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Arab News
4 days ago
- Politics
- Arab News
World must come to the aid of Myanmar's starving civilians
In the western reaches of Myanmar, the people of Rakhine State — both ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims — are staring down the barrel of famine. Entire towns and villages are now cut off from the outside world by a military blockade that has brought the delivery of food, medicine and humanitarian assistance to a complete standstill. These are not the chaotic conditions of war, where supply lines have simply broken down. This is a deliberate strategy — a calculated decision by the Myanmar junta to use starvation as a weapon against its own people, echoing the most chilling episodes of modern conflict. Reports describe desperate civilians living off rice husks, wild plants and whatever scraps they can barter in local markets — if they can find any at all. Aid workers have been shut out entirely. The UN, nongovernmental organizations and local charities are blocked from entering the hardest-hit areas. Hospitals are running out of even the most basic medicines. Pregnant women, children and the elderly are dying from preventable causes. Yet the world's attention remains elsewhere, distracted by other crises. This is not the first time Myanmar's military has resorted to siege tactics. During the height of the campaign against the Rohingya in 2017, the army systematically destroyed food sources, razed farmland and poisoned wells to drive entire communities out of the country. What we are witnessing now in Rakhine is the same strategy repackaged — but this time the blockade affects everyone in its path, regardless of ethnicity. Starvation is being wielded not as an incidental tragedy, but as a means of control and punishment. In some areas, the Arakan Army — the dominant armed group in Rakhine — has consolidated power, promising to govern more responsibly than the junta. Yet even under its control, aid flows remain perilously thin. The Arakan Army's own political calculations and military priorities often mean that humanitarian needs take a back seat. The result is that civilians are squeezed between two forces: a junta that uses hunger as a weapon and local armed groups that are unwilling or unable to ensure the delivery of lifesaving supplies. The global response has been tepid at best. Statements of concern have been issued; little else has been done Dr. Azeem Ibrahim International law is unequivocal on this point. Article 54 of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions explicitly prohibits the starvation of civilians as a method of warfare. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court classifies it as a war crime. The blockade of Rakhine meets every definition of this crime. Yet, despite the legal clarity, the global response has been tepid at best. Statements of concern have been issued; little else has been done. If the moral imperative to act were not enough, regional powers must also consider the strategic consequences of doing nothing. Rakhine is not an isolated pocket of suffering; it is a geopolitical fault line. The longer the blockade persists, the greater the risk of mass displacement into neighboring countries. Bangladesh, already hosting nearly a million Rohingya refugees, will bear the brunt of any new influx. India will face instability along its northeastern frontier. And the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, whose credibility has already been tarnished by its ineffective handling of the Myanmar crisis, will find itself further sidelined. The urgency of this moment demands a shift in thinking. The traditional model — negotiating humanitarian access through the junta in Naypyitaw — has failed repeatedly. Every delay buys the regime more time to tighten its stranglehold. Instead, regional actors must explore alternatives that bypass the junta entirely. Cross-border aid corridors from Bangladesh and India could be established with the support of the UN and willing donor countries. These lifelines would require political courage and coordinated diplomacy, but they are both feasible and necessary. Bangladesh has historically been reluctant to engage directly with armed actors inside Myanmar for fear of diplomatic repercussions. But the scale of the crisis now unfolding in Rakhine may leave Dhaka with little choice. By working with neutral humanitarian intermediaries, it could facilitate the delivery of aid without becoming entangled in the politics of the conflict. India, with its extensive border in the northeast and influence in the Bay of Bengal, could also play a pivotal role — both as a logistical partner and as a counterweight to Chinese influence in Myanmar. The traditional model — negotiating humanitarian access through the junta in Naypyitaw — has failed repeatedly Dr. Azeem Ibrahim ASEAN, for its part, must move beyond its consensus-bound inertia. If the bloc cannot agree on a united approach, its more capable members — Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand — should lead a coalition of the willing to coordinate cross-border relief efforts. Humanitarian intervention in this form is not an act of aggression; it is an act of survival. The alternative is grimly predictable. If the blockade continues unchecked, tens of thousands will die, not from bullets or bombs but from the slow agony of starvation and untreated disease. Entire communities will be hollowed out, creating a vacuum that will be filled by criminal networks, armed militias and extremist groups. The spillover will destabilize the region for years to come, fueling refugee flows, trafficking and insurgency. History will not judge this moment kindly if we fail to act. The world stood by in 2017 when the Rohingya were driven from their homes in an act of genocide. Promises of 'never again' rang hollow then and they will ring hollow now unless they are matched by decisive intervention. The people of Rakhine have a saying that has now become a grim refrain: 'If we die, we die.' It speaks of the resignation among those who have been abandoned by their government, their would-be liberators and the international community. That resignation should shame us into action. It is within our power to pierce the blockade, deliver aid and save lives. The question is whether the political will exists to do so before it is too late. Rakhine is not yet a famine zone in the technical sense — but famine is not declared by those who starve; it is declared by those who count the dead. By the time the world's bureaucracies are ready to acknowledge what is happening, the graves will already be full. The time to act is not when the last warning signs flash red; it is now. Regional leaders, humanitarian agencies and the broader international community must treat Rakhine's blockade as the war crime it is and respond with the urgency that such a crime demands. If they fail, the words 'if we die, we die' will become not a lament, but an epitaph. • Dr. Azeem Ibrahim is the director of special initiatives at the Newlines Institute for Strategy and Policy in Washington, DC. X: @AzeemIbrahim
Arab News
01-08-2025
- Business
- Arab News
Why is the US easing sanctions on Myanmar's junta?
