Latest news with #Naxal
The Hindu
3 hours ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Danger of thought: on the Maharashtra Special Public Security Bill
The Maharashtra Special Public Security (MSPS) Bill, 2024 follows the disturbing pattern of executive overreach in the name of security. Existing laws are often misused against political opponents and critics of the ruling party, including commentators. Charges are often vague and sweeping, and the process itself becomes the punishment in many of these cases. Given this pattern, the move by Maharashtra's Mahayuti government led by the BJP to create an entire law to criminalise a certain kind of thought portends danger to freedom and democracy. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has said that the new law would only target those who try to undermine the constitutional order, but the possibility — indeed the probability — of its misuse is apparent. The State says that it is seeking to prevent Maoists from brainwashing youth, professionals, and civil servants through front organisations. As in the proposed law, which is now awaiting the assent of the Governor before coming into force, the State government can declare any suspect 'organisation' as an 'unlawful organisation'. Offences under the proposed law include membership of such organisations, fundraising on their behalf, managing or assisting them, and committing unlawful activities. The Bill's focus is on people and organisations that act as a front for Maoists, and what is unlawful is so broadly defined that anyone can be its target. Among other things, according to the Bill, 'unlawful' is 'any action taken by an individual or organization whether by committing an act or by words either spoken or written or by sign or by visible representation or otherwise, which constitute a danger or menace to public order, peace and tranquility'. Offences are cognisable and the accused can be arrested without a warrant. Punishment includes jail terms of two years to seven years, along with fines ranging from ₹2 lakh to ₹5 lakh. The State argues that Chhattisgarh, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and Odisha have enacted Public Security Acts and banned 48 Naxal frontal organisations. The Opposition parties offered feeble resistance to the Bill and raised some broad concerns regarding its misuse but it was passed in the Assembly through a voice vote. As an afterthought, the Congress and the Shiv Sena (UBT) protested on the floor when it was taken up in the Legislative Council. The Bill had gone through a long deliberative process, but as it turns out, all parties appeared to be in agreement, barring the lone CPI (M) MLA who protested against it on the floor of the Assembly. The idea that thought and speech, howsoever unpalatable they might be to the ruling establishment, should be policed poses a grave danger for India as an open society.
DW
9 hours ago
- Politics
- DW
India's Maoist crackdown leaves villagers grieving – DW – 07/23/2025
India has vowed to crush the long-running Maoist-inspired Naxal insurgency by March 2026. In the jungles of Chhattisgarh, villagers are mourning those killed in the crossfire. On a rainy afternoon in Bodga, a remote village deep in the forests of Chhattisgarh, a state in central India, Sukli Oyam sits quietly on the mud porch of her thatched home. She holds a photograph of her 22-year-old son, Ramesh, who was killed last year in a crossfire between government forces and left-wing Maoist rebels, known as Naxals or Naxalites. The Naxals — named after the village in the foothills of the Himalayas where their armed campaign began nearly six decades ago — were inspired by Chinese revolutionary leader Mao Zedong. They follow a form of communism propagated by Mao, and have waged a guerrilla-style insurgency against the government, particularly in central and eastern India. Every time Oyam looks at her son's picture, her eyes fill with tears. The day he was killed is seared into her memory. Oyam recalled how her family had gathered to celebrate the christening of Ramesh's younger daughter. Ramesh, a millet farmer and the family's sole breadwinner, set out to his relatives' home to fetch a chicken for the evening feast. On the way, he stopped by the river to bathe. He never returned. On the riverbank, a bullet hit him, turning a day of joy into one of mourning, she said. "After my son's killing, we fear leaving our homes and my life has changed," 60-year-old Oyam told DW. "Now whenever the police enter our area, villagers like me hide inside their houses. During encounters, our life comes to a halt." "I demanded compensation from the government for my son's death, but there has been no response," Oyam lamented. Oyam's neighbour, Raje Ayam, recalled a similar encounter. She told DW that security forces stormed into her house last March after mistaking it for a Maoist hideout. She said she was shot in the back while