Latest news with #Mfat
The Spinoff
24-07-2025
- Politics
- The Spinoff
Winston Peters intervened to stop diplomat accounts posting about Pride Month
Exclusive: After years of posting generic sentiments during Pride Month, New Zealand's diplomatic posts were silent this year following a directive from the foreign affairs minister. Minister of foreign affairs Winston Peters personally intervened to stop New Zealand's diplomatic posts around the world from posting about Pride Month on social media, documents show. New Zealand's embassies and high commissions around the world have regularly posted about Pride Month in the past, sharing New Zealand milestones such as being the first country to grant women the vote and to have openly transgender MPs, as well as celebrating legislative freedoms like marriage equality. The posts on Facebook and other social media often included photos or footage of key diplomatic staff marching in Pride parades. But when a batch of similar social media drafts were circulated with the minister's office for 'awareness' earlier this year, Peters' office intervened – leading to a new directive being issued to all posts (embassies and high commissions) about social media use, including a warning regarding posting about Pride Month from official Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Mfat) accounts. Documents released to The Spinoff under the Official Information Act show the draft social media posts themselves were fairly anodyne and similar to the material posted in the years prior. One draft post, featuring a photo of a Pride gathering, read: 'It's #PrideMonth and we are sharing our history. Pride festivals and fairs began in New Zealand in the 1970s and 1980s. Many of these festivals were a response to the global late-stage HIV pandemic and enabled the community to come together.' The posts were included in a document pack prepared by Mfat's central communications division, which noted that New Zealand's support for rainbow community rights was one of 'seven thematic human rights focus areas'. 'New Zealand's support for rainbow communities is grounded in the core human rights principles of equality, dignity, and non-discrimination,' the document read. 'Demonstrating that support through the Ministry's social media accounts is a strand of New Zealand's 'soft diplomacy'. In some countries, especially minimally restrictive countries where the host country has made some positive steps, demonstrating our visible commitment to the human rights of rainbow communities can build connection and understanding with community groups or government stakeholders, potentially opening the door to further discussion on these issues.' The minister's office did not respond for several weeks, but after a prompting on WhatsApp, senior advisor Michael Appleton wrote back on May 27, explaining the minister's discomfort. His exact guidance was redacted but the directive is clear from surrounding statements – a halt to the proposed posts. '…in line with earlier guidance issued by DCE-P, he [Peters] made the point that he views Mfat's social media channels as being primarily for use to communicate New Zealand's positions on foreign and trade policy issues and to document our engagement with other countries,' Appleton wrote. 'I accept this is not a binary, black and white, either/or choice – but I am seeking to locate [the minister of foreign affairs] MFA's preference on Pride Month content in the wider context of his views on the proper / appropriate scope of the Ministry's social media content.' The email continued: 'I hasten to add that the guidance above should not be read as having wider implications for our human rights diplomacy […] or for what activities / events our Post network choose to undertake/attend (which will be context-specific and driven by Post judgments, overseen by regional divisions, about how to promote New Zealand interests).' This email resulted in a directive to all posts on 'UPDATING MINISTRY SOCIAL MEDIA GUIDELINES' – sent three days later on May 30, just before Pride Month began. The summary notes that MFAT is updating its social media guidelines and that this update will be 'informed closely by MFA's [Peters] direction that social media platforms should be focused on the communication and advancement of New Zealand's foreign and trade policy positions.' It is noted that 'this will impact the Ministry's social media engagement, most immediately, in relation to Pride Month.' The exact way this applies to Pride Month is detailed in two redacted paragraphs, which were redacted under section 9(2)(g)(i) of the Act, meaning 'to maintain the effective conduct of public affairs through the free and frank expression of opinions'. The redacted paragraphs are followed by a statement that 'this should not be read as having wider implications for our human rights diplomacy more broadly'. No posts concerning Pride Month in 2025 appeared on any of the dozen Mfat social media channels reviewed by The Spinoff. One post about global trade tensions did feature a rainbow umbrella. The Spinoff asked Peters to detail his exact direction to posts and why he intervened. 'The minister believes New Zealand's diplomatic network should be focused on advancing New Zealand's interests,' a spokesperson responded. 'The minister naturally has views about how New Zealand should conduct its diplomacy. One of those views is that social media content published by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade and its post network should primarily be focused on communicating New Zealand's positions on foreign and trade policy issues, in line with our policy priorities agreed by cabinet, and on documenting our engagement with other countries.' Peters' own legislative record stands in direct contrast to many of the milestones championed by past social media posts – he voted against legalising gay sex between men in 1986, and against same-sex marriage in 2013. The Spinoff asked if this history had any part to play in the decision, but did not receive a direct response. His office was also asked what its message would be to any queer diplomats who were angered by the decision. The spokesperson said Peters' record of support for diplomats spoke for itself. 'The minister has the utmost respect for New Zealand's diplomats and the important work they do on behalf of all New Zealanders. This has been consistently demonstrated over three terms as foreign minister in Mr Peters' public remarks and his approach to foreign affairs resourcing.'