In a significant policy shift, the US last week announced the partial lifting of sanctions on Myanmar's junta. The new measures allow transactions involving Myanmar's central bank and certain state-owned enterprises, including Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise. The move came shortly after news that Myanmar's top general had written to President Donald Trump, expressing optimism for improved relations. US officials clarified there was no connection between the sanctions decision and the letter. Nevertheless, the timing and scope of the changes merit close examination, especially considering their impact on the ongoing civil war, the Rohingya crisis and broader regional dynamics. Myanmar remains locked in a violent civil conflict that erupted following the 2021 military coup. Resistance movements — including the national unity government and various ethnic armed groups — have gained significant momentum across the country. The military regime has responded with airstrikes, mass arrests and the restriction of humanitarian access, particularly in contested areas. Against this backdrop, sanctions targeting Myanmar's central bank and the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise had served as a key element of international pressure, restricting the regime's access to foreign currency and limiting its ability to finance military operations. The easing of these restrictions comes at a moment when the junta is under increasing pressure on the battlefield and in international forums. Supporters of the policy change point to the need for humanitarian flexibility and concerns over unintended consequences in the region's financial sector. Several banks in Southeast Asia had reportedly begun derisking operations involving Myanmar, making it harder for aid organizations and third-party financial institutions to operate. The updated policy aims to mitigate those effects while continuing to target individuals and entities directly involved in abuses. The policy shift has important consequences for the Rohingya, who remain some of the most vulnerable people in Myanmar. An estimated 600,000 Rohingya still live in Rakhine State under conditions of extreme repression, while nearly 1 million remain in refugee camps in Bangladesh. Humanitarian agencies continue to report that access to food, medicine and aid in northern Rakhine is severely restricted. A recent report by the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK detailed the use of starvation as a weapon of war in Rohingya areas, with dozens already reported dead from hunger and lack of medical care. Lifting some restrictions on financial transactions with state-owned enterprises does not directly address this crisis, but observers hope it could open new diplomatic channels and enable greater international engagement on humanitarian access. It also comes at a time when international aid to the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh is declining sharply. With funding cuts and a deteriorating situation on the ground, any policy that could improve coordination or unlock new avenues of support is being closely watched by humanitarian actors. Any policy that could improve coordination or unlock new avenues of support is being closely watched by humanitarian actors. Dr. Azeem Ibrahim The easing of sanctions may also reflect evolving geopolitical realities. Myanmar sits at a crucial crossroads between South Asia, Southeast Asia and China. For years, Beijing has deepened its influence in Myanmar through infrastructure projects and strategic partnerships. Any steps that reduce Myanmar's economic dependence on China or open space for engagement with international actors may serve broader regional objectives. In addition, restoring limited financial access for Myanmar's central institutions could support nongovernmental and cross-border aid flows, allowing for greater humanitarian flexibility in areas not under junta control. A careful calibration of sanctions may be part of a broader strategy to preserve humanitarian space while maintaining pressure on the military leadership. Neighboring countries such as Bangladesh, Thailand and India will be watching these developments closely. Bangladesh, in particular, is bearing the brunt of the regional fallout, hosting hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees for more than seven years. With international support decreasing and no immediate solution in sight, Dhaka has repeatedly called for renewed efforts to facilitate the voluntary, safe and dignified repatriation of the Rohingya to Myanmar. If the policy shift from Washington signals a potential diplomatic opening, it could also reinvigorate discussions around the role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and other regional actors in supporting a political settlement. Malaysia and Indonesia have pushed for greater engagement on Myanmar within ASEAN, while other states have emphasized noninterference. A more flexible US posture could help bridge these differences and encourage coordinated regional approaches. The US decision to lift certain sanctions on Myanmar represents a notable recalibration of policy. While the full consequences remain to be seen, the move creates space for potential humanitarian and diplomatic gains. The civil war continues to evolve and new approaches may be needed to address the complex realities on the ground. Going forward, it will be important for Washington and its partners to maintain clear conditions and expectations regarding human rights, access to aid and political inclusion. By carefully managing this new phase of engagement, the international community can continue to support the people of Myanmar — including the Rohingya — in their pursuit of peace, dignity and justice.
