Latest news with #O.Panneerselvam
The Hindu
27-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
When Jayalalithaa walked out of the National Development Council meeting
On December 27, 2012, the Chief Ministers of various States and Union Territories and Union Ministers had assembled at the Vigyan Bhavan in New Delhi for the 57th meeting of the National Development Council (NDC). Representing Tamil Nadu was Jayalalithaa, who was elected to the office the previous year. State Finance Minister O. Panneerselvam, Chief Secretary Debendranath Sarangi, and senior officials had accompanied her to the meeting convened to finalise the draft of the 12th Five Year Plan. The NDC, presided over by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, was a forum for decision-making and deliberations on matters of development. After Singh delivered his opening remarks, the Chief Ministers were called one by one to address the gathering, each allotted a time slot of 10 minutes. Bell rang When Jayalalithaa's turn came, she began addressing the meeting. After 10 minutes, a bell was rung to signal that her time was over. As the bell sounded, Jayalalithaa, who had not yet completed her speech, became upset. She walked out of the hall with the Tamil Nadu delegation. Quoting sources, The Hindu reported that Jayalalithaa had only reached the 10th page of a 28-page speech when the bell was rung. The Prime Minister, who was conducting the proceedings, then called the next speaker: Andhra Pradesh Finance Minister Anam Ramnarayan Reddy. Speaking to journalists outside the venue, Jayalalithaa accused the Centre of stifling the voice of the Chief Ministers. 'The voice of the Chief Ministers has been stifled. They were not allowed to speak freely. At the very beginning, we were told that only 10 minutes would be allotted to each Chief Minister and after that a bell would ring. This is unheard of. This has never been the practice before... If this is the way they are going to treat the Chief Ministers, the Centre could stop calling such conferences and stop inviting us. We have got enough work back home,' The Hindu quoted her as saying. Jayalalithaa said she had attended many such conferences, including the earlier NDC meetings and the Chief Ministers' conferences, where no such practice had been adopted. 'This is an utter humiliation of a Chief Minister who has come all the way to Delhi to present the views of the State government, in the interest of the welfare of the people of Tamil Nadu and in the national interest,' she said. She also alleged that the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government (of which the DMK was a constituent) was discriminatory. 'Those who supported the Centre were allowed to speak for 30 or 35 minutes and even more. At the last conference that I attended, the Assam Chief Minister was allowed to speak for more than 35 minutes. It is impossible to convey the views of the State government in such a short period as 10 minutes. This is not democracy. The NDC meeting had turned out to be an exercise in humiliation,' Jayalalithaa said. Manmohan's 'gesture' The Centre swiftly rejected her allegations, denying any discrimination between the Congress- and non-Congress-ruled States. Union Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs Rajiv Shukla said, 'The Prime Minister showed a gesture by giving an opportunity to her to speak first, immediately after his speech, though her turn was to come much later.' He said that with a long list of speakers — including 35 Chief Ministers, the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission, the Finance Minister, and the Agriculture Minister — the time limit had to be enforced uniformly. 'The same arrangement was made for the Chief Ministers of the Congress- and non-Congress-ruled States. The buzzer was pressed even for the Congress Chief Ministers. So where was the discrimination? The leaders should not make political capital out of such events,' Mr. Shukla said. According to him, the NDC meeting should be used by the Chief Ministers to achieve something for the people of their States instead of 'making an issue out of a non-issue'. Mixed response Her walkout received a mixed response in political circles. While BJP Chief Ministers Narendra Modi (Gujarat and now the Prime Minister) and Shivraj Singh Chouhan (Madhya Pradesh and now Union Minister for Agriculture) supported Jayalalithaa's action, Maharashtra Chief Minister Prithviraj Chavan (Congress) welcomed the system of limiting the speech of the Chief Ministers to 10 minutes, saying all the States were being treated equally. Mr. Modi had said sarcastically, 'The less they hear, the better it is for them [the Centre],' The Hindu reported. Meanwhile, DMK president M. Karunanidhi criticised Jayalalithaa's reaction, calling it an 'exaggeration'. He said, 'The Chief Minister's speech (in text form) appeared in newspapers. It would have taken more than an hour, had she read out the entire speech.' In a letter to his party members, Karunanidhi questioned the practicality of allowing all Chief Ministers to read out their full speech. 'Therefore, it is an exaggeration to say that Tamil Nadu was insulted. It is not a genuine allegation,' he said, adding that even in the State Assemblies, a bell would be rung to remind members of the time limit.
