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NHK
14 hours ago
- Politics
- NHK
Myanmar: Investigation uncovers clues about shocking school attack
Armed clashes between Myanmar's junta and resistance forces have continued despite a ceasefire that was agreed by the sides following a devastating earthquake in late March. Attacks by the junta appear to be impacting civilians at an increasing rate, with airstrikes taking a particularly heavy toll. During the United Nations Human Rights Council session in June-July, the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, noted that military operations in Myanmar are continuing with reported attacks on schools, religious sites, and other protected locations. Open-source analysis by NHK and international investigative group Myanmar Witness has found evidence that an airstrike on a school on May 12 – killing more than 20 children – was likely masterminded by the military. More than 20 children were reportedly killed in the attack. On May 12, local independent media reported an air strike on a school in the northwestern Sagaing Region. At least 22 students and two teachers were reportedly killed, and more than 100 injured. Reports say more than 20 children and two teachers died in the attack. Following the 2021 coup, the school's management was taken over by the shadow National Unity Government, or NUG, which was formed by lawmakers ousted by the military. The NUG's Ministry of Education moved swiftly on the day the school was hit, releasing the statement that an aerial bombing attack had been carried out by the junta: "All individuals implicated in the commanding, execution, or collusion of deliberate air strikes against innocent children, students, and educators shall be subject to stringent judicial repercussions." About two weeks later, the NUG decided to temporarily close all schools under its control. The closure remained in effect as of late June. The NUG's Ministry of Education temporarily closed schools. Junta issues denials Just one day after the attack on the school, the junta took to state-run TV, MRTV, which is broadcast in Burmese, to discredit the reports. It pointed the finger at the resistance forces, calling them terrorists: "It is the terrorists who are attacking townships and villages that don't support them with heavy weapons and drones, and abducting, arresting and killing innocent civilians." A state-run newspaper published in both Burmese and English, reported that "certain subversive media outlets disseminate false narratives to disrupt community peace and stability." The Global New Light of Myanmar, a state-run newspaper, has repudiated reports claiming the military carried out the attack. Eyewitness accounts NHK tracked down some survivors, including five teachers and three students, and heard their accounts of what took place. To protect their safety, none of them are being publicly identified. A second-grade teacher recalled hearing the roar of a fighter jet overhead during a math lesson. "Fourth period starts at 9:15 AM. When I heard the sound of the plane, I ran to the office. The bombs hit at 9:34 as I was heading back to the classroom. It just kept continuing," she said. A teacher at the school, her image blurred, speaks to NHK. The teacher, aged in her 20s, drew a plan of the school, showing where its 292 students were taking lessons at the time. There were 15 classes, from kindergarten to high school. She told her class to hide under a platform in the room next door while she went to the front office to speak to other teachers. By the time she returned, the bombs had already landed, four children were dead, and shrapnel was flying. She says all of the victims, most of whom were pupils, died because they ran out of their rooms and into the schoolyard in a panic. "I found some of the students with their hands and heads cut off," she recalled. A layout of the school was shared with NHK by the teacher. According to the teacher, the surviving students remain in shock and have been unable to study since. One of them, an 18-year-old whose identity is also being protected by NHK, said: "It was during physics class when I heard an airplane overhead. I went out of the classroom right at the time a bomb was dropped. I couldn't help some of my friends. Of course, I wanted to, but I also had to get away to save myself. Five of my classmates lost their hands or legs." An 18-year-old student says some of her friends were badly wounded in the attack. Digital evidence NHK and Myanmar Witness examined videos and photos from the scene to determine what really occurred and assess the validity of the conflicting claims. Open-source analysis showed the school where the incident occurred is in Oe Htein