Latest news with #MosheDayanCenter
Al Manar
27-05-2025
- Politics
- Al Manar
Haaretz Analysis: No State Has Ever Succeeded in Subjugating Yemen
Despite years of military campaigns by regional and global powers, Yemen's defiant resistance remains unbroken—and now the Israeli occupation finds itself entangled in the same costly struggle. In an article titled 'No State Has Ever Subjugated the Yemenis—So Why Does 'Israel' Keep Trying?' published in Haaretz, writer Yishai Halper examines the persistence of Yemen's armed response to the Israeli occupation, particularly since October 7, 2023, when the Yemeni Armed Forces began launching missiles in support of Gaza. In his article, Halper writes that 'shortly after October 7, 2023, when Yemenis began launching missiles toward Israel in support of Gaza, many dismissed them as 'nothing more than unintelligent warmongers operating on Iran's behalf.'' However, he adds, 'More than a year and a half later, Yemenis are no longer seen as an oddity: unlike other countries in the region, they continue to fire rockets at 'Israel,' have issued serious threats of a large-scale blockade, and—most importantly—are clearly not intimidated by air force strikes.' According to Halper, the Zionist public is only now beginning to grasp the depth of Yemeni resilience—something long recognized by experts. Anbal Nissim Lofton, a Yemen specialist and research fellow at the Moshe Dayan Center and the Forum for Regional Thinking, notes that analysts have studied Yemen's extraordinary endurance for years. She poses a central question: 'How has an armed group not only withstood repeated regional upheavals and military pressure but also escalated its attacks on Israel?' In his Hebrew-language article, Halper identifies three core factors behind this resilience: geography, experience, and mindset. In his analysis, Zionist Haaretz writer Yishai Halper uses insights from Dr. Elisabeth Kendall and Anbal Nissim Lofton extensively. Dr. Elisabeth Kendall, a Yemen expert and head of Girton College at the University of Cambridge, explains that 'the Houthis' strongholds in Yemen's northern highlands allow them to safeguard their leadership and conceal weapon systems.' 'Just open a map of Yemen and you'll see they control areas that are extremely difficult to reach—including the mountainous Saada governorate,' she argues. Kendall also emphasizes their extensive military experience, saying that 'the group has spent more than two decades fighting some of the region's most powerful armies and has survived tens of thousands of airstrikes by the Saudi-led coalition.' According to Kendall, the Yemeni fighters have shown a notable tolerance for losses. After witnessing the US withdrawals from Iraq and Afghanistan, they no longer fear their adversaries and maintain a deep conviction that God is on their side. Anbal Nissim Lofton, a research fellow at the 'Moshe Dayan Center and the Forum for Regional Thinking,' adds that targeted assassinations—the Israeli occupation army's preferred tactic—are unlikely to work in Yemen. She explains that the Yemeni Armed Forces operate with a decentralized command structure composed of small, semi-autonomous units, making leadership elimination ineffective. Lofton notes that past assassinations carried out by Saudi Arabia and the United States failed to shift the balance. 'Dismantling this movement will not be easy because it is a systematically organized force that has operated for over a decade,' she says. From a military standpoint, Lofton concludes that airstrikes alone are unlikely to succeed. 'This isn't a conflict that will be resolved by military force alone. A viable political settlement must be offered to anti-Houthi factions—one that motivates them to act against the group.' Lofton also highlights the strategic miscalculations in Israel's approach. She points out that the Israeli military's reliance on manned aircraft instead of drones or missiles significantly increases operational costs. Strikes on the port of Hudaydah, she warns, are unlikely to break the Houthis' hold, as the port is a vital lifeline for Yemen's civilian population. As a result, attacks there are inherently limited by humanitarian constraints. Halper further notes that cost is a central factor often overlooked. He recalls that one reason US President Donald Trump agreed to halt offensive operations in Yemen was the overwhelming financial burden—nearly $1 billion in the first month alone, according to US security sources cited by CNN. 'Israeli operations face similar challenges. Without aircraft carriers in the Gulf, each strike demands long-distance flights, extensive fuel consumption, logistics, and maintenance—bringing the cost of every mission into the millions of shekels,' Halper concludes.