France 24
07-07-2025
- Politics
- France 24
'I'm not a lackey allowing Israel to continue in Gaza with impunity,' Malaysian PM says
17:05 Issued on: 17:05 min In an interview with FRANCE 24, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim defended his contact with Hamas's leadership, saying he urged Hamas towards ceasefire talks with the Qataris, Egyptians and Americans. Anwar said he was "not a lackey of some other countries to condemn them and then silent on Israel and allowing Israel to continue with impunity." He also criticised Western double standards over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict more broadly and rejected claims that the crisis in Gaza started on October 7, 2023. Asked about the war in Ukraine, the Malaysian premier said he urged Russian President Vladimir Putin to "return to negotiations" and "as a friend", to "seek some sort of an amicable, peaceful resolution to the conflict". Anwar expressed confidence that both US President Donald Trump and Chinese leader Xi Jinping"would want to avoid war" over Taiwan. The Malaysian leader also defended meeting Myanmar 's junta leader Min Aung Hlaing back in April, saying the meeting secured a month-long ceasefire and "humanitarian assistance" with "no discrimination".
Al Arabiya
04-07-2025
- Politics
- Al Arabiya
Myanmar ruling junta releases 93 child soldiers after UN criticism
Myanmar's ruling junta said on Friday it has already discharged 93 minors from military service, responding to a United Nations report last month accusing it and its allies of recruiting over 400 children, many in combat roles. In a rare admission published in its mouthpiece newspaper, the junta said it conducted a verification process last year that resulted in the discharge of 93 verified minors, who were also provided with financial assistance. 'To date, only 18 suspected minor cases remain pending verification,' a government-run committee said in a statement published in the Global New Light of Myanmar newspaper. Myanmar's military and the armed groups affiliated to it last year recruited 467 boys and 15 girls, including over 370 children used in combat roles, the UN Secretary-General's report on Children and Armed Conflict said. Anti-junta groups had also recruited children, the report said, although their number was far lower than that of the military. Myanmar has been in turmoil since a 2021 coup that unseated an elected government led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, causing widespread protests that morphed into a nationwide armed uprising against the powerful military. Established ethnic armies and new armed groups formed in the wake of the coup have gained control over much of Myanmar's borderlands, hemming the junta largely into the country's central plains. The struggling junta in 2024 activated a mandatory military service law, conscripting young people to replenish its depleted ranks after months of relentless fighting forced it to cede swathes of territory. Nearly 3.5 million people were internally displaced in the war-torn country, with children accounting for over 33 percent of that population in 2024, according to UNICEF. The largest proportion of child recruitment appears to have taken place in western Rakhine state, home to the minority Muslim Rohingya community, where the Myanmar military - along with two allies fighting there - enlisted 300 minors, according to the UN report. Reuters reported last year that children as young as 13 were fighting on the frontlines in Rakhine state, citing a UN official and two Rohingya fighters. Millions of Rohingya driven out of Myanmar remain confined in refugee camps in neighboring Bangladesh, where militant recruitment and violence surged last year.