feeding her child, the bullet narrowly missing her spinal cord. Raje described how other villagers rushed her to the hospital after they found her lying in a pool of blood. She survived her injuries — but a year later, she said that she still struggles. "After the injuries, my body isn't working. I'm not able to farm or go to the jungle for work," she told DW. "My body has been almost paralyzed by the injury and I'm barely able to walk. Whenever I go to the forest and see soldiers, I fear they might kill me." The Maoist insurgency has simmered deep inside India's forests for decades. It began in 1967 in Naxalbari, a small village in the Indian state of West Bengal on the east coast, as a Maoist-inspired rebellion advocating for land rights and social justice for marginalized tribal communities. Today, the Naxals claim to fight for the rights of India's indigenous communities, collectively known as Adivasis. Their goal is to overthrow the Indian state through armed struggle. Bastar, the region in Chhattisgarh where Bodga is located, has become heavily militarized. Since 2019, around 250 security camps have been set up in the area — part of a surge that has placed one armed personnel for every nine civilians, according to a 2024 report by Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact Foundation, a civil society organization. Security forces have intensified their operations in the forests of Bastar since last year. In early 2024, the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched Operation Black Forest (also called Operation Kagar) to wipe out the Maoist movement. Given the tough terrain of these vast jungles, large numbers of security personnel were deployed, along with advanced surveillance technologies and drones. The past two years have been the bloodiest period for Maoist insurgents in over a decade, with more than 400 Naxals killed in the Bastar region alone, according to the state's Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai. Earlier this month, DW reporters followed the Special Task Force, known as the District Reserve Guards (DRG), on a patrol in the Bastar region. The operation was led by DRG sub-inspector Sanjay Paul. Their mission: to track down Maoists operating in the area. For Sanjay, carrying out operations in these jungles is complex and risky. He tells us the dense forests are the perfect hiding place for Naxal fighters to carry out ambushes. "The Naxal ideology poses a huge threat to us and to our country, we will not sleep till we finish it," Sanjay told DW. His words echo the stance of New Delhi. In February 2025, Indian Interior Minister Amit Shah lauded the security forces for successful operations and set a deadline for eliminating the Naxal movement. "I reassure the nation that by March 31, 2026, India will surely be Naxal-free," he said. As the heavy-handed approach tightens its grip on Bastar's forest villages, locals are left mourning their dead. Many told DW that the line between Naxal fighters and villagers has blurred. They accuse security forces of carrying out indiscriminate killings. Iytu Oyam, a bereaved father, from Komhu village in Narayanpur district, travelled to Bodga to meet us. He claimed that his son, Moto Oyam, was killed in a "fake encounter" by security forces last May while he was working on his farm. "I want to tell the world that my son was innocent. He was not a Naxal. What was his crime that he was killed?" he told DW. Activists and human rights lawyers have alleged that counter-insurgency operations have turned Bastar into a war zone where Adivasi communities, which make up most of the local population, live in constant fear from both sides. They claim there is a pattern of extrajudicial killings, often called "encounter killings," where police allegedly stage civilian deaths to look like combat fatalities. Reports by groups such as Human Rights Watch have also documented arbitrary detentions, forced displacement, and sexual violence by security forces. "They have turned Bastar region into a graveyard, where almost every family has a story of human loss," according to lawyer Bela Bhatia, who is supporting Adivasi people in their claims against the state. When we confronted DRG officer Sanjay Paul with these allegations, the police officer denied any deliberate targeting of civilians. "Sometimes it happens by mistake. During crossfires, civilians can die. But we do not kill civilians intentionally," he told DW. Decades of Maoist insurgency, Naxal violence, and state crackdowns have left nearly 12,000 people dead — including civilians, militants and security personnel, according to the latest figures from watchdog South Asia Terrorism Portal. For Sukli Oyam, sitting with her son's photograph, justice feels like a distant dream. "My son is gone," she said quietly. "The police didn't protect us. The Naxals who claim to fight for our rights didn't help us. We are just stuck in between."