Khaleej Times
25-02-2025
- Politics
- Khaleej Times
Gaza ceasefire faces hurdle but not collapsing yet, say analysts
Gaza's fragile five-week truce faces a major hurdle with Israel's refusal to release Palestinian prisoners, but analysts say the ceasefire is likely to hold as Washington pushes for its extension. "It's actually the most complicated crisis since the beginning of the ceasefire," Palestinian affairs expert Michael Milshtein of Tel Aviv University's Moshe Dayan Center told AFP. While previous obstacles have tested the truce — including Hamas's threat to stop releasing hostages over alleged violations of the ceasefire including insufficient aid entering Gaza — Milshtein emphasised that "this time, it is even more complicated." On Saturday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu suspended the release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners, after militants freed six hostages. He condemned what he described as "humiliating ceremonies" by Hamas to free hostages in Gaza. Palestinian militants had in the weeks prior paraded Israeli captives and later displayed black coffins containing deceased hostages on stage, sparking outrage across Israel. Netanyahu went further on Sunday, warning that Israel was ready to "resume intense fighting at any moment" in the Palestinian territory. 'Buying time' Hamas, in turn, warned that Israel's decision jeopardises the "entire agreement", stopping short of promising a return to fighting. Yet, despite the escalating rhetoric, both sides appear intent on maintaining the ceasefire, according to Milshtein. "Hamas really wants to implement phase one of the deal because on Saturday, the IDF (military) is meant to start leaving the Philadelphi Corridor," he noted, referring to a strategic strip that runs along Gaza's border with Egypt. For Israel, Mairav Zonszein, an analyst from the International Crisis Group, said that Netanyahu was also stuck "in the same quagmire of trying to get hostages out while trying to get rid of the people holding those hostages". "I think Netanyahu is kind of doing what he does best, which is dragging things out, buying time, trying to see if he can leverage withholding these prisoners," she said. Zonszein noted that Israeli public opinion is putting pressure on Netanyahu to uphold the ceasefire, particularly as more hostages are seen "coming out alive". Some analysts suggest that Israel's tougher stance is a calculated negotiating tactic ahead of upcoming talks for the second phase of truce. "I don't think the ceasefire will collapse, it's not in Netanyahu's interest to have it collapse particularly as hostages are still being held in Gaza," said Sanam Vakil, director of UK-based think tank Chatham House's Middle East and North Africa programme. "What we are witnessing now is political hardball, with them (Israel) trying to up the ante, or increase pressure on Hamas" ahead of the next phase, she said. 'Americans are key' Phase two was "always going to be the hardest phase of the negotiations, made worse by the US position and posturing and by the fact there is no coherent Arab plan," she said. Trump has stirred controversy by openly suggesting that the United States should take control of Gaza and expel its 2.4 million inhabitants to Egypt and Jordan. But in recent days he has toned down his view and on Wednesday his special envoy Steve Witkoff is due to arrive in Israel to push forward the phase two talks. "I think the key to this is the Americans, they will determine what takes place next," said Alan Mendoza, executive director of the UK-based Henry Jackson Society. "Trump was the main factor in getting Netanyahu to agree to ceasefire," he said, noting that the deal was on the table previously but "Trump pushed it and both the Israelis and Hamas have agreed to its terms." Despite Israel demanding Gaza be completely demilitarised and Hamas removed, while the militant group insisting on remaining in the territory after the war, Mendoza said that if Trump throws his weight behind phase two "then it will happen". "It's a tough negotiation round and the odds are we will not be able to agree on a stage two plan but if the Arab states buck up… and take more of an interest given Trump's Gaza Riveria plans — there's a possibility we could do it."
Jordan Times
25-02-2025
- Politics
- Jordan Times
Gaza ceasefire faces hurdle but not collapsing yet, say analysts
OCCUPIED JERUSALEM — Gaza's fragile five-week truce faces a major hurdle with Israel's refusal to release Palestinian prisoners, but analysts say the ceasefire is likely to hold as Washington pushes for its extension. 'It's actually the most complicated crisis since the beginning of the ceasefire,' Palestinian affairs expert Michael Milshtein of Tel Aviv University's Moshe Dayan Center told AFP. While previous obstacles have tested the truce — including Hamas's threat to stop releasing hostages over alleged violations of the ceasefire including insufficient aid entering Gaza — Milshtein emphasised that 'this time, it is even more complicated.' On Saturday, Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu suspended the release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners, after militants freed six hostages. He condemned what he described as 'humiliating ceremonies' by Hamas to free hostages in Gaza. Palestinian militants had in the weeks prior paraded Israeli captives and later displayed black coffins containing deceased hostages on stage, sparking outrage across Israel. Netanyahu went further on Sunday, warning that Israel was ready to 'resume intense fighting at any moment' in the Palestinian territory. 'Buying time' Hamas, in turn, warned that Israel's decision jeopardises the 'entire agreement', stopping short of promising a return to fighting. Yet, despite the escalating rhetoric, both sides appear intent on maintaining the ceasefire, according to Milshtein. 'Hamas really wants to implement phase one of the deal because on Saturday, the IDF [military] is meant to start leaving the Philadelphi Corridor,' he noted, referring to a strategic strip that runs along Gaza's border with Egypt. For Israel, Mairav Zonszein, an analyst from the International Crisis Group, said that Netanyahu was also stuck 'in the same quagmire of trying to get hostages out while trying to get rid of the people holding those hostages'. 'I think Netanyahu is kind of doing what he does best, which is dragging things out, buying time, trying to see if he can leverage withholding these prisoners,' she said. Zonszein noted that Israeli public opinion is putting pressure on Netanyahu to uphold the ceasefire, particularly as more hostages are seen 'coming out alive'. Some analysts suggest that Israel's tougher stance is a calculated negotiating tactic ahead of upcoming talks for the second phase of truce. 'I don't think the ceasefire will collapse, it's not in Netanyahu's interest to have it collapse particularly as hostages are still being held in Gaza,' said Sanam Vakil, director of UK-based think tank Chatham House's Middle East and North Africa program. 'What we are witnessing now is political hardball, with them [Israel] trying to up the ante, or increase pressure on Hamas' ahead of the next phase, she said. 'Americans are key' Phase two was 'always going to be the hardest phase of the negotiations, made worse by the US position and posturing and by the fact there is no coherent Arab plan', she said. Trump has stirred controversy by openly suggesting that the United States should take control of Gaza and expel its 2.4 million inhabitants to Egypt and Jordan. But in recent days he has toned down his view and on Wednesday his special envoy Steve Witkoff is due to arrive in Israel to push forward the phase two talks. 'I think the key to this is the Americans, they will determine what takes place next,' said Alan Mendoza, executive director of the UK-based Henry Jackson Society. 'Trump was the main factor in getting Netanyahu to agree to ceasefire,' he said, noting that the deal was on the table previously but 'Trump pushed it and both the Israelis and Hamas have agreed to its terms.' Despite Israel demanding Gaza be completely demilitarised and Hamas removed, while the militant group insisting on remaining in the territory after the war, Mendoza said that if Trump throws his weight behind phase two 'then it will happen'. 'It's a tough negotiation round and the odds are we will not be able to agree on a stage two plan but if the Arab states buck up... and take more of an interest given Trump's Gaza Riveria plans — there's a possibility we could do it.'
