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San Francisco Chronicle
3 days ago
- Politics
- San Francisco Chronicle
Dems want to spend $20 million to learn how to talk to men. Have they tried mansplaining?
The national Democratic Party has decided to spend $20 million to figure out a way to talk to men. Let me know if they find out anything that dating sites haven't yet. On Wednesday night, the San Francisco Democratic Party weighed in, endorsing the idea as well. The resolution noted that Donald Trump got 56% of the votes of men aged 18-29, and that 'addressing the challenge experienced by boys and men is not only a moral imperative, but is essential to fostering a more inclusive and responsive political movement that truly speaks to the needs of all individuals, and countering the resultant rise polarization and disinformation.' This effort is intriguing to be sure. Polling after the 2024 presidential election showed former Vice President Kamala Harris coming up short with men as well. According to Navigator Research, men voted for Trump, 54-43 against Harris, a four-point improvement from 2020, when the Democratic nominee, former President Joe Biden, came closer: Trump only won by two points. Women voted for Harris 51-46 in 2024, but Biden carried women by 10 points in 2020. Let's factor in age. According to the Navigator polling 'Men under the age of 45 voted for Donald Trump in the 2024 election by an 8-point margin (44% Harris, 52% Trump), a 16-point shift from 2020, where the group voted for Biden by an 8-point margin.' If you break the numbers down by race, Harris got 82% of the black male vote. Not bad, and close to the 86% Joe Biden got in 2020. What about Latino men? Here's where it gets more interesting. 'Trump made gains across the board. Of particular note, Trump won 47% of votes among Latino men, according to AP projections. He also produced double-digit gains in majority-Hispanic counties along the Mexico border in Texas and in Southern Florida. According to a survey by Edison Research, 'In 2020, Joe Biden won among Latino men by 23 percentage points: 59%-36%. Our latest estimate for the 2024 vote among Latino men is Trump winning by 10 points, 54% to 44%. This change of 33 points on the margin is a rather extraordinary shift in four years' time.' Rather. What's the problem? Democratic support for trans youth in sports? Naw, not really. Democratic support for basic social service programs? Nope. Democratic support for a robust U.S. foreign policy? Unlikely. It may be this simple: as unfair and irrational as it is, men like voting for men for president. This country has never had a woman president, and now looks even further away from that goal based on the 2024 results. The question is, how do the Democrats spend that $20 million? The New York Times reported last week that the plan 'is code-named SAM — short for 'Speaking with American Men: A Strategic Plan' — and promises investment to 'study the syntax, language and content that gains attention and virality in these spaces.' It recommends buying advertisements in video games, among other things. 'Above all, we must shift from a moralizing tone,' it urges. Well. God knows what those video game ads are going to look like. No moralizing in video games, I guess. Fundamentally, according to the data, younger voters, be they men, women, Black or Latino, voted on the economy. So, it's the economy, stupid, again. Younger voters have a particularly bleak worldview on the economy. Talk to any young person, and they don't really have IRAs, own homes, or have a lot of disposable income while they're working two or three jobs. The Biden economy worked well for some, and very poorly for others. My guess is that Trump's performance on the economy will make Biden look like FDR, his hero. The big, beautiful tariffs are already contributing to stock market uncertainty, likely inflation — or even stagflation, where prices rise while the economy stays flat. Oh, and interest rates are going to stay high for the time being, which doesn't help. I was talking to two men the other day about Trump. One voted for Harris, reluctantly, because he thinks Trump is erratic. If the GOP had nominated a good ol' 25 years ago Republican, he'd probably have voted for that candidate. He never said anything about Harris being a woman. 'Oh, he's (bleeping) crazy.' Well, that's the partial right answer. But do the Democrats have a response to them? The next GOP presidential nominee (if there is one) will not be Trump, and then the world looks a bit different, and by that I mean, maybe the country is just shifting right organically, Trump or no Trump. It happens. The country that elected JFK, Clinton and Obama also elected Nixon, Reagan and, gulp, Trump. Again. Historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. wrote about a 30-year reset cycle in America that's been rather consistent: reaction begets over-reaction. Bring on the video game ads, the outreach to men (without the 'moralizing tone,' whatever that means), the appearances on Joe Rogan, all of it. Can't hurt. Maybe the Democrats need to mansplain to men. After all, it worked for Trump.