Indian Express
a day ago
- Business
- Indian Express
From ‘punishment posting' to next steel powerhouse: CM Devendra Fadnavis inaugurates several projects in Gadchiroli
Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis said Tuesday that Gadchiroli, once regarded as the state's most backward region – often known to be the place for 'punishment postings' – is now set to become the country's next steel powerhouse, driven by developments from Lloyds Metals and Energy and a model of growth rooted in local employment, conservation, and inclusivity. Fadnavis was speaking at Konsari village in Gadchiroli's Chamorshi taluka on Tuesday where he inaugurated several projects of Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd (LMEL). He also laid the foundation stone for the company's mega integrated steel plant. Addressing a public gathering, Fadnavis lauded LMEL's managing director B Prabhakaran for 'walking with society', and making all employees stakeholders in the company's success. 'This is not just industrial development, this is transformation. Every employee is also a shareholder,' he said. Fadnavis praised the police and the people of Gadchiroli for standing by the Constitution and the democratic system and not with Maoists, who have been thriving in the area for decades. 'Today, even former Naxals are working at Lloyds plant. The Naxal network has been broken, only a few remain, and they too must surrender,' he appealed. The chief minister, however, cautioned against what he termed 'urban Maoism', referring to alleged misinformation campaigns on social media that claimed tribal land was forcibly acquired and forests destroyed in Gadchiroli. 'These are not voices from Gadchiroli, they are just a few people based in cities like Bengaluru and Kolkata, who are being funded from abroad, trying to keep Adivasis poor, backward, and enslaved,' he said. Reaffirming his government's commitment, Fadnavis said, 'We will not rest until Gadchiroli becomes the number one district in Maharashtra. The next five years will see income levels rise and lives change in ways people once thought was impossible.' Drawing inspiration from Dr B R Ambedkar's vision, Fadnavis said the transformation underway in Gadchiroli reflects the vision of India's Constitution. 'This is the real struggle, not just against poverty or underdevelopment, but against a mindset that wants to keep tribal India in the past.' Mining operations began in Gadchiroli around 2016-17, following official approvals. Since then, Lloyds has played a key role in establishing an end-to-end steel ecosystem in the district, he added. 'We didn't want Gadchiroli to remain just a resource supplier for industries outside, where it would face enormous pollution at the cost of development. Our vision was and is to benefit local youth and help them get jobs here,' Fadnavis said. He said over 14,000 local youths are now employed with the company. The BJP leader also shared stories of local women who started in housekeeping roles and now drive heavy Volvo trucks, earning over Rs 55,000 per month. He also noted that some women will be operating pellet trucks, breaking barriers in a traditionally male-dominated industry. Fadnavis also announced the bhoomi pujan for an upcoming integrated steel plant, which will generate another 20,000 jobs. The project, he informed, will be completed in 30 months. He also highlighted collaborations between Gondwana University and an Australian university to train youth in advanced mining technologies. 'Students will study partly in Australia and partly in Gadchiroli. Soon the students of Gadchiroli studying at the institute will be known as the best mining engineers of India,' he added. 'May it be a pellet plant, or a slurry pipeline, another conversation I had with B Prabhakaran was that we need to develop the region, but 'jal, jamin, and jungle' (water, land, and forest), which is the identity of Gadchiroli, needs to be preserved. There should not be destruction of this wealth. We need to try and ensure that there is no pollution which harms the beauty of this region,' said Fadnavis. Responding to concerns about environmental impact, Fadnavis underlined that the Gadchiroli model is based on 'green growth.' He stressed that an 80-kilometre slurry pipeline has been installed by Lloyds to prevent pollution. He was concerned that the slurry could be a cause of concern for environmental pollution, but the pipeline made it look easy. He said the region will soon transition to electric vehicles for most industrial movements. Fadnavis also announced a mega plantation drive, with 1 crore trees to be planted over the next two years, starting with 40 lakh saplings on Tuesday. He also hinted that a nursery similar to those in Rajahmundry, Andhra Pradesh, will also be established to ensure a high survival rate of planted saplings. The chief minister said the state government's Rs 5 lakh health insurance scheme will be functional in Gadchiroli as the company is keen to build a new hospital in the region. A school will also be constructed. 'Gadchiroli has the potential to produce better steel than China, and that too, green steel,' Fadnavis claimed, reaffirming the push for reducing dependence on gas and coal. Gadchiroli Joint Guardian Minister Ashish Jaiswal, MLAs Dharmaraobaba Atram and Milind Narote and others were present at the event
The Hindu
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Comrades bid emotional farewell to departed Naxal leader Azizul Haque
