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Yahoo
05-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Why we must listen to Virginia's governors — even when they don't reflect our full story
The Executive Mansion in Richmond's Capitol Square, the official residence of the governor of Virginia. (Photo by Markus Schmidt/Virginia Mercury) I received an email about an event happening on May 17, 2025, at Virginia Commonwealth University, marking the 71st anniversary of Brown v. Board of Education, which dismantled segregation in schools nationwide, hosted by the Virginians for Reconciliation Project. What struck me immediately — and not in a good way — was that the panel consisted entirely of white men. It stopped me cold. Everyone on the email thread I was on was outraged too. That is, until I realized that the panelists were all former governors of Virginia. And in case you didn't know, Virginia has only ever elected one Black governor, L. Douglas Wilder, in 1989. Every other governor since the 1600s has been a white man. My initial reaction was to criticize the lack of diversity on the panel, which seemed ironic since they were supposed to be discussing one of the most pivotal moments in American history that diversified classrooms in Virginia and beyond. Why not include former Gov. Wilder, now in his 90s? Or the current Black Speaker of the House? Or the Senate Majority Leader, a Black woman? Or the sitting Lt. Governor, a Black Republican woman? The only Black woman involved is the moderator — a sitting state delegate from Richmond — but she's not on the panel itself. Let's be honest: A panel of all white men cannot reflect the full breadth of Virginia's past — or its future. But these men did hold the highest office in the commonwealth. They shaped Virginia's policies, laws, and institutions, for better or worse. And if we are serious about reconciliation, we must be willing to hear from those who held power, even when that power excluded us. This is not about agreement — it's about accountability. We can't change the systems we don't understand. These governors can offer insights into what shaped Virginia, where it failed and where we must go. Reconciliation is not passive. It is active, inclusive and uncomfortable. It requires listening — even when what we hear doesn't reflect our values or experience. We are in a moment of necessary tension in Virginia and across America, vacillating between reverence and reckoning, history and hope. This upcoming panel brings together seven former governors from both parties. Yes, they are all white. Yes, they are all men. The concerns raised about the lack of racial and gender diversity they represent are valid. In a nation still reckoning with the legacies of segregation and systemic exclusion, representation is not just symbolic; it's substantive. Diversity brings perspective. It brings the lived experience of those long shut out of decision-making rooms. So why bring these seven men together now? Because this is not a celebration of the past — it's a confrontation with it. Some of these governors resisted change. Some enabled it. All of them governed during periods of transformation or stagnation. If they are honest, their reflections can illuminate the forces that shaped us, and the courage or silence that defined their terms. This is not the end of the conversation. It's the beginning. I hope this panel helps Virginians become bridge builders and legacy leaders. Seventy-one years after Brown, we don't need self-congratulation, we need truth-telling. We need space to ask: What did we get wrong? What must we do differently? Who do we still leave behind? In November, Virginia will elect a woman as governor — no matter who wins. That's never happened before. That's not symbolic. That's transformational. That's the arc of history bending, finally, toward equity. Her time has come: Virginia will, after four centuries, have a woman governor The panel is only one piece of a broader program. And to VCU's credit, the commitment to reconciliation is real. But reconciliation must be rooted in honesty. It must reflect the fullness of who we are and who we aspire to be. So, if I may offer some unsolicited advice to enhance this program: Add current Black leaders to the event. That could include the Black female Lt. Governor, the Black Speaker of the House, or former Black statewide officials. Don't frame their inclusion as an afterthought. Make it clear they are essential to the vision of this event. Emphasize that their leadership represents the future of Virginia. Not just diversity for diversity's sake, but the new center of power, voice, and vision. To honor Brown, we must amplify those carrying the torch forward, not just those who held it in the past. We must widen the circle, deepen the dialogue, and ensure that reconciliation includes truth, representation and responsibility. Reconciliation, after all, is not a moment — it is a movement. It calls us to listen across difference, to learn from power and to lift the voices long silenced. We are building a new bridge for Virginia, one strong enough to carry us GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX
Yahoo
14-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Va. education department submits overdue reports to lawmakers; one report outstanding
The new General Assembly Building in Richmond's Capitol Square. (Markus Schmidt/Virginia Mercury) Two months after a deadline imposed by lawmakers, the Virginia Department of Education published four of its five overdue reports, detailing progress on funding programs, how school divisions perform under quality standards and outcomes for special education students in private day schools. Two of the reports published by the department included summaries on teacher salaries compared with other states and how funds are used in several programs to provide students with extra help with their studies and learning to read. The other reports were summaries on how localities are meeting the Standards of Quality, or the set minimum requirements to support school divisions, and on the outcome data for students with disabilities who are enrolled in private schools. The fifth report, which is still outstanding, is survey results of school-level teaching conditions and the impact such conditions have on teacher retention and student achievement. The reports, typically requested by lawmakers, help them make legislative and funding decisions. When the