Newsweek
13-05-2025
- Politics
- Newsweek
Democrats Must Show They Can Do Change, Too
On a squinty bright, unreasonably warm January day in downtown Concord, New Hampshire, I kept hearing the weirdest thing: "I'm deciding between McCain and Obama." It was the 2008 presidential primary, I was working for the local congressman, and we were spending the day talking with voters. A surprising number of them were telling us that they were equally attracted to two candidates who my boss privately described as "slightly ideologically different, in that one's to the left of JFK and the other's to the right of Atilla the Hun." For these voters, the election clearly wasn't about ideology, policy, or party. It was about the thing they wanted most, and where both candidates were giving off a similar vibe: change. What was resonating wasn't any particular agenda or set of issues, but rather a desire for things to be different. Plush donkey toys are seen inside of DNC gift bags on August 18, 2020, in San Francisco, California. Plush donkey toys are seen inside of DNC gift bags on August 18, 2020, in San Francisco, a lesson in that for today's Democratic Party. Change has been a burgeoning theme in American politics for decades—since 1979, the median percentage of us who are dissatisfied with "the way things are going in the U.S." has been 70 percent. And if there's one consistent takeaway from the past year of public opinion research, it's that voters want change more than ever. But now "change" has taken on a bitter edge. Fifty-three percent of 2024 voters told pollster David Shor that things are going so poorly in America that what is needed goes beyond mere change—they want a "shock to the system." Three-quarters told Navigator Research last month that the American political and economic system needs major changes or "should be torn down completely." Even 27 percent of voters who supported Vice President Kamala Harris wanted to see "complete and total upheaval" in how the country is run (and 71 percent of Trump voters) according to AP-NORC exit polling. So, the problem for Democrats is that there is clearly one, foundational, driving idea that most voters seem to agree on, and they've gotten themselves on the wrong side of it. Rob Flaherty, a deputy campaign manager on Harris's 2024 presidential campaign: put it perfectly last week: "if you think the system is broken, we've been the ones defending it." What's worse is that President Donald Trump's rampage through our government, our values, and our very minds has put Democrats in a bind: even if they agree on the problem, how can they recapture being leaders on change while defending American institutions that desperately need protection right now? Voters may think that Trump has gone too far, but at a gut level they're still basically hungry for major disruption. Noted political analyst Ruy Texeira thinks there may be no answer: he sees it as a stark, one-or-the-other choice between being the "party of restoration" or the "party of change." But his colleague Michael Baharaeen argues that there may be a way to thread the needle, "to acknowledge voters' frustrations with these institutions and the political system more broadly, and to offer a vision for how to fix (rather than destroy) them." That's a tall order. But if it's possible, it's a must-do, and Democrats can make a start by recognizing three guidelines. It just so happens that they line up with the famous political "haiku" that James Carville used to focus Bill Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign: "Change vs. more of the same; the economy, stupid; don't forget health care. First, Democrats need to not be such Democrats about this: you don't need a brilliant, 10-page Elizabeth Warren-esque policy plan to "end quintile disparity" to get right with voters at a basic level about the need for the stark difference with Trump's version of it. The reason Carville led his mantra with "change vs. more of the same" was to remind his own campaign to boil things down. So keep it simple stupids: stand for change. And yes, Americans can probably handle the nuance of Democrats saying, "America definitely needs an extreme home makeover, but let's hire a contractor, not an arsonist." Second, Democrats do need to describe what parts of the system need to change. That's where "the economy, stupid" comes in. Trump has been politically successful for one major reason: because he tapped the vein of real economic pain that Americans are feeling. The response has to be less wrestling, more jujitsu. Instead of fighting over whether that pain is real, Democrats should channel it and redirect their focus to the core problem driving Americans' distress: that opportunity for all but a few has stalled. Low- and medium-income workers have had no increase in purchasing power for decades. That's largely because there's no income ladder within many segments of the economy anymore. People feel dead-ended, and justifiably so. What needs to change to fix that? There have been a lot of great ideas bubbling up around how to start building things again, and thereby unlock more income opportunity, upward mobility, and a better standard of living. Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson argue that Democrats need to be the party of "abundance"—which means going after excessive regulation so America can construct housing, energy generation, transportation, and public works. Marc Dunkelman offers a similar idea that we need to cut through the red tape of process and legalism to get more done. Both are offering the idea that Democrats are the party of giving people the chance to build more, earn more, and enjoy more of the things they need. Of course, that means fixing what government does, reining in advocacy groups, and cutting back on legal review to supercharge our incomes and our lifestyle. That's going to mean fights with power centers in your own party. But that's a feature, not a bug. Voters will only believe you're serious—and change their image of you—if you're willing to upset a few of your own apple carts. Finally, there's the third piece: don't forget health care. Health care resonated 30 years ago for the same reason it does today: it's a major source of cost, and cost is the major source of stress. Voters have just finished screaming at the top of their lungs that they are being strangled by the cost of living and desperately want to see change. So why not make the key costs for the middle class like health care, childcare, education, and housing the key part of your change message? Make it the top mission of the government to lower costs in those areas and pare back parts of the government that aren't lowering people's costs. Again, these are starting points, necessary, but far from sufficient. The most important thing is that Democrats must embrace the idea and get going. It's like the old joke: how many psychiatrists does it take to change a lightbulb? Only one, but the lightbulb has to want to change. Matt Robison is a writer, podcast host, and former congressional staffer. The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.