Kolkata bid an emotional farewell to deceased Naxal leader Azizul Haque on Tuesday (July 22, 2025). The veteran leader's passing marks the end of an era in radical Leftist politics of the State. He was 83 and passed away at a private city hospital on July 21. He was suffering from age-related ailments. Haque is survived by a daughter and wife. He had a son who passed away in 2003 in a road accident. Standing outside the iconic Indian Coffee House in central Kolkata's College Street, Haque's comrades, both old and young bid the stalwart leader goodbye. A poster at the gathering read 'Comrade Azizul Haque red salute'. Many of his old friends broke down as they offered flowers to the body and remembered Haque as a 'guiding light' in their political lives. Senior Leftist leaders such as Rabin Deb, Kartik Pal, Tanmoy Bhattacharya and many others were present at the farewell. 'Even though we may have differed politically, he knew how to talk to everyone and connect with people of different ideologies, he continued the necessary debates and inspired many young minds,' CPI(ML) polit bureau member Kartik Pal told The Hindu. Mr. Pal also highlighted that Haque and his fellow Naxalites helped bring change in Indian politics and put forth the rights of workers and marginalised people. 'Prominent face' 'Even after stepping back from active party politics, he continued to wield his pen and voice sharply against religious bigotry, the rise of right-wing forces, and the fascist projects of BJP-RSS combine until his final days. He was one of the most prominent faces of the 1970s Naxalbari movement in West Bengal. Long live Comrade Azizul Haque,' a statement from CPI(ML) Liberation read. Haque had suffered 18 years of incarceration after he was arrested on multiple occasions. Many of his political comrades alleged that he was tortured in police custody and suffered lifelong ailments and injuries because of the torture. Haque was one of the first Leftist leaders who was expelled from the Communist Party of India (Marxist) for following his mentor Charu Mazumdar's ideology of 'bonduker nol-i, khomotar utsa' (power grows at the barrel of the gun). He co-founded the CPI(ML)'s Second Central Committee with Nishith Bhattacharya based on Mazumdar's ideologies. During their time, they had tried to establish parallel revolutionary governments in West Bengal and Bihar. The veteran leader was born in Howrah's Uluberia in 1942 and joined the Naxal movement early in life at the age of 17. He was born in an influential zamindari family but gave up his share of the land as a show of his political ideology. He was one of the faces of the Naxal uprising in the Sundarbans area and led a massive uprising against the local Pal Chowdhury zamindars of the area. After he was set free from prison for a second time in 1989, he took to writing about various social issues, including his own time in jail. He was a published author and wrote books such as Karagare Athero Bochor (Eighteen years in jail) and Naxalbari: Tirish Bochor Age Ebong Pore (Naxalbari: Thirty years before and after). A procession led by friends, admirers, many college students and comrades took the body to the Medical College, Kolkata and donated it to the government medical facility for research purposes as per Haque's wish. Dipankar Bhattacharya, general secretary of CPI(ML), expressed his condolences over Haque's passing. 'Long years of incarceration and torture had badly impaired his health. Freed in 1989, he took to writing and championing the cause of various people's rights,' Mr. Bhattacharya wrote on X. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee also offered her condolences and referred to him as a 'revolutionary and resolute leader who never bowed his head in his long political career.'
Indian Express
2 days ago
- Politics
- Indian Express
Azizul Haque (1942-2025): He was the face of 1970s Naxalbari movement, believed in ‘power grows out of gun barrel'
Veteran Naxalite leader and one of the faces of the 1970s Naxalbari movement, Azizul Haque, passed away on Monday. He was 83. Haque, who had been suffering from ailments related to old age, was admitted to a private hospital in Salt Lake after a fall at home left him with a fractured hand. He passed away around 2:30 pm, sources said. Expressing her condolences, Chief Minister Mamta Banerjee on her 'X' handle said, ' 'I express my deep condolences on the passing of veteran politician Azizul Haque. Azizul Haque was a militant, struggling leader. He never bowed his head in his long political career. My deepest condolences to his bereaved family and associates.' A poet, political thinker and once the head of the CPI(ML)'s second central committee, Azizul Haque was born in 1942 in Ranmahal village in Howrah. Born to a huge zamindari family, Haque gave up his share of the land as a show of his political ideology. He arrived in Kolkata to study under the guidance of Nandgopal Bhattacharya. While studying with Nandgopal, Azizul met the communist leader Vishwanath Mukhopadhyay, which led to his involvement in the leftist movement. Azizul belonged to the generation of Naxal leaders who believed that 'Bonduker nol-i, khomotar utsa' ( Political power grows out of the barrel of the gun) a concept was popularised by their ideological mentor, Charu Mazumdar, in India during the sixties and seventies. At just 17 years old, Azizul joined the undivided Communist Party. He got injured while participating in the food movement procession. Although Jyoti Basu became closely associated with the mass movement, Azizul opposed Basu's political stance and accepted Charu Mazumdar as his leader. A close associate of Charu Mazumdar and Kanai Chatterjee, Haque was a key figure in sustaining the Naxalbari uprising long after it was suppressed. Expelled from CPI(M) for endorsing Mazumdar's radical views, he co-founded the CPI(ML)'s Second Central Committee with Nishith Bhattacharya after the latter's death. Together, they attempted to establish parallel revolutionary governments in rural Bengal and Bihar during the late 1970s, but were expelled following a ceasefire with the West Bengal government. First arrested in the Parvathipuram conspiracy case in 1970, Haque spent nearly two decades in prison, with his re-arrest in 1982 prompting outrage even within the ruling Left Front, leading to calls for his parole from jail ministers. His book Karagare Atharo Bochor (Eighteen Years in Jail) is a poignant account of the Naxalite movement and ideological perseverance. While his later writings, such as 'Naxalbari: Tirish Bochor Aage ebong Pare', ( Naxalbari: 30 years before and after) continued to critique establishment thinking. Notably, he supported the CPI(M)'s industrialisation drive in Singur in 2006, distancing himself from many of his former comrades who opposed land acquisition. 'Leftism is to walk against the current,' he often said, and till the end, his pen remained active-contributing columns and essays to leading dailies and journals, always with a streak of rebellion.
