Latest news with #MalcolmFraser
Yahoo
6 days ago
- Health
- Yahoo
For Many Kids, the 'Scariest Day of the Year' is the First Day of School
5 Tips to Help Students Who Stutter Have a Great School Year MEMPHIS, Tenn., June 3, 2025 /PRNewswire/ -- Kids are just getting out of school for the summer, with long days filled with camps, vacations and free time to play with family and friends ahead. But for many parents and teachers, it's already time to start preparing for going back to school. New teachers, new classmates, new school, new subjects and new class rules—these changes can sometimes feel overwhelming for many students and make the first day of school the "scariest day of the year," especially for students who stutter. The Stuttering Foundation has five tips to help prepare students to get ready this summer to thrive during the new school year: Spend time reading with your child who stutters. We have several free e-books listed on our summer reading list page for readers of all ages, and a running list stuttering-related books available through online booksellers, at book stores and in libraries. Watch a video titled "Stuttering: For Kids, By Kids 2.0" together to hear students talk about their experience with stuttering at school. Kids can really relate to their peers talking about life and learning in school. Take a trip to your local public library. For decades, The Stuttering Foundation has made its books and videos available for free to public libraries across the country. Today, through the generosity of benefactors, more than 16,000 libraries shelve these materials. Public libraries can request Stuttering Foundation materials free of charge by submitting an updated request form. Send us your letters and drawings! The Stuttering Foundation has published hundreds of submissions from students who stutter in our magazine and on our website. For kids, it's a wonderful reminder that you are not alone! Read letters from students and learn how to submit. Make a plan with your new teacher. Many schools let students meet their new teachers before the school year starts. Families may also communicate with new teachers before the new school year begins or on the first day. The Stuttering Foundation provides guidance on its "Notes to the Teacher: The Child Who Stutters at School" page on how to work as a team to have a successful school year. The Stuttering Foundation has created a curated collection of Back-to-School resources for parents and teachers on its website, About the Stuttering Foundation Malcolm Fraser, a successful businessman who struggled with stuttering, established the nonprofit Stuttering Foundation in 1947 and endowed it throughout his lifetime. The Foundation provides free online resources at for people who stutter and their families, as well as support for research into the causes of stuttering. View original content to download multimedia: SOURCE The Stuttering Foundation
The Advertiser
17-05-2025
- Politics
- The Advertiser
Why history might hold the answer for stricken Liberals
Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness. Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness. Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness. Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness.
ABC News
16-05-2025
- Politics
- ABC News
Contest for Bean leaves David Smith confronted with something few of Canberra's federal MPs have to deal with
It was the last thing ACT voters expected before this election. Few thought the outcome in any of the contests would remain in doubt for more than a week. But first-time independent Jessie Price brought the result in the electorate of Bean down to the closest ever margin for an ACT House of Representatives seat, currently less than half of one per cent. The previous record was a one per cent margin in the seat of Canberra in 1977. Back then, it was Liberal MP John Haslem who held on narrowly, after riding the landslide which endorsed Malcolm Fraser's government in 1975. The continuing Labor MP in Bean, David Smith, has no such excuse — his party having won a landslide at the very election he came face to face with political mortality. He is now confronted with something few of Canberra's recent federal MPs have had to deal with — a marginal seat to defend. She may have fallen short this time, but the clear expectation is that voters have not seen the last of Jessie Price. Upon conceding defeat, she committed to "keeping an ear out" for the community's thoughts and feelings over the next term, before adding "we'll probably be here again in three years' time". For someone to get so close, it would take a lot for them not to put their hand up again in 2028. By then the Labor government will be three years older, and as with all governments, weathered by all that will occur between now and then. This does not mean she is a shoe-in. Not until the final days of this campaign did Labor seriously worry that Jessie Price could snatch the seat. Next time, the party will leave nothing to chance. Expect a fully-fledged sandbagging campaign to keep a once-safe seat in the fold. The critical change which put Bean in play had little to do with Labor or Jessie Price. It was the almost seven per cent drop in the Liberal vote which opened the door. No doubt many of those defections from the Liberal Party parked their vote with the independent. The question remains whether the defections were temporary, or whether they could be persuaded to vote independent a second time. Even though Canberra's south is traditionally the strongest area for the Liberals, their chances of ever winning Bean themselves are limited, absent an emphatic election win which seems unlikely in 2028. It raises the possibility the Liberals will follow the course Labor has charted in the so-called 'Teal' seats and run dead. The enemy of my enemy is my friend, after all. It presents an added complication for a Labor MP who fell into the role almost by accident. David Smith initially served in the Senate, appointed by the High Court in 2018 after Katy Gallagher was found ineligible due to her lingering British citizenship. The creation of a third lower house seat for the ACT in 2019 helped keep David Smith in parliament upon his predecessor's return. In the aftermath of the election, he has been at pains to highlight that Labor's primary vote in Bean remained steady at 41 per cent, and it was preference flows which made the seat so close. Be that as it may, the task now will be to increase Labor's primary vote, when the best election to do so has arguably just come and gone. Before this year's campaign began, I observed that major party leaders tend not to spend much time in Canberra on the campaign trail. Something tells me next time will be different.