Newsweek
06-05-2025
- Politics
- Newsweek
Donald Trump's Approval Rating Suffers 'Complete Inversion'
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. President Donald Trump's approval rating among low-engagement voters has seen a "complete inversion," according to new polling. Why It Matters Previous analysis had shown that "opt-out" voters—low-engagement citizens who rarely consume political news and often skip elections—broke for Trump by double digits in 2024, reversing a historic Democratic advantage among nonvoters. For example, a post-election survey from Navigator Research found that the voters who paid the most attention to the news in 2024 voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris by 6 percentage points, while those who paid no attention at all voted for Trump by 19 points. However, new data suggests that the tables may turn on Trump, with "opt-out" voters now driving a dramatic collapse in his approval rating. What To Know New polling shows that Trump's approval among disengaged voters has dropped faster and more dramatically than among any other group, reversing the very dynamic that propelled him to victory. Data from Pew and YouGov indicate that support among so-called "opt-out" voters—those least likely to follow the news or vote—has cratered. Trump's net approval fell by as much as 33 points in just three months among people who say they consume little or no political news. In the first poll by YouGov/The Economist of Trump's second term, conducted January 26–28 among 1,577 adults, net approval among the least-engaged news consumers was +12. In their latest poll, fielded April 25–28 among 1,785 adults, that figure dropped to -21. In comparison, among Americans who say they follow the news "most of the time," Trump's approval fell by just 14 points. Meanwhile, polling by the Pew Research Center also found that Trump's approval rating has taken a hit among people who did not vote in 2024. In Pew's January 27 to February 2 poll, conducted among 5,086 adults, 44 percent of 2024 nonvoters approved of Trump's job performance. Fast-forward two months, and Pew's latest poll, conducted between April 7 and 13 among 3,589 respondents, shows that figure had dropped to 31 percent—a 13-point decline, outpacing the 7-point slide among the general public. This shift amounts to what G Elliott Morris, the former director of 538, calls a "complete inversion" of the political engagement dynamic that defined the 2024 election. "The people who pay the least attention to the news and are the least involved in the political process are now the least likely to support Trump, rather than the most likely," he wrote in his blog, Strength in Numbers. So what changed? According to Morris, it's not about ideology but economics. Many opt-out voters likely remembered the pre-pandemic economy under Trump as relatively strong, associating Joe Biden's term with inflation and instability, he said. But now that Trump is back in office and economic conditions remain shaky, with rising prices, market volatility, and a stubborn cost-of-living crisis, those same voters are expressing frustration. He added that this trend reflects a broader phenomenon: the engagement gap. Many Americans are tuning out politics in today's polarized media environment, but that doesn't make them immune to its consequences, Morris wrote. Instead, they become unusually responsive to real-world conditions, particularly economic ones, and are less likely to filter their opinions through partisan media or elite discourse. As Morris puts it, disengaged voters "may be more rational in reacting to economic stimulus," even if they're less attuned to policy nuance. "These are people who don't read The New York Times, don't watch Sunday shows, and don't track policy details," Morris wrote. "But they notice when their bills go up, their rent spikes, or their 401(k)s shrink." President Donald Trump attends Turning Point USA's AmericaFest in Phoenix, Arizona, on December 22, 2024. President Donald Trump attends Turning Point USA's