The Hindu
11-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
AIADMK-BJP alliance and poll arithmetic in Tamil Nadu
The revival of the ties between the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has brought back to the political discourse how tie-ups are critical to the success of the main Dravidian parties, including the ruling DMK. Though their combined vote share was close to 66% of the votes polled in the seven Assembly elections since 1991, the two main Dravidian parties had always faced the electorate in the company of one or more parties. An exception to this rule was former Chief Minister Jayalalithaa putting up the AIADMK nominees in 227 constituencies during the 2016 election and allotting one constituency each to seven parties that contested on the AIADMK symbol. This gamble paid off. But 2016 is a distant past and neither the DMK nor its main adversary, AIADMK, would like to take any such risk in 2026. Moreover, the principal Opposition party learnt a lesson the hard way in the 2024 Lok Sabha election; it went to the polls in the company of smaller parties such as the Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK), the Puthiya Tamizhagam, and the Social Democratic Party of India to take on the DMK, which joined hands with the Congress, two Left parties, the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi, the Indian Union Muslim League, and the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. Drawing a blank Given this backdrop, the AIADMK's performance was predictably disastrous: it did not win a single seat and forfeited deposit in seven constituencies. It suffered such a debacle for the first time since it was formed in October 1972. The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance's vote share was around 18.2%, with the BJP alone accounting for 11.4%. It was evident that had the AIADMK-led coalition, with a vote share of around 23.3%, and the NDA, which had the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), the Tamil Maanila Congress (Moopanar), the Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam (AMMK) and groups headed by O. Panneerselvam, A.C. Shanmugam, John Pandian, and T. Dhevanathan Yadav, been on the same side, the outcome would have been different. At least now, proponents of the coming-together of these two alliances say such a combine could have prevented the DMK-led front's landslide. It is against these circumstances that the renewal of ties between the AIADMK and the BJP has assumed importance. Stitching the alliance last month, Union Minister for Home Affairs and senior BJP leader Amit Shah said in Chennai, 'We will fight the election under the leadership of Edappadiji [AIADMK general secretary Edappadi K. Palaniswami].' One more factor that led to the revival of the relationship is the perception that the BJP, led by a firebrand K. Annamalai for over three years till recently, had made inroads in the Kongu or western region, a traditional stronghold of the AIADMK. Take the instance of Thondamuthur, now represented by former Local Administration Minister and AIADMK's face in Coimbatore S.P. Velumani. In 2021, Mr. Velumani polled about 1.24 lakh votes, whereas, three years later, his colleague could poll barely 58,000 votes in the segment that comes under the Pollachi Lok Sabha constituency. The BJP's Vasantharajan took away around 56,800 votes. Had they remained together, they might have easily overtaken the DMK's K. Eswarasamy, who polled 98,355 votes. In terms of the total number of votes polled in Thondamuthur , there was only a marginal decline — 2,30,531 votes in 2021 and 2,28,535 votes (excluding postal votes) in 2024. On its own, the AIADMK was ahead of the DMK-led coalition only in four Assembly constituencies in the western region, two of which (Edappadi and Kumarapalayam) are being represented by Mr. Palaniswami and former Electricity Minister P. Thangamani respectively. According to a study done by this journalist based on the performance of the parties in the 2024 election, had the AIADMK-led front and the NDA been together, the combine would have taken the lead in 34 more constituencies of the region. Belied hopes While parting ways with the BJP in September 2023, the AIADMK thought that it would 'get back' a part of the votes of the minority communities which, according to the party, had been lost because of its alliance with the national party. In fact, immediately after the 2021 election results were out, former Law Minister C. Ve. Shanmugam, who was defeated in