reports reached a two-month delay, on March 2, state lawmakers contacted the agency, specifically Secretary of Education Aimee Guidera and then-Superintendent of Public Instruction Lisa Coons, about the delayed reports. Within a week, Coons signed four completed reports, between March 6-10. The following week, Coons resigned from her position. Since then, the agency has welcomed Emily Anne Gullickson as the superintendent of public instruction. Gullickson's appointment will be considered by the General Assembly. Questions linger after Coons' sudden resignation from Va. education department In response to the Mercury's questions, the Department of Education did not explain why the reports were delayed or how four of them were able to be produced so quickly once lawmakers pushed for their submission. The Department said it 'sends assigned reports to the General Assembly immediately upon completion.' Sen. Ghazala Hashmi, D-Richmond, and Del. Sam Rasoul, D-Roanoke, signed the letter directed to Coons and Guidera in March requesting the reports that provide 'critical information' that they said will be essential for future discussions. The two lawmakers, who chair their respective education committees in the Senate and House, requested a timeline for completion and submission of each report. Instead, the agency published four of the five reports without the two receiving a response as to why the reports took as long as they did to be published. 'The reality is that there's clearly a lot of internal strife inside of the administration. That's why there's been so much turnover at the superintendent level and within the department,' Rasoul said. 'I think that there are many good people, both within the administration and in the legislature, who are trying to just focus on improving Virginia schools. However, there are too many folks, including the governor, who have just hyper-politicized every move in education.' In addition to the overdue reports, Hashmi said the list of delays also includes a delay in the release the results of the state assessments 'for parents and students and teachers to take a look at an individual student's performance' and the teaching guidelines for the history and social science standards to help provide resources for teachers before the fall. 'They were supposed to be available at least last year, and here we are still waiting for them,' Hashmi said. She said past reports under Gov. Glenn Youngkin's administration have also included errors and have had quality issues. 'I'm hoping that we'll see some changes now under a new leadership,' she said. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX
Yahoo
08-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
From the top down, Virginia's 2025 elections are packed with contenders
The Executive Mansion in Richmond. (Photo by Markus Schmidt/Virginia Mercury) The 2025 election season in Virginia is officially underway — and the landscape is coming into sharp focus after last week's filing deadline for the June 17 primaries. With the top of the tickets now set and the full list of candidates for the House of Delegates finalized, both parties are preparing for what could be one of the most consequential election years in the commonwealth's recent history. Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears became the Republican nominee for governor by default after former state Sen. Amanda Chase and former Del. Dave LaRock failed to submit enough valid signatures to qualify for the primary ballot. The GOP now avoids a potentially divisive nomination fight and can direct all of its resources toward the general election, where Earle-Sears will face former U.S. Rep. Abigail Spanberger, the Democratic nominee who left Congress in 2024 to run for governor. Spanberger enters the race with a clear financial advantage. Her campaign reported raising $9.6 million by the end of 2024, with $6.6 million in cash on hand. On Monday, her team announced an additional $6.7 million raised in the first quarter of 2025. 'Our campaign is tremendously grateful for this record-breaking show of support,' Campaign Manager Samson Signori said in an email. 'We are proud to run a grassroots campaign with the strong support of thousands of volunteers across every corner of our commonwealth.' Earle-Sears ended 2024 with $2.6 million raised and $2.1 million in cash. Last week, her campaign announced a $3.1 million haul for the first quarter — a figure she achieved despite being unable to raise money for much of the reporting period. As a sitting member of the legislature, Earle-Sears is barred from fundraising during the General Assembly session. 'Our campaign is proudly fueled by hardworking Virginians who want a leader who will cut taxes, defend parental rights, and keep our communities safe,' Earle-Sears said in a statement. 'The threat of radical change that would turn our commonwealth in the wrong direction is real and demands we fight back directly and aggressively.' Two independent candidates, Donna Charles and Andrew White, have also filed to run for governor. No campaign finance disclosures have been filed for either. Stephen Farnsworth, a political science professor at the University of Mary Washington, said the absence of a gubernatorial primary gives both major candidates a strategic edge heading into November. 'This is the best case scenario for both of the candidates,' Farnsworth said. He noted that primaries often force contenders to cater to their party's ideological base — sometimes at the expense of their appeal in a general election. 'If you go through the primary process, you will have to say a number of things to win over the ideological extremists who vote in primaries, and the things that you say in the spring can come back to haunt you in November,' he explained. 'And now they don't have to deal with it.' For Republicans especially, Farnsworth added, the early clarity in the race is a rare bright spot. 'With no primary, you can focus on the general election,' he said. 