AmericaFest in Phoenix, Arizona, on December 22, drop in support for Trump among low-engagement voters has come in the wake of worsening economic signals. A surprise spike in inflation in February was followed by market turmoil after Trump announced sweeping new tariffs on "Liberation Day" last month. The announcement triggered an immediate sell-off, briefly shaking investor confidence before markets rebounded days later. However, the broader economy has yet to stabilize. In late April, the Bureau of Economic Analysis reported that U.S. GDP shrank by 0.3 percent in the first quarter, the first economic contraction in three years. As a result, recent polls have shown a dramatic erosion of public confidence in Trump's handling of his job. For example, in ActiVote's latest poll, Trump's approval rating stood at 45 percent, while 51 percent disapproved, giving the president a net approval of -6 points. ActiVote's March poll showed Trump with a net approval rating of -1 point, with 48 percent approving and 49 percent disapproving. And in the latest YouGov/Yahoo poll, conducted April 25-28 among 1,597 respondents, his approval dropped from 44 percent in March to 42 percent, while disapproval rose from 50 percent to 53 percent, widening his net negative from –6 to –11. The poll had a margin of error of +/- 2.9 percentage points. Emerson College released a poll last week that showed Trump's approval rating had dropped marginally, from 47 percent to 45 percent, since March, while his disapproval rating remained the same at 45 percent. The most recent poll was conducted April 25-28 among 1,000 registered voters and had a margin of error of +/- 3 percentage points. Polls have also shown fears about the state of the economy on the rise. A Navigator Research poll conducted April 24–28 found that Trump's net approval on the economy has dropped to -16, with just 40 percent approving and 56 percent disapproving—his worst rating on the economy in the group's tracking history. His numbers on inflation and tariffs were even more dismal, with net approval ratings of -29 and -26, respectively. Other surveys reflect this growing concern. A recent Decision Desk HQ/NewsNation poll showed that 82 percent of voters are worried about a potential recession, and 59 percent say inflation is the country's biggest problem. Amid such an economic climate, Democrats see an opening to win over low-engagement voters. In a recent op-ed, Kamala Harris' 2024 campaign manager, Ron Flaherty, wrote that while winning engaged voters is about "facts," winning disengaged voters is about "attention." He argued that Democrats must seize this moment to offer a compelling economic vision, not just to oppose Trump but to provide an alternative. Still, the volatility of opt-out voters presents a warning for both parties. Morris notes that "we may be in an environment where engagement polarization means it's inherently harder for incumbents to win re-election." If current trends hold, Morris argues, Trump and the Republican Party may have squandered a key strategic asset: the support of voters who, in 2024, weren't really paying attention but showed up anyway. "Trump has lost arguably the best advantage the Republicans had for the future. And if conditions remain poor, they may lose ground, not gain it," Morris wrote. What People Are Saying G Elliott Morris, the former director of 538, wrote in a blog post: "The people who pay the least attention to the news and are the least involved in the political process are now the least likely to support Trump, rather than the most likely. That is a complete inversion of the relationship between engagement and support for Trump in 2024, and a return to the old dynamic of less-informed/engaged voters being systematically more friendly to Democratic candidates and causes." What Happens Next Trump's approval rating could fluctuate in the coming weeks, depending on the outcome of key events, including critical negotiations in the Russia-Ukraine war, the evolving tariff situation and concerns about a recession.