Kwin village in Depeyin Township — an area widely regarded as a resistance stronghold. Oe Htein Kwin village of Depeyin Township, Sagaing Region One notable picture shows a damaged building. Its brown roof matches satellite imagery of the school. The location of the school was geoconfirmed at [22.650894, 95.209071] by Myanmar Witness. Photos provided to NHK by a teacher show holes scattered across the schoolyard, although Myanmar Witness determined there is not enough detail in the images to ascertain which missiles were used. The schoolyard bears the scars of the attack. Even so, they indicate the bombs were dropped on the schoolyard, not the buildings, which is consistent with the testimony from the teacher who told us the roof and windows of the building in front of the schoolyard were blown away by shockwaves from the blasts. The building in front of the schoolyard Examining photos supplied by locals, Myanmar Witness analysts identified fragments from air-launched unguided munitions. They noted the distinctive shape of a tail fin among the debris. Weapons analyst Leone Hadavi from Myanmar Witness identified parts of air-launched unguided munitions. Myanmar Witness also found some social media posts showing remnants from the alleged airstrike. It determined the images show two damaged tail fins from an unguided air-delivered ordinance, but it was unable to decipher the make and model. Myanmar Witness analyzed remnants of munitions on the grounds of the school. Myanmar Witness project director Robert Dolan says the debris obtained separately by NHK and Myanmar Witness seem to match: "It's consistent with unguided air dropped munitions, and these are indiscriminate by nature and often devastating when used near civilian infrastructure. The NUG has published its own investigative report that includes photos collected from eyewitnesses. It claims that based on eyewitness accounts and the shell casings found at the scene, there were two cluster bombs. Despite this finding, Myanmar Witness said it could not provide more detail. "Unfortunately, we can't reconstruct the full shape or the model of the bomb from the fragments, but our analysis confirms that it consistent with munitions that the Myanmar Air Force has used previously," Dolan said. "The fragments that we have seen seem to be consistent with the type of weapon that would be dropped by an aircraft rather than a drone." Robert Dolan, Myanmar Witness project director Flights on film NHK obtained three separate videos reportedly filmed by village residents from the day of the attack. Two pieces of footage show fighter jets overhead a Burmese pagoda that is crowned with a spired ornament. The other video appears to capture the precise moment a bomb exploded. Myanmar Witness notes that while the quality of the videos is poor and the aircraft type can't be confirmed, there is enough detail in the shape and sound of the aircraft to identify it as a fighter jet. Video footage shows the shape of an aircraft over a pagoda. Analysis by Leone Hadavi, Myanmar Witness weaponry specialist. The video evidence suggests the school was hit by a military air strike — a direct contradiction of the junta's claim. Dolan notes: "The sound, the shape and the altitude would suggest that it was a military jet. The Myanmar Air Force is the only actor that operates jets in in Myanmar's skies. So it would suggest again through that process, it's likely that it's the Myanmar Air Force who are responsible." He also points out that the supply of arms and aircraft from other countries seems to be ongoing. "What we note specifically is the damage that they do. It really is significant and the use of aircraft and the conduct of air strikes in the country is enormously damaging to civilian life." Information war Meanwhile, NHK discovered an information war unfolding on social media. One post shows a video of young people making bombs, claiming the school that was bombed was being used as a resistance stronghold. A post alleges munitions were being produced by resistance forces at the bombed school. One week after the attack, the state-run newspaper ran two days of third-party commentary with still images from the video used to support claims that resistance forces were making bombs at the school. "That day, there was a school photo session, so students and their parents were invited to the school. Since it was a place where explosive devices were being made, parents naturally didn't want to send their children there." (The Global New Light of Myanmar, May 21) "In reality, terrorists had been making handmade mines at that school, and due to the extreme heat on that day, it appears that those mines caused a chain reaction." (The Global New Light