Arab News
08-06-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
Malaysia leads ASEAN in new direction on Myanmar
With Malaysia assuming the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in 2025, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim is poised to steer the regional bloc toward a more assertive stance on Myanmar's ongoing crisis. Unlike previous chairs, Malaysia aims to prioritize accountability for the Myanmar junta's atrocities and reject the legitimacy of its planned elections, widely criticized as a sham. This approach, while ambitious, faces significant challenges given ASEAN's history of ineffectiveness on Myanmar. The implications for the Rohingya and other minorities are profound and Anwar's personal interest in the issue adds a unique dimension to Malaysia's leadership. However, the likelihood of this approach being successful remains uncertain, constrained as it is by ASEAN's structural limitations and regional dynamics. Malaysia's chairmanship, themed 'Inclusivity and Sustainability,' comes at a critical juncture. Myanmar's junta, led by Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, has plunged the country into chaos since the 2021 coup, displacing more than 3.3 million people and killing thousands, with ethnic and religious minorities bearing the brunt of the violence. ASEAN's response, primarily through the Five-Point Consensus adopted in April 2021, has been widely criticized as toothless, failing to curb the junta's aggression or advance inclusive dialogue. Malaysia, under Anwar's leadership, seeks to break this cycle by rejecting engagement with the junta, advocating for accountability and dismissing the junta's election plans as a ploy to entrench power. Anwar's strategy includes several key elements. First, Malaysia has appointed a special envoy, Tan Sri Othman Hashim, to facilitate dialogue with all stakeholders, including the national unity government and ethnic groups, signaling a shift toward recognizing Myanmar's legitimate democratic forces. Second, Malaysia is pushing for increased humanitarian aid to affected communities, particularly the Rohingya, and stronger coordination with international bodies like the International Criminal Court to address human rights abuses. Finally, Anwar has called for ASEAN to cease all economic and diplomatic ties with the junta, such as barring its representatives from ASEAN meetings and cutting off resources like aviation fuel that enable military operations. While Malaysia's approach is principled, its success is far from assured. ASEAN's consensus-based decision-making model, which requires unanimity among its 10 member states, has historically paralyzed decisive action on Myanmar. Countries like Cambodia, Laos and Thailand, which maintain closer ties with the junta or prioritize economic relations with China, Myanmar's key ally, are likely to resist Malaysia's push for a hard-line stance. Previous chairs, such as Indonesia in 2023, attempted similar reforms but failed to overcome these divisions, resulting in the Five-Point Consensus' stagnation. Anwar's vocal advocacy for the Rohingya stems from a combination of personal conviction and strategic positioning. Dr. Azeem Ibrahim Anwar's diplomatic efforts, including his controversial meetings with both the national unity government and Min Aung Hlaing in April, reflect a pragmatic attempt to engage all parties. However, the junta's track record of broken promises — such as its ceasefire of the same month, which was violated almost immediately — undermines the feasibility of negotiated progress. Moreover, Malaysia's ability to rally ASEAN members is complicated by its own foreign policy shifts, including closer ties with China and Russia, which may alienate Western partners that could support accountability measures. The junta's planned elections, scheduled for either December 2025 or January 2026, further complicate Malaysia's strategy. Widely viewed as a sham to legitimize military rule, these elections exclude key stakeholders like the national unity government and ethnic minorities. Malaysia's call for inclusive polls is laudable but lacks enforcement mechanisms, as ASEAN's noninterference principle limits its ability to pressure the junta. Without unified regional support or external leverage from powers like the US or the EU, Malaysia's efforts risk being symbolic rather than transformative. The Rohingya, a Muslim minority subjected to genocide in 2017, stand to gain significantly from a successful Malaysian-led ASEAN strategy. Malaysia hosts approximately 120,000 Rohingya refugees, a humanitarian burden that underscores the urgency of addressing Myanmar's crisis. Anwar's push for enhanced humanitarian aid and safe repatriation, in coordination with Bangladesh, which hosts nearly a million Rohingya, could alleviate immediate suffering. Furthermore, Malaysia's advocacy for International Criminal Court involvement may bring justice for atrocities, offering a semblance of accountability for the Rohingya and other persecuted groups like the Karen and Shan. However, failure to achieve meaningful progress could exacerbate the plight of these minorities. Continued violence and displacement in Myanmar, coupled with ASEAN's inability to act, may deepen regional instability, with Malaysia and neighboring countries facing increased refugee inflows and social tensions. The junta's elections, if held without reform, could further marginalize ethnic minorities, entrenching their exclusion from Myanmar's political process and perpetuating cycles of violence. Anwar's vocal advocacy for the Rohingya stems from a combination of personal conviction and strategic positioning. As a long-time human rights advocate and a Muslim leader, Anwar has consistently championed the cause of Muslim minorities globally, including the Palestinians and the Rohingya. His condemnation of the 2017 Rohingya genocide and calls for international action reflect a moral commitment to addressing their suffering. This stance resonates with Malaysia's domestic audience, where the Rohingya issue is a significant social and political concern, given the country's large refugee population. Strategically, Anwar's focus on the Rohingya enhances Malaysia's regional and global standing. By positioning Malaysia as a moral leader within ASEAN, Anwar seeks to restore the bloc's credibility and assert Malaysia's influence as a middle power. His engagement with both democratic and authoritarian actors in Myanmar reflects a pragmatic approach to diplomacy, balancing idealism with the realities of ASEAN's fractured dynamics.