Newsweek
01-05-2025
- Business
- Newsweek
Donald Trump's Approval Rating Takes Unexpected Turn
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Donald Trump's once-unshakable image as a strong steward of the economy is facing a dramatic reversal, according to new polling, which suggests that the president's greatest political strength has become a major liability. Why It Matters Trump began his second term with higher approval ratings than ever. But in recent weeks, polls have started to show his popularity rating firmly underwater after he released his new program of "Liberation Day" tariffs, which rocked markets and heightened concerns about inflation and a possible recession. What To Know For years, Trump's economic messaging—centered on tax cuts, deregulation, and an "America First" trade agenda—was his political armor. Even when his overall approval ratings sagged, voters consistently gave him his highest marks on the economy. It was the issue that helped carry him through the 2016 election, buoyed his presidency, and has remained a central pillar of his 2024 campaign. But that firewall is now showing serious cracks. A new Navigator Research poll conducted April 24–28 among 1,000 registered voters finds Trump's approval on the economy has plunged to a net -16. Just 40 percent of Americans approve of his handling of the economy, while 56 percent disapprove. That represents the lowest economic rating for Trump in Navigator's tracking history—and a dramatic shift for a president who has built much of his brand around promises of prosperity, growth, and job creation. President Donald Trump speaks during a Cabinet meeting at the White House on April 30, 2025. President Donald Trump speaks during a Cabinet meeting at the White House on April 30, 2025. Evan Vucci/AP Among independents, the numbers are even more troubling. Trump's net economic approval among this critical voting bloc stands at -31, signaling a collapse in confidence from the very swing voters who once trusted him most on financial issues. On specific economic concerns, Trump fares no better. His net approval on inflation and the cost of living has fallen to -29. On tariffs—once a signature policy intended to protect American industry, his approval sits at -26. Among independents, just 18 percent approve of his tariff policies. Across both issues, support is now confined mainly to Republicans who identify with the MAGA movement. The poll, which has a margin of error of ±3.1 percentage points, reflects growing voter anxiety following Trump's announcement on April 2 of new "Liberation Day" tariffs. The sweeping move roiled the markets, triggering an immediate sell-off that was followed by a rebound days later. But the political damage may have already been done. Trump's handling of the situation appears to have deepened public unease. Voters are increasingly worried that his economic policies could stoke inflation or tip the country into a recession. According to a Decision Desk HQ/NewsNation poll conducted April 23–27 among 1,448 registered voters, a staggering 82 percent of Americans say they're worried about a potential recession under Trump. Nearly half said they were "very concerned," while only 4 percent said they weren't concerned at all. Inflation remains top of mind: 91 percent of respondents said they were at least somewhat concerned about rising prices, and 59 percent identified inflation as the biggest problem facing the country. The economy contracted by 0.3 percent in the first quarter of 2025—the first decline in three years—only amplifying the public's economic anxiety. Trump responded to the latest data on social media Wednesday, shifting blame onto his successor. "This is Biden's Stock Market, not Trump's," he posted. "I didn't take over until January 20th. Tariffs will soon start kicking in, and companies are starting to move into the USA in record numbers." But the numbers tell a different story. According to the same Decision Desk/NewsNation poll, 53 percent of Americans believe the country is worse off economically than a year ago. When asked about the tariffs, 64 percent said they hurt consumers and raise prices, while only 36 percent said they protect American jobs. The poll had a margin of error of +/-2.4 percentage points. Donald Trump's Approval Ratings As the economy has taken a hit, so have Trump's overall approval ratings, which have been declining in recent weeks. Newsweek's tracker shows that Trump's approval rating currently stands at 44 percent, while 53 percent disapprove, marking one of his lowest approval ratings to date. Other polls have also shown this trend. In the latest YouGov/Yahoo poll, conducted April 25-28 among 1,597 respondents, his approval dropped from 44 percent in March to 42 percent, while disapproval rose from 50 percent to 53 percent, widening his net negative from –6 to –11. The poll had a margin of error of ±2.9 percentage points. Emerson College also released a poll yesterday, which showed that Trump's approval rating had dropped marginally, from 47 percent to 45 percent, since March, while his disapproval rating remained the same at 45 percent. The most recent poll was conducted April 25-28 among 1,000 registered voters and had a margin of error of +/- 3 percentage points. Trump also saw a drop in Navigator's latest poll, which suggested 44 percent of Americans approve of Trump's performance as president, while 54 percent disapprove. That is down from a 48 percent approval rating in