of Myanmar, May 22) Reports support the junta's claim that "terrorist" resistance forces were manufacturing weapons at the school. Conflicting claims Location analysis by Myanmar Witness suggests the video was likely filmed somewhere else — not at the school in question. It looked at details including what was written on the blackboard and the shapes of the windows. Myanmar Witness compared imagery from the classroom with photos of the damaged school buildings. "We have continued to document these military aligned social media channels on a daily basis," says Dolan. "We see coordinated messaging and that's designed to muddy the waters to confuse the public as to the tactics of the junta. "You can't blame the victims in this situation. It wasn't an accident. It was an atrocity. And it's very plain to see…military aligned social media channels that that say otherwise. It is them trying to rewrite reality with hashtags and state media." In further evidence gathered by NHK, an NUG official from the township's education committee shared a screenshot of a post he had seen before the school attack took place. He insists the same video was re-used with a different narrative: "I saw a post claiming the resistance forces were doing the same thing before in an area south of the Sagaing Region." Depeyin Township education committee member, NUG The UN's perspective The Myanmar Team at the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights conducted its own investigation. During a video interview with NHK, team leader James Rodehaver notes: "We don't really comment on the work of other organizations, but in this particular case, I would say…we have reached at least some very similar conclusions to those in the Myanmar Witness report that you assisted with. "Schools are protected under international humanitarian law and civilians are not supposed to be targeted in times of war." James Rodehaver, Head of the Myanmar Team, Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Ahead of the UN Human Rights Council session in Geneva, held from June 16 to July 11, the team released a report that covers human rights violations by Myanmar's military junta. It strongly urges member countries to immediately impose an arms embargo. The UN report calls for a global arms embargo. 'We want the world to know the truth' One of the eyewitnesses told NHK that 14 students were still being treated at a mobile hospital two months after the incident. Many have lost limbs and are awaiting surgery. A 15-year-old student who has been discharged said he still has shrapnel in his legs that can't be removed. He has little memory of the attack and woke up afterwards in a hospital bed. This 15-year-old student has lasting injuries but little memory of the attack itself. "It hurts more because my education and dreams have been taken away. I can't do anything now, and I don't know what to do. I hope the military violence will end soon. I want to be free," he said.
Daily Express
17-07-2025
- Politics
- Daily Express
Asean navigates crisis, expansion, and power rivalry at Kuala Lumpur meetings
Published on: Thursday, July 17, 2025 Published on: Thu, Jul 17, 2025 By: Lynelle Tham, Danish Raja Reza Text Size: Asean foreign ministers met for four days in Kuala Lumpur last week to discuss regional issues. Kuala Lumpur: The 58th Asean Foreign Ministers' Meeting and its related sessions wrapped up with Southeast Asian countries projecting cautious unity as they face rising geopolitical tensions, economic challenges, and the prolonged Myanmar crisis. Foreign ministers from the 10 Asean countries met with counterparts from major partners, including the US, China and Japan, to discuss key regional issues, including maritime security to trade and political cooperation. Advertisement Here are the key takeaways from the four-day event. Myanmar crisis a high priority Myanmar remained high on the agenda as Asean tried to make further headway on the five-point consensus (5PC), a peace plan agreed in 2021 after the junta seized power in a coup. In a joint statement, the ministers expressed 'deep concern over the escalation of conflicts and the humanitarian situation in Myanmar', and reiterated the 5PC as a core framework for engagement. Foreign minister Mohamad Hasan said he planned to visit Naypyidaw in late September or October, where he would present a 'wish list' compiled after consultation with various stakeholders, including the opposition National Unity Government (NUG). 'The majority of them want the release of political prisoners, a ceasefire and unhindered humanitarian aid,' he said at a press conference at the end of the meetings. Mohamad also said that holding elections in Myanmar should not take precedence over meeting the conditions of the 5PC. 