Villupuram, had blamed the BJP for his party losing the support of the minority communities in his constituency, including 18,000 in Villupuram town. Mr. Shanmugam, now a Rajya Sabha Member, had polled 87,403 votes against 1,02,271 votes garnered by R. Lakshmanan of the DMK. Likewise, the party's long-time spokesperson and former Fisheries Minister, D. Jayakumar, referred to his defeat in Royapuram (that he had represented since 1991, except during 1996-2001) and said that after netting 36,645 votes, he would not have lost by about 25,000 votes (the actual margin was 27,779), had the AIADMK gone to the polls without the BJP. However, in 2024, their party's performance was poorer than in 2021. In Royapuram and Villupuram, it polled 24,247 votes and 62,825 votes respectively. 'They [the minority communities] do not want us to be with the BJP. But they would not vote for us in elections. Under such circumstances, what else can we do?' wonders an AIADMK veteran in the western region. The biggest weak spot for the AIADMK is the region of Kancheepuram, Tiruvallur, Chengalpattu, and Chennai (KTCC), where it could win only one (Madurantakam) out of 37 constituencies in 2021. There has not been much change in the situation since then. Had the formations led by the AIADMK and the BJP contested together, they would have got one more — T. Nagar, where the AIADMK lost to the DMK four years ago by 137 votes. Another problematic region for the AIADMK is the Cauvery delta, where the party bagged only four of the 41 constituencies. They were won by former Ministers R. Vaithilingam (Orathanadu), O.S. Manian (Vedaranyam), R. Kamaraj (Nannilam), and C. Vijayabaskar (Viralimalai). If the 2024 voting pattern is any indication, the party needs the support of the national party and its partners to win even in Viralimalai and Vedaranyam. One more ally needed Assuming that all the allies of the BJP and the AIADMK, including the PMK and the DMDK which are yet to decide on the alliance, remain in the NDA, such a combine, based on the 2024 performance, would not be able to defeat the DMK and its allies next year. It requires one more party, which can either be the Naam Tamilar Katchi, which grabbed 8.24% of the votes polled last year, or the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam. As the TVK is an untested force, it is too early to assess its strength. However, if one is to go by what the DMDK, founded by Vijayakant, polled in the 2006 Assembly and 2009 Lok Sabha elections when it contested alone, one can assume that the TVK's vote share can be 8% to 10%. As of now, NTK leader Seeman has been maintaining that his party will go it alone, while TVK founder Vijay says his party will head a coalition. If the AIADMK-BJP combine brings the NTK to its side, it can win 48 more constituencies, of which 19 are in the KTCC and Cauvery delta regions. Though the circumstances under which the people are going to vote next year will be different from what they were last year, the possibility of the revamped NDA (comprising parties that include the AIADMK, the BJP, the PMK, and the NTK) giving a tough fight to the DMK-led front is real. At the same time, even the DMK's critics would acknowledge that the biggest strength of the party and its allies is their vote-transferring capacity. It was not by coincidence but by design that the DMK-led front could have a vote share of 47% in 2024. Also, all its constituents had a vote share, ranging from 42% to 51%, in their contested seats. Individually, the DMK, by getting about 5.34 lakh votes in every contested Lok Sabha constituency last year, had demonstrated that its vote base in every Assembly seat was, on an average, 89,000 votes, as six Assembly segments constitute one Lok Sabha constituency. This would be formidable, given that a prospective winner in the Assembly election would require around 90,000 votes. Between the 2016 Assembly election and the 2024 Lok Sabha election, around 4.41 crore voters had exercised their franchise. This meant that roughly 1.88 lakh votes were cast in every Assembly constituency. The DMK's score of 89,000-odd should be viewed only against this context. Predictably, the AIADMK is in no position to better its arch rival; hence, it needs more allies. This requirement has been realised by Mr. Palaniswami, who has been saying that more parties will come over to his side. It remains to be seen whether the Leader of the Opposition is able to beat Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, who appears to have an edge over others.