February and up from a 49 percent disapproval rating. Meanwhile, the latest CNN poll, conducted April 17-24 among 1,678 respondents, suggested that he had the lowest approval rating for any president after 100 days since Dwight D. Eisenhower and that Trump is now less popular than he was at the same point during his first term. Poll Date Approve Disapprove Rasmussen April 30 48 50 YouGov/Yahoo April 25-28 42 53 Emerson College April 25-28 45 45 Economist/YouGov April 25-28 42 52 Ipsos/Reuters April 25-27 42 53 Morning Consult April 25-27 45 53 Navigator Research April 24-28 44 54 J.L. Partners April 23-28 45 55 Decision Desk/News Nation April 23-27 44 56 YouGov/CBS April 23-25 45 55 NewsNation's poll showed that a majority, 56 percent, of respondents disapproved of Trump's second-term performance so far, and 44 percent approved. But opinions are divided starkly along party lines. The poll showed that 86 percent of Republicans approved of his performance, while just 10 percent of Democrats said the same. On Tuesday, Trump dismissed recent approval rating polling, which he called "fake." How Donald Trump's Approval Rating Compares to First Term The RealClearPolitics tracker showed that on May 1, 2017, Trump's approval rating was 43 percent, while his disapproval rating was 52 percent, giving him a net approval rating of -9 points, making Trump marginally equally as unpopular now as the same point in his first stint in the Oval Office. However, other polls have shown that Trump is less popular now than he was at the same point during his first term. How Donald Trump's Approval Rating Compares to Joe Biden's Trump's 44 percent approval rating is lower than that of former President Joe Biden at the same point in his presidency. On May 1, 2021, Biden stood at 54 percent, with a disapproval rating of 42 percent, according to RealClearPolitics. While Trump began his second term with higher approval ratings than ever before, according to Gallup's first poll of Trump's second term, conducted between January 21 and 27, he was still less popular than any president since 1953 at the start of a term and the only one to begin with a sub-50 percent approval rating. Gallup said Biden started his first term with a 57 percent approval rating. And according to data compiled from Gallup by The American Presidency Project, Trump ranks far below other recently elected presidents after 100 days, dating back to Eisenhower, who had an approval rating of 73 percent. Other elected presidents enjoyed solid support from the American public just over three months into their terms: John F. Kennedy 83 percent; Richard Nixon 62 percent; Jimmy Carter 63 percent; Ronald Reagan 68 percent; George H.W. Bush 56 percent; Bill Clinton 55 percent; George W. Bush 62 percent; and Barack Obama 65 percent. What Happens Next Trump's approval rating could fluctuate in the coming weeks, depending on the outcome of key events, including critical negotiations in the Russia-Ukraine war, the evolving tariff situation and concerns about a recession.


Int'l Business Times
30-04-2025
- Business
- Int'l Business Times
Democrats Urged To Present Alternative To Trump's Economy As Approval Rates Slide
Democrats are being urged to present a viable economic alternative to President Donald Trump as evidence shows some voters, including supporter of his, are growing increasingly frustrated with the state and direction of the U.S. economy. Focus groups of voters who supported Trump in 2024 show this scenario, but Democratic group Navigator Research is saying Democrats need to be proactive to capitalize on this scenario. Speaking to Politico, Rachael Russell, director of polling and analytics at the group, said "now is the time to provide real solutions that people can look to as an alternative because we're seeing that splintering right now, we're seeing people say 'this isn't necessarily what I voted for.'" However, she said that is not being done by Democrats at the moment. "There's people out there doing this on their own, but as an entity, as a party, it doesn't feel like there's a real vision that's being expressed," she added. Most polls show Trump's approval rates, especially when it comes to the economy, sliding since he took office. Surveys released over the weekend showed Trump's disapproval ratings hovering between 54% and 57%, with his net approval dropping as low as -14 points in a CNN poll — the lowest for any U.S. president at this point in their term in 20 years. Trump has rejected the results, calling on Monday for media organizations and pollsters to be investigated for "election fraud." Posting on his social media platform, Truth Social, Trump lashed out at The New York Times, ABC News, The Washington Post and Fox News, accusing them of producing "fake polls" that undercount his supporters. "These people should be investigated for ELECTION FRAUD," Trump declared. "They are Negative Criminals who apologize to their subscribers and readers after I WIN ELECTIONS BIG, much bigger than their polls showed I would win, loose a lot of credibility, and then go on cheating and lying for the next cycle, only worse." "They suffer from Trump Derangement Syndrome, and there is nothing that anyone, or anything, can do about it," Trump claimed of the various media outlets. "THEY ARE SICK, almost only write negative stories about me no matter how well I am doing (99.9% at the Border, BEST NUMBER EVER!), AND ARE TRULY THE ENEMY OF THE PEOPLE!" Originally published on Latin Times