'Holding an election just to say, 'Look, we had an election, so we're already a democratic government', is not right,' he said. Timor-Leste's accession still on the cards Despite reported objections from Myanmar's junta, Asean reaffirmed that it would admit Timor-Leste as its 11th member during the October summit. 'We reaffirmed Asean's commitment to an inclusive and sustainable regional community by supporting Timor-Leste's full membership,' it said, citing Dili's active observer role and its willingness to accede to all Asean treaties and agreements. The junta is said to have formally opposed Dili's entry, accusing it of violating Asean's non-interference principle by engaging with the NUG. But Asean secretary-general Kao Kim Hourn dismissed concerns, saying Myanmar and Timor-Leste had been 'sitting down together' and 'sorting out their differences'. Tariffs cast shadow Trade issues took centre stage after US president Donald Trump announced new tariffs on Southeast Asian exports. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim warned against a growing trend of weaponising trade tools, and called for deeper alignment between Asean's economic and foreign policy arms. US secretary of state Marco Rubio, who was here on his maiden visit, said some Southeast Asian countries could end up with tariffs 'better than those in other parts of the world'. Some countries have already seen results: Vietnam secured a tariff cut from 46% to 20% following direct talks with the US, while Cambodia saw rates drop from 49% to 36%. Mohamad said the meetings provided a platform for Asean countries to raise concerns about the US tariffs through individual bilateral discussions. Although Asean declared in April that it would adopt a unified approach to the tariffs, Mohamad said Washington made its preference clear: 'They don't want to (negotiate) with a bloc. They want to do it (bilaterally)'. Big powers at play The summit also underscored Asean's delicate dance with the world's major powers, as the US, China and Russia all used the Kuala Lumpur platform to reassert influence and test diplomatic ground. Rubio hinted that Trump might attend the Asean Summit in October and confirmed that talks were ongoing for a possible US-Asean summit, proposed by Malaysia. China, the primary target of Trump's tariffs, was represented by foreign minister Wang Yi. While tensions lingered, both sides used the Kuala Lumpur meetings as a platform for quiet diplomacy. Rubio described talks with his Chinese counterpart as 'positive', and offered similar remarks after meeting Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov. Mohamad said Malaysia, as a trading nation, must maintain a careful balance between major powers and avoid taking sides. 'The US is the largest investor in our country, and China has been our biggest trading partner for many years,' he said. 'We have to navigate our foreign policy, and even Asean's, in a way that ensures we're not seen as leaning towards any one side.' * Follow us on our official WhatsApp channel and Telegram for breaking news alerts and key updates! * Do you have access to the Daily Express e-paper and online exclusive news? Check out subscription plans available. Stay up-to-date by following Daily Express's Telegram channel. Daily Express Malaysia
Time of India
14-07-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Initiatives to broker peace between warring Chin armed groups continue
1 2 3 4 Aizawl: The Advocacy Group for Peace in Chinland, a Aizawl-based team constituted under the aegis of Mizoram CM Lalduhoma, is yet making a breakthrough to bring peace between the warring Chin armed groups as both sides failed to reach a compromise to end the armed internecine conflict in western Chin state, a member of the advocacy team said on Monday, reports HC Vanlalruata. The member, speaking to TOI on the condition of anonymity, said the group has reached out to both the Chin National Defence Force (CNDF) and the Chinland Defence Force (CDF) - Hualngoram as well as the Chin National Front (CNF) and its armed wing the Chin National Army (CNA) a number of times. "The main impediment is that the groups, when they are cornered, want peace but refuse to accept our peace overtures whenever they gain upper hand," he said. The National Unity Government (NUG), a parallel Myanmar govt in exile, also has urged the Chin armed groups to stop fighting among themselves. Other bodies, including National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC), an advisory body of the NUG, and several religious denominations of the Chins as well as civil societies in Mizoram have also been calling for peace and unity among the Chin armed groups.