Newsroom
04-07-2025
- Politics
- Newsroom
How do you get back to NZ when you're stranded in hell?
It is dangerous, diplomatically delicate and extremely expensive. Getting a New Zealander out of a war zone can cost $1 million if they're injured. It often takes high-level negotiations with top-secret contacts, and New Zealand often has to ask favours of other friendly countries to get its citizens to safety. 'It's a very tricky business to exfiltrate or extract or save New Zealanders abroad in other countries' jurisdictions,' says Stephen Hoadley, retired Auckland University professor of political science. 'They are hosts to New Zealanders but they don't expect that to be abused by New Zealand flying in and moving around the countryside ignoring local sensitivities.' Hoadley says the New Zealand government faces pressure from many corners when citizens are caught in conflict zones and it often has scant information about an operation because things are changing by the hour. 'About half of New Zealanders never bother to register in a foreign country and of course they're vulnerable, more at risk because Mfat cannot contact them, their families cannot contact them often and then the families will ring up the Minister of Foreign Affairs desperate to contact their son, daughter, brother, sister in a war zone and this puts a lot of pressure on the minister, the ministry, the bureaucrats and others.' Jerusalem-based Samoan Vincent Schmidt tells The Detail how he used his contacts as a security officer for the United Nations to get a young Samoan student to safety after she was stranded in Israel last week. But it took several days and involved the Samoan ambassador in Belgium and the government back in Apia to get Polino Falevaai home. Schmidt explains how they all communicated by WhatsApp, as Falevaai travelled by bus for four to five hours over the border into Egypt, encountering a number of checkpoints before she faced a two-day wait in a chaotic Cairo airport. 'There were a couple of flights that got cancelled a couple of minutes before she had to board the plan but because of the checkpoints they got delayed, there was a miscommunication with the school. Yeah, there were a lot of challenges,' says Schmidt. ReliefAid humanitarian agency founder Mike Seawright recalls a high-risk situation in Syria under the brutal Assad regime when he had to evacuate 100 workers at a hospital close to the front line. They had to flee in minutes but one doctor refused to go. 'I'm saying to the guy, 'You don't get an option here, you are relocating no matter what you think. Get on that truck, you're putting other lives at risk here, we'll come back as soon as we can but at this point we don't know if hell on earth is going to open up around this clinic, this hospital',' says Seawright. Until recently, he says, it was impossible to get insurance for his workers in hotspots like Ukraine, Gaza and Afghanistan, making the delivery of aid and the care of his team even more costly. That added to the complications of managing teams of workers that were both local and international. Seawright says Gaza is by far the riskiest location right now. 'When we started in Gaza we started with a team of nine in the north … of the nine, seven are now dead, and two are severely injured. Even our team in Ukraine and our team in Syria … they tell us to be careful in Gaza. Even places like Ukraine which in itself is extremely dangerous.' Security expert James Robertson of International SOS says working with clients in the Middle East has been 'intense'. One of the challenging parts is pulling together a disparate group of people and preparing them for a difficult border crossing. 'When you're trying to coordinate lots of different clients, each of whom has a different risk tolerance, a different appetite for uncertainty and friction, I suppose, trying to coordinate them together to make a response on the ground can be pretty tricky.' Check out how to listen to and follow The Detail here. You can also stay up-to-date by liking us on Facebook or following us on Twitter.
Otago Daily Times
27-05-2025
- General
- Otago Daily Times
Well-represented German dept alumni to hold reunion
Nearly 100 former students of the University of Otago German language department will be saying "auf wiedersehen" to the department for one final time on Saturday. The department, which was discontinued last year during Otago University's restructures, had a long history with the institution — the first recorded German-language course at the university dated back to 1875. Former department head Dr Alyth Grant said this weekend's reunion would bring together people from all over the world. They had at least 60 people attending the celebrations at the Otago Yacht Club's clubrooms on Saturday from 4pm, and another 30-40 participating via Zoom. "For many of them, studying German at Otago University led to jobs in foreign affairs and Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade [Mfat]. "At present, there are at least four of our graduates working for Mfat. "One's the consul in Los Angeles. Another is the deputy commissioner in Canberra. "Somebody else has just come back from the New Zealand Embassy in Germany. So, the qualification of a languages degree, so often in combination with another degree, was what got them where they wanted to go in careers." For more than 70 years, the department held a production of a German play. Dr Grant said this was crucial for people developing connections and friendships. "The fact that it was a small department, so they were in smaller groups and got to know all their contemporaries very well. "Students could come and we knew them personally and they knew us well. "I think all of that helped — we used to retain really quite a lot of students who would go on to do German honours, so they would be there for four years." Dr Grant was able to retrieve several old posters and German play memorabilia from the Hocken Collections, while there would be an appearance by a representative from the German Embassy. "Oh, I'm really looking forward to seeing so many people again," Dr Grant said. "Participants will mourn the loss of German at the University on Saturday. But primarily, the reunion will be a celebration of the travails and laughter of their time in the department, and a sharing of all that German has meant in their lives since."