West Australian
16-05-2025
- Politics
- West Australian
Why history might hold the answer for stricken Liberals
Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness.
Perth Now
16-05-2025
- Politics
- Perth Now
Why history might hold the answer for stricken Liberals
Those who forget history are doomed to repeat it, as the aphorism goes. For the Liberal Party, the lessons to be learned after a historic election defeat eerily resemble a re-run of a schooling the party received decades earlier. Women and young people abandoned the conservatives, multicultural communities lost faith and there was a prominent drop in support among metropolitan voters. Those findings from a 1983 review into the blistering election defeat of then-Liberal prime minister Malcolm Fraser mirror problems raised by party members after the party's 2025 loss. Fresh thinking was needed, the talents of women should be better utilised and there had to be better communication with young people, then-Liberal president John Valder found, noting parties that ignored change didn't survive. One of those points has been addressed after the most recent electoral defeat with the appointment of Sussan Ley as the first female leader of the federal Liberals. But she still faces a monumental challenge with a loss of frontbench talent and the need to re-establish what the Liberals stand for with voters, experts and party insiders say. The wipeout under Peter Dutton on May 3 was proportionally worse than Mr Fraser's defeat, reducing the Liberals to just 30 per cent of lower house seats - its worst position in the post-war era. In addition to their greater parliamentary presence, the 1983 Liberals also retained a lot more experience on their front bench, political historian Josh Black said. There was "an obvious dearth of apparent talent" this time around, meaning the path forward would need to be different, he told AAP. Outgoing Liberal prime minister Scott Morrison was criticised in the aftermath of his 2022 defeat - at that time the party's worst in 70 years - for abandoning inner-city seats that were won by teal independents and instead targeting the outer suburbs. Mr Dutton has been accused of unsuccessfully trying the same playbook that backfired three years earlier. But the outer suburbs targeted by the coalition were no longer the working-class areas successfully won over by former Liberal prime minister John Howard, pollster Kos Samaras said. They were now incredibly diverse, often populated by young, immigrant families. Liberals who thought Howard-era thinking still prevailed were "quite ignorant of the Australia they live in", Mr Samaras said. The party needed to become more empathetic and tolerant, including by abandoning its perceived anti-immigration sentiments, he said. Young, working-class men of Indian heritage in their 20s and 30s, who on the face of it might vote Liberal, did not rally behind the party. When asked why, they would reply, "Oh, they don't like us", Mr Samaras added. "(The Liberals are) going to have to grab that dog whistle, dig a big hole and bury it and never dig it up again," he said. Some among the Liberals question how the party of Robert Menzies, which was formed in conjunction with the Australian Women's National League, also failed to appeal to the female demographic so badly. There was no clear start to the Liberals' women problem but rather decades of incremental decisions, Dr Black said. Challenges started emerging by the 1970s, when that generation of Liberal politicians were less comfortable sharing power with women compared to those in the Menzies era, he said. By the 1990s, the Liberals were adamant about not moving to a quota system for pre-selecting women despite the Labor Party making the change. Senior conservative Liberals also came out in the 2000s against issues like easier access to abortions, he said. "There are key milestones like this that meant by the 2010s, a real women problem had emerged," Dr Black added. Western Sydney MP Melissa McIntosh, one of the few Liberals to hold their outer-suburban seats, said her party had already heeded the message from the election by electing its first female leader. But it still needed to do a better job communicating what it stood for, she said. "We have beliefs that women would resonate with talking about equality for all, that's a core belief of the Liberal Party," she said. The Liberals also face a cultural shift, with support for the party plummeting among millennial and Gen Z voters, many of whom have turned to minor parties or independents. They included people who can't afford a house and the first generation facing a future in which they would be worse off than their parents, Mr Samaras said. That cohort of voters did not share the same views as baby boomers had when they were younger, he said, changing the Liberals path back to government compared to the post-Fraser years. The last time the Liberals were down as low, they were consigned to 13 years in opposition and five consecutive election defeats before Mr Howard's 1996 victory. Ms Ley has already made history once by becoming leader and she will need to do it again if she wants to avoid a repeat of the party's last stint in the wilderness.