The Sun
09-07-2025
- Business
- The Sun
ASEAN gains major respect on international stage
KUALA LUMPUR: Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim said ASEAN has gained growing international recognition and respect, underpinned by the strong trust, confidence and friendship among its member states. Citing his recent engagements with global leaders in Brazil, Italy and France, he said that, without exception, each bilateral session with Malaysia involved discussions about ASEAN — clear testament to the grouping's rising stature on the world stage. 'Everyone had recognised the role of ASEAN. ASEAN has now achieved a spectacular position, (gaining) major respect and international recognition. I thank you all, particularly the foreign ministers,' he said in his opening remarks at the 58th ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting (AMM) and related meetings here Wednesday. The Prime Minister said the ten member countries have done relatively well, reiterating the strong level of trust and confidence among them. Anwar described ASEAN's strength as a guarantee of peace and economic growth, stressing that unity must be preserved to protect the interests of the region's more than 600 million citizens. 'ASEAN's strength is a guarantee of security; ASEAN's strength is also a guarantee of economic growth, and this strength is expected to safeguard the interests of the ASEAN people as a whole,' he said. Anwar noted that even in addressing challenges such as the Myanmar crisis and the Five-Point Consensus, ASEAN leaders have shown a consistent spirit of engagement, support and understanding. He said ASEAN had engaged with Myanmar's junta leader Min Aung Hlaing and National Unity Government (NUG) leader Mahn Win Khaing Than, and added that 'we were able to proceed with the support and confidence shown by all leaders'. On the border dispute between Cambodia and Thailand, he said ASEAN responded swiftly and collectively, driven by a shared commitment to peace and stability. 'We had no hesitation at all to immediately call our colleagues in both countries to express our concern and support all intended initiatives to secure a lasting peace,' he shared. Nevertheless, he acknowledged that there are some areas where ASEAN could improve, such as in intra-ASEAN trade and joint investments. Anwar also expressed gratitude to senior ASEAN leaders past and present, as well as to the foreign ministers, for helping build a foundation of trust that continues to drive ASEAN forward. The ongoing 58th AMM and related meetings are being held under Malaysia's ASEAN Chairmanship for 2025 with the theme 'Inclusivity and Sustainability'.
Bangkok Post
08-07-2025
- Politics
- Bangkok Post
Myanmar's 'my way' vs Asean norms
It appeared to be a done deal. During their summit on May 26, Asean leaders agreed to admit Timor-Leste as the 11th member of the regional bloc. Since then, Nay Pyi Taw has raised an unexpected objection, with the junta issuing an official statement that could potentially embarrass Asean and its current chair, Malaysia. Myanmar threatened to derail Timor-Leste's accession if Dili continues to engage with the National Unity Government (NUG), which opposes the State Administration Council (SAC) regime in Myanmar. Timor-Leste is among a dozen countries, mainly in the West, that have allowed the NUG to establish representative offices, both formally and informally. This move shows Myanmar's preference for a unilateralist approach, let's call it "my way" policy, challenging the long-standing Asean Way, which has underpinned the bloc's consensus-based diplomacy for nearly six decades. At the upcoming three-day Asean Ministerial Meeting (AMM) in Kuala Lumpur beginning tomorrow, the looming question is how to reconcile these divergent demeanours within the bloc that prides itself on unity and non-interference. At the May summit, during the retreat, Singapore Prime Minister Lawrence Wong strongly supported Timor-Leste and proposed admitting the world's youngest democracy in October. Myanmar's representative, Permanent Secretary for Foreign Affairs Aung Kyaw Moe, who also attended the previous 44th and 45th summits, was mute. That silence was interpreted as consent, enabling Prime Minister Ibrahim Anwar to conclude that consensus had been reached. The chairman's statement of the 46th Asean Summit, in particular paragraphs 124-126, confirmed that ministers and senior officials were tasked with finalising the procedural steps for Timor-Leste's admission at the 47th Asean Summit, while expediting key economic negotiations. The leaders encouraged all partners to assist Dili in fulfilling the criteria outlined in the roadmap. The upcoming Asean summit is scheduled for Oct 24-26. But on June 14, a letter signed by Han Win Aung, Director General and alternate Asean Senior Officials Meeting (SOM) leader, urged Timor-Leste to "refrain from engaging with entities that are explicitly opposed or contrary to the positions of Asean member states". The letter warned that if Timor-Leste "persists in its blatant violation of the principle of non-interference", Asean should reject its membership and suspend all procedural steps until Dili "rectifies its approach". The tough stance demonstrates how the SAC's "my way" clashes with the Asean Way, which emphasises consensus, restraint, and mutual respect. Since the 2021 coup, Myanmar has half-heartedly cooperated with Asean's Five-Point Consensus, failing to fully implement