'It's a rare bit of good news for Republicans, who have a lot of headwinds coming out of Washington going into this election.' The lieutenant governor's race has drawn large and diverse fields on both sides. Three Republicans are seeking the nomination: U.S. Navy veteran John Curran, Pat Herrity — the last remaining Republican on the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors — and conservative radio host John Reid. The Democratic field is even more crowded, with six candidates vying for the nomination: attorney Alex Bastani; state Sens. Ghazala Hashmi, D-Richmond, and Aaron Rouse, D-Virginia Beach; physician Babur Lateef; former U.S. Department of Justice counsel Victor Salgado; and former Richmond mayor Levar Stoney. Marlow Jones, a member of the Petersburg City Council and a Republican, is also running for lieutenant governor — as an independent. In the race for attorney general, Republican incumbent Jason Miyares is seeking a second term. Miyares, who made history in 2021 as the first Latino elected to statewide office in Virginia, is running unopposed in the GOP primary. Two Democrats are competing for the nomination to challenge him in November. Former state Del. Jay Jones of Norfolk, who previously ran for attorney general in 2021 but lost the primary to then-incumbent Mark Herring, is back for another attempt. Henrico County Commonwealth's Attorney Shannon Taylor, a veteran local prosecutor, is also seeking the Democratic nod. In the House of Delegates, all 100 seats are on the ballot this year. Democrats are fielding 114 candidates in 96 districts, while Republicans are running 76 candidates in 66 districts. Democrats have primaries in 14 districts, and Republicans have primary contests in 10. The Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee (DLCC) on Monday announced a seven-figure investment in the campaigns of four incumbents in what they view as winnable districts — Dels. Josh Thomas, D-Prince William, Josh Cole, D-Fredericksburg, Nadarius Clark, D-Suffolk, and Michael Feggans, D-Virginia Beach. Each won their 2023 races by 3 to 6 percentage points. DLCC pours money into Virginia races, citing 'All eyes on 2025' 'The DLCC's investment is a clear signal that the eyes of the nation are on Virginia — and for good reason,' said Amber Gantt, a spokeswoman for the Virginia House Democratic Caucus. 'Our frontline delegates flipped some of the toughest districts in the state, and they're already delivering real results for Virginians.' The margin for control of the House couldn't have been tighter in 2023, when just 975 votes statewide ultimately determined which party held the majority. That razor-thin outcome is a vivid reminder of how every district, and every ballot cast, could prove decisive in 2025. Farnsworth, the political scientist, said that this year's political landscape carries echoes of 2017, when Democratic enthusiasm surged in response to Donald Trump's first presidency — a dynamic that appears to be resurfacing after Trump's return to the White House. 'In a lot of ways this does look sort of like eight years ago, where you have a lot of motivated Democrats in part because of the energy within the party, but also because of the frustration with President Trump. Both of these dynamics seem to be present this year.' Farnsworth cautioned that Republicans could face a turnout challenge if they fail to field candidates in enough down-ballot races — a challenge that hurt Democrats in the past. 'There is a potential problem, though, in a statewide election if you don't have Republican candidates in a larger number of districts, because you may not be encouraging a Republican turnout,' Farnsworth said. 'The more Republicans there are on the ballot in House of Delegates races, the more likely there'll be people voting Republican up and down the ballot. That was one of the problems that the Democrats had four years ago were districts that didn't have a Democratic name on the ballot, and that hurt (Democrat) Terry McAuliffe's campaign.' Only one GOP incumbent — Del. Terry Austin, R-Botetourt — faces a primary challenge this year, from Austen Schwend. On the Democratic side, several incumbents are being challenged from within their own party. Del. Patrick Hope, D-Arlington, faces Sean Epstein and Arjoon Srikanth in District 1. In Richmond's District 81, Del. Delores McQuinn is up against Alicia Atkins, while in Virginia Beach, Del. Kelly Convirs-Fowler is being challenged by Brandon Hutchins in District 96. Democrats are also making a concerted push into Republican-held territory, with candidates running in 43 GOP-leaning districts this year. Republicans, by contrast, are challenging Democratic incumbents in only 15 districts. The disparity is part of a broader Democratic strategy aimed at driving turnout — especially in areas that could also benefit Spanberger's gubernatorial bid. Sen. Lamont Bagby, D-Henrico, who chairs the Democratic Party of Virginia, said the stakes in this year's elections have galvanized Democratic voters — and now the focus is on sustaining that momentum through November by winning back the governor's mansion and increasing Democrats' narrow 51-49 majority in the House. 'There's no question that folks are energized headed into this election cycle, we just need to make sure to keep the energy up,' Bagby said. Framing the governor's race as a pivotal moment for Virginia's future, Bagby described the contrast between the candidates as sharper than anything he's seen in recent memory. 'We've heard it time and time again, but in my lifetime I don't think there's ever been a clearer choice between the two candidates for governor,' he said. With that clarity, he added, comes a responsibility to channel enthusiasm into organizing and outreach — while recognizing that serious challenges remain. 'We are working to make sure we are prepared to move that energy in the right direction,' Bagby said. 'At the same time, we understand that there is a lot of work ahead, and some folks are committed to turn back the progress that we made related to health care and protecting families, we'll just have to run through the tape.' But Ken Nunnenkamp, executive director of the Republican Party of Virginia, downplayed the idea that more Democratic candidates equals more enthusiasm. 'I'm still not seeing an enthusiasm gap here. We've got a bunch of really good candidates,' Nunnenkamp said. 'And at the end of the day, just because three or four people have filed in a Democratic primary, that doesn't mean that there is any enthusiasm.' Democrats seize on enthusiasm gap in 2025 Virginia House races He also expressed skepticism that a broader Democratic field in rural districts would pay off for Spanberger in November. 'Four years ago, Terry McAuliffe went and worked his tail off trying to get votes in the rural districts, and he couldn't do it because the Democratic message doesn't resonate with a lot of people in those areas,' Nunnenkamp said. 