, though. Flats in the building typically sell for between £400,000 and £500,000, and new-build flats across the street are on sale for about £700,000. MacSwiney estimates that hers would go on the market for around half a million – a profit of £150,000. 'I do recognise I got quite lucky,' she adds. 'I don't think all auction stories necessarily go this well.'