The Spinoff
20-05-2025
- Politics
- The Spinoff
From tikanga to ‘protocol': Luxon's war on the Māorification of Aotearoa
The prime minister insists his government is clamping down on the spread of Māori language and culture in the public sector. But beneath the tough talk, what's really changing – and who is he trying to win over? Our government is halting the Māorification of Aotearoa. This isn't an opinion, but rather a proud declaration made by Christopher Luxon in his usual Monday morning interview with Newstalk ZB broadcaster Mike Hosking earlier this week. 'How do senior bureaucrats not understand that they're working for a government that have spoken very clearly on the Māorification of this county?' asked Hosking. 'Where we see it, we call it out,' Luxon gloated in response. The duo were talking about a job advertised in March by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Mfat), searching for a tikanga lead. At around the same time, the minister of foreign affairs and trade (Winston Peters) was trumpeting his party's bill to remove diversity, equity, and inclusion targets from the public sector – with the backing of Luxon. The tikanga lead role quickly became the example, sort of. The fix for Peters' concerns was seemingly simple – replace any mention of 'tikanga' with 'protocol'. 'The minister's opposition to the politically loaded and inaccurate use of the term 'tikanga' is well known. However, protocol has always been important,' a New Zealand First party spokesperson said following the change in terminology. Following the furore, several requests were made under the Official Information Act in an attempt to unveil what was happening within the ministry during the kerfuffle. Evidently, it appeared top officials within Mfat were caught off guard by Peters' criticism of the role. Understandably, the likes of Hosking were dumbfounded as to how the country's top bureaucrats could have missed the agenda clearly set out by this government. Nevertheless, Luxon is quick to point out that his government is laser-focused on stopping the 'Māorification' of the country. His most recent example? The removal of traffic control stop-go signs in te reo Māori in Te Matau a Māui. 'We need the stop-go signs to be very unambiguous,' Luxon said. Hosking went on to say that the production of Māori road signs is 'taking the piss', drawing a chuckle from Luxon as he reiterated his coalition government's intent on 'running things differently'. 'We want everybody in the public service focused on delivery, focused on results, and not lots of resources tied up in things that isn't core business,' Luxon said. 'Where it comes out and they get it wrong, we're very quick to clamp down on it.' This is strong, authoritative language from Luxon. It shows a switch in his political demeanour from a centrist to a more explicitly right wing politician, at least on this issue. The shift towards 'a tough guy approach', as Willie Jackson called it during the Labour caucus run on Tuesday morning, appears to be an attempt to pull voters from its more right wing coalition partners, draining them of their overall influence on the make up of government. It's the dog trying to take back control of its tail – but this approach also has its risks. The thing with the authoritative approach from Luxon is that you must walk your talk if you want to appear authentic in your belief – lest those you are trying to win over see through the charade. With the case of the Mfat job, it appears that all that was changed was the use of the word 'tikanga' in the job title. Everything else stayed the same and presumably, someone was still hired for the role and is currently employed at the ministry, providing expert advice and support to ensure Māori cultural 'protocols' are understood, upheld, and appropriately applied across the ministry's work and foreign policy priorities. So what was really achieved and is it enough to convince the voters you are trying to win over? Similarly, te reo Māori road signs aren't really an important issue to everyday New Zealanders. Most people would understand that green means go and red means stop. 'This isn't about rules – it's about racism,' said Ngāti Kahungungu chair Bayden Barber. The language being used on a road sign is likely not something that shifts a swing voter. But seeing your prime minister getting giddy about Fonterra's ambient cream being sold in Korea, yet livid about the inclusion of te reo Māori in roadworks signage? That might be a deterrent for someone sitting in the middle. The more you take the hard line approach, the more you risk alienating the always-important centre bloc voters who may feel uncomfortable with such an attitude on diversity, equity, inclusion and race relations. Luxon risks sending National further to the right and competing for a share of the same culture war voter base that New Zealand First and Act already tussle over while leaving voters abandoned in the middle. I won't venture into how te reo Māori is an official language of this country, or how the likes of Wales and Ireland have effortlessly adopted dual-language signage across their roading networks, aiding the revitalisation of their indigenous languages. However, what's clear from all of this is that if it isn't a part of the government's 'core business' of turning a profit, then it's not a priority. The issue around the use of te reo Māori is like the latest haka debacle – Māori culture is great, but only on certain terms and when it suits the wider agenda. We love to parade the culture overseas as being our point of difference, our unique selling-point. Why? Because it helps turn a profit. That is the government's core business. But when it comes to the normalisation of te ao Māori in its rightful home, we are quick to condemn. Not right. Not core business. Not helping us make money. The window dressing and pandering to casual racists will only get National so far. With a turn right coming at a time of already fragile race relations in Aotearoa, the coalition government appears to be throwing caution to the wind. Luxon will be keeping an eye on how his latest gamble plays out with voters. If it goes well, we may be in for a fight for the right in 2026, with Labour left alone in the centre.