'I think (Spanberger) is going to spend as much time and money trying to turn out Democrats in those five districts where no Democrats are running, and I have a feeling just like last year, the Democratic message at the House of Delegates level is the same as it is on the statewide level. I think they're going to have a horrible time.' Still, Democrats are making history with their field. Of the 114 Democratic House candidates, 58 are women — including 27 incumbents — and at least seven are veterans. Eight veterans already serve in the chamber. By contrast, just five GOP incumbents are women, and a total of 17 Republican women are running for the House in 2025. Independent candidates are rare this cycle, appearing in just four House districts. One of the most closely watched is District 50, where former Democrat Trudy Berry is now running as an independent after being denied ballot access last year due to an email error. Berry is up against Republican Del. Tommy Wright of Lunenburg and Democrat Earnadette Powell Farrar in a three-way contest that includes parts of Mecklenburg, Charlotte, Lunenburg, Prince Edward, and Halifax counties. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Yahoo
03-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Lawmakers push back on Youngkin budget, pass bipartisan bills on probation, dangerous driving
The Virginia House of Delegates during veto session on Wednesday. (Photo by Markus Schmidt/Virginia Mercury) In a swift and silent rebuke, the Virginia House of Delegates on Wednesday signed off on just 41 of Gov. Glenn Youngkin's proposed changes to the $188 billion state budget, rejecting the other 164 without floor debate. Democrats fail to override Youngkin vetoes in largely symbolic showdown The move leaves billions in spending and tax policy hanging in the balance — and sets the stage for a potential showdown between Democrats, a GOP governor and a Republican legislative minority three months before the new fiscal year begins. At the heart of the disagreement is Youngkin's effort to slash $300 million from the budget to plug anticipated shortfalls linked to waning federal support. A major casualty of those proposed cuts is the funding to fully lift a long-standing cap on support for school staff — a key priority for public schools across the state. Lawmakers had approved $223 million for that initiative in February, but Youngkin wanted to pull back $183.2 million of it. The House said no. And although House Democrats supported locking in permanent increases to the standard tax deduction for filers who don't itemize, along with an expanded refundable earned income tax credit for low-income Virginians, Senate Democrats pushed back, declining to make those changes permanent — despite including two-year boosts to both in the budget passed during the session. The proposal was one of eight additional amendments from Youngkin that failed in the Senate. Despite the tensions, the Democratic-controlled legislature did throw the governor a few wins, including a key concession for small businesses. Lawmakers agreed to continue the pass-through entity tax workaround, allowing business owners to bypass federal limits on state and local tax deductions. In his budget amendments that he unveiled at an event before administration officials and reporters in Richmond last month, Youngkin had already signed off on the legislature's plan to issue nearly $1 billion in income tax rebates this fall — right before the upcoming statewide elections — with individuals set to receive $200 and joint-filers $400. He also accepted bonuses for public employees, a 1.5% bump for state workers and $1,000 payouts for teachers and school staff. Still, some of Youngkin's more populist ideas never made it off the drawing board. During the legislative session, Democrats soundly rejected his proposals to offset car tax payments and exempt tip income from taxation, both modeled after GOP efforts on the national stage. In a statement released Wednesday evening, Youngkin acknowledged the formal conclusion of the 2025 legislative session with measured appreciation, even as Democrats rejected the vast majority of his proposed budget changes. 'The General Assembly has now concluded its legislative work for 2025. I am grateful to all our legislators, who dedicate their time and energy to serving the people of Virginia,' Youngkin said. Despite the pushback against a wide swath of his proposed amendments, the governor struck a conciliatory tone and emphasized the next phase of the process. 'Over the next 30 days I will review and take final action on the bills and budget amendments that have been sent back to my desk,' he said, signaling that more vetoes could still be on the horizon. Beginning with lunch in the afternoon, Virginia lawmakers ended Wednesday's lengthy reconvened session agreeing on several amendments made by Youngkin, moving forward proposals to improve traffic stops in the commonwealth, expand opportunities for people who have been incarcerated and reign in risky drivers. However, on the same day, lawmakers also rejected Youngkin's amendments for bills that would have made changes to textbook and instructional materials in public schools, preserved Virginians' access to contraceptives and required unconscious bias training when renewing medical licenses. Here are some of the bills taken up during Wednesday's reconvened session. Following an unlikely alliance between the two parties, Virginia is now a step closer to probation reform that advocates stress can help citizens returning to their communities after incarceration get back on their feet and be less likely to reoffend. After passing both chambers last month, Virginia's legislature formally accepted the governor's amendments to SB 936 and HB 2252. Youngkin vetoed a version of the bill last year before embracing it this year, albeit with his own changes tacked on. Unlikely allies unite for probation reform, but Youngkin has final say Both bills aim to allow reduced probation times if formerly incarcerated people demonstrate certain milestones indicative of reestablishing their lives. Examples include securing employment for at least 30 hours a week, earning vocational certifications, participating in mental health or substance use treatment programs and obtaining stable housing and health insurance coverage. While the passed version of the bill allows for up to 30-days reduction in probation time