the bloc's peace plan. Instead, Nay Pyi Taw is pursuing its own five-point roadmap, which shares some common goals, especially in the holding of elections. However, the SAC lacks credibility and inclusiveness to conduct "free and fair" polls that few believe in. If Myanmar wants to return to Asean's embrace after the election, it must adopt the Asean Way, both in principle and in practice. Obviously, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is using the elections as an exit strategy, but Asean has leverage. The bloc's eventual recognition of the outcome will be crucial to lend any legitimacy. Without Asean endorsement, the polls could deepen Myanmar's isolation and further deepen its fragmentation. After the coup and the more recent earthquake, public services have deteriorated and alienated potential voters. Throughout the past four years, the regional bloc has insisted that humanitarian aid and peace must come first to create an atmosphere conducive to allowing Myanmar's people to take part in an inclusive election that is free and fair. The confrontation between the Asean Way and "my way" is not confined to Myanmar. The recent tensions between Thailand and Cambodia over boundary demarcation and the reopening of border checkpoints have added complexity to Malaysia's chairmanship. Both sides have invoked the principle of non-interference not to seek help from Asean's High Council, under the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation. Instead, Cambodia has resorted to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Phnom Penh's request to internationalise the bilateral issue could break a precedent if raised within the framework of the Asean annual meeting. Thailand has reiterated that the current dispute should best be settled through established bilateral mechanisms. This episode is reminiscent of 2006, when the Thaksin administration threatened to boycott the Asean Summit under the Laos chair if Malaysia brought up the Tak Bai incident. Fortunately, diplomacy prevailed. The incident shows how deeply ingrained the Asean Way is. Whenever members have deep disagreements, they avoid internationalising bilateral issues to preserve harmony within the bloc. Yet, much to the chagrin of Asean watchers, the bloc has also tolerated selective applications of the "my way" approach, especially in economic diplomacy amid the great geopolitical shifts. Most recently, as the bloc collectively responds to US tariff hikes and broader global trade disruptions, Asean leaders have allowed their colleagues to pursue individual negotiations, provided they align with the bloc's broader consensus. Vietnam's bilateral negotiations with the US over tariffs are a case in point, demonstrating whether national interest and Asean solidarity can coexist. Like the rest of Asean, Hanoi reaffirms its support for a predictable, transparent, free, fair, inclusive, sustainable, and rules-based multilateral trading system with the World Trade Organisation (WTO) at its core. Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and Cambodia are also taking similar routes. The Asean Way has long been criticised for relying on the "lowest common denominator" to reach consensus, but has allowed flexibility in practice. Member states quietly pursue their own paths without fracturing the bloc. This dual-track approach allows them to protect national interests without undermining regional unity. The challenge is ensuring that "my way" policies, like Myanmar's obstruction of Timor-Leste's entry, do not sabotage Asean's integrity. The clash between "my way" and the Asean Way may sound contradictory to some, absurd to others. It is not a zero-sum gambit. With the Asean Way, all members respect shared principles while carving out space for individual agency. Malaysia's chairmanship has an important task to steer this balance. At the upcoming post-ministerial conferences following the Asean annual conference, the Asean foreign ministers are scheduled to meet with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who has confirmed his attendance on Thursday and Friday, following the July 9 deadline of reciprocal tariffs. Asean wants to ensure Washington's long-term commitment to the region. Recently, several flagship US-Asean initiatives, including the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative, were axed. On a happier note, Asean's non-binding yet inclusive approach continues to win new converts. The 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), now has 59 signatories, including all major powers. Algeria and Uruguay will accede to the TAC at the Kuala Lumpur meeting. The Asean model is not perfect, but it is gaining global traction due to its voluntary cooperation, mutual respect, and incremental progress. For the Asean Way to stay relevant, it must be modernised to counter growing "my way" tendencies with assertive national interests. It must refine its consensus mechanism to accommodate diversity, preventing any single member from holding the entire bloc hostage. Myanmar's obstruction of Timor-Leste's membership is a litmus test. This week, the world will find out whether the Asean Way can be a driving force in managing internal dissent or torn apart by conflicting "my way" tactics. After all, it has endured for the past 58 years, and it will continue to live on. The challenge is to turn the apparent contradiction between the Asean Way and "my way" into a strength, not a liability.