Arab News
24-02-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
Gaza ceasefire faces hurdle but not collapsing yet, say analysts
JERUSALEM: Gaza's fragile five-week truce faces a major hurdle with Israel's refusal to release Palestinian prisoners, but analysts say the ceasefire is likely to hold as Washington pushes for its extension. 'It's actually the most complicated crisis since the beginning of the ceasefire,' Palestinian affairs expert Michael Milshtein of Tel Aviv University's Moshe Dayan Center told AFP. While previous obstacles have tested the truce — including Hamas's threat to stop releasing hostages over alleged violations of the ceasefire including insufficient aid entering Gaza — Milshtein emphasized that 'this time, it is even more complicated.' On Saturday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu suspended the release of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners, after militants freed six hostages. He condemned what he described as 'humiliating ceremonies' by Hamas to free hostages in Gaza. Palestinian militants had in the weeks prior paraded Israeli captives and later displayed black coffins containing deceased hostages on stage, sparking outrage across Israel. Netanyahu went further on Sunday, warning that Israel was ready to 'resume intense fighting at any moment' in the Palestinian territory. Hamas, in turn, warned that Israel's decision jeopardizes the 'entire agreement,' stopping short of promising a return to fighting. Yet, despite the escalating rhetoric, both sides appear intent on maintaining the ceasefire, according to Milshtein. 'Hamas really wants to implement phase one of the deal because on Saturday, the IDF (military) is meant to start leaving the Philadelphi Corridor,' he noted, referring to a strategic strip that runs along Gaza's border with Egypt. For Israel, Mairav Zonszein, an analyst from the International Crisis Group, said that Netanyahu was also stuck 'in the same quagmire of trying to get hostages out while trying to get rid of the people holding those hostages.' 'I think Netanyahu is kind of doing what he does best, which is dragging things out, buying time, trying to see if he can leverage withholding these prisoners,' she said. Zonszein noted that Israeli public opinion is putting pressure on Netanyahu to uphold the ceasefire, particularly as more hostages are seen 'coming out alive.' Some analysts suggest that Israel's tougher stance is a calculated negotiating tactic ahead of upcoming talks for the second phase of truce. 'I don't think the ceasefire will collapse, it's not in Netanyahu's interest to have it collapse particularly as hostages are still being held in Gaza,' said Sanam Vakil, director of UK-based think tank Chatham House's Middle East and North Africa program. 'What we are witnessing now is political hardball, with them (Israel) trying to up the ante, or increase pressure on Hamas' ahead of the next phase, she said. Phase two was 'always going to be the hardest phase of the negotiations, made worse by the US position and posturing and by the fact there is no coherent Arab plan,' she said. Trump has stirred controversy by openly suggesting that the United States should take control of Gaza and expel its 2.4 million inhabitants to Egypt and Jordan. But in recent days he has toned down his view and on Wednesday his special envoy Steve Witkoff is due to arrive in Israel to push forward the phase two talks. 'I think the key to this is the Americans, they will determine what takes place next,' said Alan Mendoza, executive director of the UK-based Henry Jackson Society. 'Trump was the main factor in getting Netanyahu to agree to ceasefire,' he said, noting that the deal was on the table previously but 'Trump pushed it and both the Israelis and Hamas have agreed to its terms.' Despite Israel demanding Gaza be completely demilitarised and Hamas removed, while the militant group insisting on remaining in the territory after the war, Mendoza said that if Trump throws his weight behind phase two 'then it will happen.' 'It's a tough negotiation round and the odds are we will not be able to agree on a stage two plan but if the Arab states buck up... and take more of an interest given Trump's Gaza Riveria plans — there's a possibility we could do it.'