depending on criteria met and 15 days for others, Youngkin's amendment places them all at 15 days. Advocates in support of the bill note that it can build on an executive order Youngkin signed last summer designed to reduce recidivism. With his amendments accepted, he's likely to sign the bill. As happened last year, the legislature passed a right-to-contraception bill that Youngkin sought amendments on before later vetoing. Both chambers rejected the governor's recommended changes to the measure. Youngkin's substitute of the bill reinforces two U.S. Supreme Court cases that deal with access to contraception nationwide, while the proposal would preserve contraception access specifically in Virginia, if those federal cases should be overturned. Some states have debated contraceptive restrictions after the rollback of federal protections for abortion in 2022. Before requesting the Senate reject his amendments Wednesday, bill sponsor Sen. Ghazala Hashmi, D-Chesterfield, said Youngkin's amendment 'makes this bill not really worth anything at all.' When lawmakers rejected his amendment last year he'd vetoed the bill — something that is likely to reoccur this year. Also on the reproductive health front, the legislature rejected Youngkin's amendments to a bill that would require unconscious bias training when renewing medical licenses. Carried several years in a row with bipartisan support and patronage, Youngkin sought similar amendments last year that were rejected before he ultimately vetoed it. His substitute strips the mention of cultural competency and unconscious bias, and instead added 'populations that data indicate experience significantly greater than average maternal mortality, postpartum complications and infant mortality.' Youngkin signs several maternal health bills, tweaks another on unconscious bias training The proposal, found in SB 740 and identical House measure HB 1649, was part of a slate of bills aimed at improving maternal health outcomes this year, in light of data showing Black women are more likely to have negative outcomes or die than others. Studies show that racial bias can be a factor in the disparities. With his changes not accepted, he could veto the bill again. The legislature voted to reject Youngkin's amendments to SB 875 and HB 2610, which would establish a sole pharmacy benefits manager in Virginia. Pharmacy benefits managers act as intermediaries between health plans, drug manufacturers and pharmacies, but their lack of transparency has raised concerns. PBMs retain rebates and discounts from contracts, leaving consumers and pharmacies unsure how much savings are actually being passed on. After the proposals cleared the Senate unanimously and nearly so in the House, Youngkin's amendment sought to study the matter further. 'We do not need more studies,' Sen. Aaron Rouse, D-Virginia Beach, one of the bill's patrons, said Wednesday. 'This is a true bipartisan bill.' He and Republican lawmakers have teamed up to tout what they called the 'Save Local Pharmacies Act.' The bill would eliminate health-plan-run PBMs in Medicaid and establish a single state-contracted one. This move, supporters say, would improve accountability, lower costs and help independent pharmacies stay afloat. The House agreed to the governor's recommendation targeting exhibition driving that would bring tougher penalties for offenders. The bill, carried by Del. David Bulova, D-Fairfax, broadens Virginia's reckless driving laws to include exhibition driving, defined as aggressive driving near groups of two or more people. Offenders would also face stiffer penalties including up to a year in jail and a $2,500 fine — either or both — under the proposal. Passengers of exhibition drivers wouldn't get off scott-free, either. If they're caught riding on a car's hood or roof, they would face a $500 fine, the measure dictates. One of the amendment changes removes the mandatory minimum jail term if an offender causes the death of another person. The penalty for the felony offense is a minimum of one year and a maximum of 20 years in jail. The House accepted a recommendation by the governor for a bill carried by Del. Sam Rasoul, D-Roanoke, that would improve communication between drivers who have been diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder and law enforcement officers. HB 2501 charges the Department of Motor Vehicles with designing a program that would oversee the development of special envelopes identifying drivers with autism, which those drivers could show police during traffic stops to help the interaction proceed smoothly. The governor's recommendation added language that the DMV does not have to verify any information on the envelope. According to the Department of Planning and Budget, it would cost about $14,500 for DMV to implement the proposal. Lawmakers in both chambers rejected the governor's amendment for a bill that would have made changes to textbooks and other instructional materials in Virginia's public schools. Sen. Schuyler VanValkenburg, D-Henrico, who carried the bill in the Senate, opposed the governor's amendment because it excluded in part language to create a work group to study the textbook approval processes. The amendment also excluded language that would require the Virginia Department of Education to consult with teachers, specialists and subject experts to evaluate any changes to the current textbook review process. The companion bill, carried by Del. Dan Helmer, D-Fairfax, was also rejected in the House. An effort to regulate automated license plate readers at the state level was met with debate and near-defeat throughout the 2025 legislative session, after the proposal had also been workshopped last year by the Virginia Crime Commission. After passing the legislature, Youngkin's amendments to HB 2724 were rejected Wednesday. The technology has become widely adopted by law enforcement, private businesses and homeowner associations across the country but has also largely operated in a grey area. Virginia's police departments that use it have not been subject to regulation — though some departments, such as Charlottesville's, have already self-regulated, with moves like capping data storage to seven days. In attempting to regulate at the state level, House Majority Leader Charniele Herring, D-Alexandria, sought to limit data storage to 30 days, but opposition from criminal justice and immigrants rights groups compelled her to reduce that to 21 days. Youngkin's amendment would have bumped that back up to 30 days. With the rejection, he can now choose to sign the bill as it had come to him or he can veto it. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Yahoo
01-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
With vetoes and destructive amendments, Youngkin acts to deepen Virginia's energy woes
Gov. Glenn Youngkin took action on more than 900 pieces of legislation Monday. (Photo by Markus Schmidt/Virginia Mercury) This year's General Assembly session notably failed to produce legislation addressing the widening gap between electricity demand and supply in Virginia. Legislators shied away from measures that would address the growing demand from data centers, but they also couldn't bring themselves to improve the supply picture by supporting landowners who want to host solar facilities. By the time the session ended, a mere handful of bills had passed that could improve our ability to meet demand. Still, the initiatives that did pass offered positive steps forward on energy efficiency, distributed generation, interconnection of rooftop solar, energy storage, EV charging and utility planning. In addition, two data center-related bills passed requiring more planning and transparency during the local permitting process and tasking utilities with developing a demand response program to relieve some of the added burden on the grid. Governor unleashes veto storm to drown progressive legislation Sadly, however, Republican Gov. Glen Youngkin decided to use his powers of veto and amendment to water down or scuttle the limited (and mostly bipartisan) progress legislators made. The only two data center bills were effectively killed, as were most energy bills – some by veto, others by amendments that made them worse than no action at all. There's nothing very subtle going on here. The governor loves data centers and isn't about to limit their growth, regardless of the consequences to residential ratepayers and communities. He's also stuck in a rut of attacking the Virginia Clean Economy Act (VCEA), which prioritizes low-cost renewable energy over legacy fossil fuels. He won't be in office when the chickens come home to roost in the form of an electricity shortfall and skyrocketing rates, but he's setting up his party to cast blame on the liberal climate agenda. The General Assembly failed to pass legislation that would have shifted responsibility for sourcing clean energy onto the data center operators. The only bill to pass that even makes energy a consideration in the siting of data centers is HB 1601, sponsored by Del. Josh Thomas, D-Gainesville. In addition to site assessment provisions at the permitting stage, it requires the utility serving the facility to describe any new electric generating units, substations and transmission voltage that would be required. Facing data center sprawl and an energy crisis, Virginia lawmakers leap into action. Just kidding. Limited as these provisions are, the governor proposed amendments to further weaken the bill, then added a clause requiring that for the bill to take effect, it has to be passed all over again in 2026. That's a veto by another name. SB 1047 from Sen. Danica Roem, D-Manassas, requires utilities to implement demand-response programs for customers with a power demand of more than 25 MW, a way of relieving grid constraints during times of high demand. The governor vetoed the bill, deeming it unnecessary. The only data center-related bill that did get the governor's approval is one of questionable utility. HB 2084 from Del. Irene Shin, D-Herndon, merely requires the SCC to use its existing authority during a regular proceeding sometime in the next couple of years to determine whether Dominion and Appalachian Power are using reasonable customer classifications in setting rates, and if not, whether new classifications are reasonable. The SCC seems to be doing this already anyway, but maybe this lets our leaders claim they are doing something to protect residential ratepayers. Plus, they can now call it a bipartisan effort! With Virginia fixed on a collision course between growing demand for energy from data centers and our leaders' refusal to support low-cost solar to provide the power, it is more important than ever that our utilities engage in transparent and comprehensive planning through the integrated resource plans (IRPs) filed with the State Corporation Commission. Over the course of last fall, the Commission on Electric Utility Regulation hammered out what I think is truly good legislation to ensure Dominion and APCo present the information the SCC and the public need to be sure our utilities are making the decisions that will improve our energy position and put the needs of ratepayers ahead of corporate profits. In vetoing SB 1021 from Sen. Scott Surovell, D-Fairfax, and HB 2413 from Del. Candi Munyon-King, D-Dumfries, the governor offered this muddled statement: 'The State Corporation Commission has the expertise and the authority to make requirements and changes to the integrated resource plan process. The Virginia Clean Economy Act is failing Virginia and those that champion it should stop trying to buttress this failing policy. But rather should be focused on procuring the dependable power needed to meet our growing demand through optimizing for reliability, affordability, and increasingly clean power generation.' We get it: Johnny One-Note doesn't like the VCEA. He said that already. But right now, APCo isn't filing IRPs at all, and the SCC has been so frustrated with Dominion's filings that it didn't approve the last one, and demanded a supplement to the most recent one even before it was filed. Clearly the SCC could use a little help here. Advocates for small-scale solar were more successful this year than their colleagues who focus on utility-scale projects. Bipartisan majorities seemed to agree that if we can't or won't site large solar farms, at least we should make it easier to put solar on rooftops and other small sites close to users. Utility regulator recommends suspension of Dominion's rules for connecting new solar to grid Sadly, however, only one bill survived the governor's scrutiny relatively unscathed, though it's an important one for customer-sited solar. HB 2266 from Del. Kathy Tran, D-Springfield, resolves the interconnection dispute that has stalled commercial solar projects in the 250 kW to 3 MW size range, which includes most rooftop solar on schools. Tran's bill requires the SCC to approve upgrades to the distribution system that utilities say are needed to accommodate grid-connected solar, a safeguard that will prevent the utility from larding on costs. The utility must then spread the costs across all projects that benefit from the expanded capacity. Youngkin's proposed amendment rearranges the language a bit and places it into a new section of code, but does not otherwise change it. He then adds a provision in the tax code to make grid upgrades tax-deductible. I would have thought they would be anyway, as business expenses, but it can only be helpful to spell it out. Unfortunately, that's it for the good news. HB 1883 from Del. Katrina Callsen, D-Charlottesville, and SB 1040 from Sen. Schuyler VanValkenburg, D-Richmond, contain several provisions aimed at increasing the amount of distributed solar in Virginia. Among other things, the legislation increases the percentage of Dominion's renewable portfolio standard (RPS) obligation that must be met with renewable energy certificates (RECs) from behind-the-meter small solar projects, a change that would make rooftop and other distributed solar more profitable for homeowners and businesses. HB 1883 also increases to 3 MW from 1 MW the size of solar projects that could qualify for this favored category. Additionally, for the first time it would give all residential ratepayers the right to use power purchase agreements (PPAs) to install solar with no money down, and would increase the amount of electricity Dominion would build or buy from solar facilities on previously developed project sites. To give the market a chance to ramp up, Callsen's bill excuses Dominion from having to meet its REC obligations from Virginia projects for an additional two years, pushing that date from this year to 2027. Among all those changes, the only one the governor liked is the idea of softening the requirements around REC purchases. His proposed amendment would make all REC compliance voluntary for four years. Effectively, Virginia would have no renewable energy requirements until 2028, undercutting solar development of any size. His preferred version scraps all of the provisions of Callsen's bill, leaving no provisions to support solar development and replacing them with an open attack on the VCEA. I checked in with Callsen by email to get her reaction. She responded, 'We sent the administration bipartisan legislation that protects ratepayers, gives Virginians more options for solar on our homes and businesses, and saves rural land. Rather than sign HB 1883 into law,' Callsen wrote, 'the governor used this opportunity to attack the Clean Economy Act from 2020. Instead of looking at the past, our Administration should look around; we have a developing energy crisis and are reliant on importing energy to meet our needs.' The governor also offered a destructive amendment to HB 2346 from Del. Phil Hernandez, D-Norfolk, and SB 1100 from Sen. Ghazala Hashmi, D-Richmond, legislation establishing a pilot program in Dominion territory for virtual power plants (VPPs), which aggregate customer solar and storage resources and demand response capabilities. Although VPPs don't by themselves add electricity on the grid, they allow time-shifting and other efficiencies that make it easier for utilities to meet peak demand without having to build new generation. The payments utilities make to customers for this service can justify customers' investments in things like solar, battery storage and smart appliances. Instead of improving on the pilot program, however, the governor's amendment scraps it and calls for the SCC to convene a proceeding to talk about VPPs. On the plus side, Youngkin suggests that the conversation include Appalachian Power as well as Dominion, and consider allowing the service to be provided by either the utilities or third-party aggregators, the latter being the favored approach of many industry members. Still, the amendment pushes off any hope of a program for at least another year, until the SCC has made its recommendations. Since it would have been feasible to both start a pilot program this year and have the SCC consider parameters for a broader program in the future, it's hard to see the governor's amendment as a step forward. When I asked her for a comment, Hashmi did not mince words, saying it was 'incredibly disappointing' that Youngkin chose to offer a substitute instead of signing the legislation. 'This legislation was the result of several months of conversation among a variety of stakeholders, including our utility companies, energy partners, and environmental groups. The Virtual Power Plant has the promise of helping Virginia meet the goals of our increasing energy demands. The Governor's substitute shows that he is not serious about responding to the growth of Virginia's energy needs,' Hashmi wrote. Other solar bills drew outright vetoes, including Munyon King's HB 2356, establishing an apprenticeship program to help develop a clean energy workforce. The bill requires participants to be paid prevailing wages, a provision that was a certain veto magnet for Youngkin, whose veto statement reads, 'This bill will increase the construction costs which will ultimately be passed along to ratepayers, raising costs for consumers.' Another bill that drew an outright veto was HB 2037 from Del. David Bulova, D-Fairfax. His bill would allow local governments to include in their land development ordinances a requirement that certain non-residential applicants install solar on a portion of a parking lot. The governor vetoed it because, he said, it would be expensive for developers, and if it weren't, they would do it without having to be told. (It's a strange objection. Does he not understand the whole concept of government acting in the public good? Well, maybe not; see the veto.) Also vetoed was Shin's HB 2090, changing the rules around multifamily solar. Admittedly I was not crazy about this bill; although it allows solar facilities to be placed on nearby commercial buildings instead of being restricted to the multifamily building itself, it also imports the requirement for minimum bills that has made other shared solar programs in Virginia unworkable for all but the low-income customers who are excused from the minimum bills. Maybe the trade-off would have opened new opportunities for apartment buildings serving low-income households, which would make it a plus on balance. But among his objections to HB2090, the governor noted that excusing low-income customers from high minimum bills would shift costs onto other customers. The governor vetoed SB 1342 from Sen. Lamont Bagby, D-Richmond, and HB 2744 from Del. Mark Sickles, D-Franconia, that would have pushed Dominion and APCo harder to provide energy efficiency upgrades to low-income homes, setting a target of 30% of qualifying households. He also vetoed SB 777 from Sen. Mamie Locke, D-Hampton, and HB 1935 from Del. Destiny LeVere Bolling, D-Richmond, which would have established a task force to address the needs of low-income customers for weatherization and efficiency upgrades. The governor said it isn't needed. If you notice a pattern here when it comes to helping low-income households with their energy burden, you are not alone. Reached on maternity leave, LeVere Bolling had this to say: 'Across our Commonwealth, high utility bills are forcing Virginians to choose between essentials like groceries and medication and keeping their home at a safe temperature during hot summers and cold winters. Virginia has the 10th least affordable residential energy bills in the country. Over 75% of Virginia households have an energy burden higher than the 6% affordability threshold.' She added that the governor's veto represents a 'missed opportunity to address the pressing energy needs of Virginia's most vulnerable communities.' The governor offered a substitute for a bill intended to support electric vehicle charging. As passed by the General Assembly, Shin's HB 2087 requires Dominion and APCo to file detailed plans to 'accelerate transportation electrification,' including for rural areas and economically disadvantaged communities. It also allows the utilities to file proposed tariffs with the SCC to supply the distribution infrastructure necessary for EV charging stations. The utilities are also authorized to develop their own fast-charging stations, but only at a distance from privately-owned charging stations, with the SCC determining the proper distance. This provision responds to the request of gas station chains like Sheetz that say they want to expand their EV charging options, but don't want to face unfair competition from utilities that can rate-base their investments. The governor's amendment would prohibit Dominion and APCo from owning EV charging stations at all; in addition, it would allow retail providers of EV charging stations to buy electricity from any competitive service provider. However, the amendment repeals the section of code that allows the utilities to recover costs of investments in transportation electrification. According to Steve Banashek, EV legislative lead with the Virginia Sierra Club, that 'negates the purpose of the enrolled bill.' The amendment, he told me in an email, 'removes the requirement for utilities to file for tariffs to support implementation of EV charging and to plan for transportation electrification growth via the IRP process, which is critical for speeding up the transition to electric transportation.' As for the prohibition on the utilities owning charging stations, Banashek noted that there are areas of the state where private businesses aren't likely to do it, including in those economically disadvantaged and rural communities. If we don't want these areas left behind, either the utilities have to step up, or the state does. Apparently, however, Youngkin doesn't intend for the state to do it either. Along with his amendments to Shin's bill, the governor also vetoed HB 1791 from Sullivan, creating a fund to support EV charging in rural areas of the state. The need for more energy storage seems like it would be one area of bipartisan consensus. Batteries and other forms of energy storage are critical to filling in the generation gaps for low-cost, intermittent forms of energy like wind and solar. But storage is also required to make full use of baseload sources like nuclear that either can't be ramped down at times when there is a surplus of energy being produced, or where doing so makes it harder to recover the cost of building the generation. (The already-high projected cost of electricity from small modular nuclear reactors becomes even higher if you assume they don't run when the power isn't needed.) Sullivan's HB 2537 increases the energy storage targets for Dominion and APCo, and includes new targets for long-duration energy storage. Unfortunately, Youngkin's substitute language repeals the entire section of code that includes Virginia's renewable portfolio standard as well as even the existing storage targets. It's another bit of anti-VCEA flag-waving that won't help anyone. Just in case you thought Youngkin might be adhering to conservative free market principles with some kind of consistency, I note that he signed HB 2540 and SB 1207 from two Republicans, Del. Danny Marshall of Danville and Sen. Tammy Brankley Mulchi of Clarksville, which provides a $60 million grant to a manufacturer of lithium-ion battery separators. I asked Sullivan for a comment on the governor's action on his bill. He replied, 'The Governor's ridiculous 'recommendation' on HB 2537 was disappointing, but hardly surprising. This was not an amendment; he deleted everything – everything – having to do with energy storage, and turned it into a one-sentence bill which would repeal the entire Clean Economy Act.' Moreover, wrote Sullivan, 'HB 2537 was the most closely and extensively negotiated bill among stakeholders that I've been involved with since the VCEA. It had broad support – including from Dominion – and should have easily fit into the Governor's 'all of the above' energy strategy and his economic development goals, since it would have brought all sorts of business, jobs, and companies to the Commonwealth.' Sullivan concluded, 'Needless to say, we cannot agree to the amendment. We'll easily pass this bill next session, and I suspect Governor Spanberger will sign it.' Sullivan may be right that it will take a new administration before Virginia gets serious about meeting its energy challenges – if it does even then – but this session needn't have ended in a partisan stalemate and near-zero progress. Most of the bills the governor vetoed or gutted were passed with the help of Republicans, making Youngkin's actions less of a rebuke to Democrats than to the members of his own party who were simply trying to do their job. The results, sadly, are bad for everyone. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