The Hindu
10-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
An alliance and poll arithmetic
The revival of the ties between the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has brought back to the political discourse how tie-ups are critical to the success of the main Dravidian parties, including the ruling DMK. Though their combined vote share was close to 66% of the votes polled in the seven Assembly elections since 1991, the two main Dravidian parties had always faced the electorate in the company of one or more parties. An exception to this rule was former Chief Minister Jayalalithaa putting up the AIADMK nominees in 227 constituencies during the 2016 election and allotting one constituency each to seven parties that contested on the AIADMK symbol. This gamble paid off. But 2016 is a distant past and neither the DMK nor its main adversary, AIADMK, would like to take any such risk in 2026. Moreover, the principal Opposition party learnt a lesson the hard way in the 2024 Lok Sabha election; it went to the polls in the company of smaller parties such as the Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK), the Puthiya Tamizhagam, and the Social Democratic Party of India to take on the DMK, which joined hands with the Congress, two Left parties, the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi, the Indian Union Muslim League, and the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. Drawing a blank Given this backdrop, the AIADMK's performance was predictably disastrous: it did not win a single seat and forfeited deposit in seven constituencies. It suffered such a debacle for the first time since it was formed in October 1972. The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance's vote share was around 18.2%, with the BJP alone accounting for 11.4%. It was evident that had the AIADMK-led coalition, with a vote share of around 23.3%, and the NDA, which had the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), the Tamil Maanila Congress (Moopanar), the Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam (AMMK) and groups headed by O. Panneerselvam, A.C. Shanmugam, John Pandian, and T. Dhevanathan Yadav, been on the same side, the outcome would have been different. At least now, proponents of the coming-together of these two alliances say such a combine could have prevented the DMK-led front's landslide. It is against these circumstances that the renewal of ties between the AIADMK and the BJP has assumed importance. Stitching the alliance last month, Union Minister for Home Affairs and senior BJP leader Amit Shah said in Chennai, 'We will fight the election under the leadership of Edappadiji [AIADMK general secretary Edappadi K. Palaniswami].' One more factor that led to the revival of the relationship is the perception that the BJP, led by a firebrand K. Annamalai for over three years till recently, had made inroads in the Kongu or western region, a traditional stronghold of the AIADMK. Take the instance of Thondamuthur, now represented by former Local Administration Minister and AIADMK's face in Coimbatore S.P. Velumani. In 2021, Mr. Velumani polled about 1.24 lakh votes, whereas, three years later, his colleague could poll barely 58,000 votes in the segment that comes under the Pollachi Lok Sabha constituency. The BJP's Vasantharajan took away around 56,800 votes. Had they remained together, they might have easily overtaken the DMK's K. Eswarasamy, who polled 98,355 votes. In terms of the total number of votes polled in Thondamuthur , there was only a marginal decline — 2,30,531 votes in 2021 and 2,28,535 votes (excluding postal votes) in 2024. On its own, the AIADMK was ahead of the DMK-led coalition only in four Assembly constituencies in the western region, two of which (Edappadi and Kumarapalayam) are being represented by Mr. Palaniswami and former Electricity Minister P. Thangamani respectively. According to a study done by this journalist based on the performance of the parties in the 2024 election, had the AIADMK-led front and the NDA been together, the combine would have taken the lead in 34 more constituencies of the region. Belied hopes While parting ways with the BJP in September 2023, the AIADMK thought that it would 'get back' a part of the votes of the minority communities which, according to the party, had been lost because of its alliance with the national party. In fact, immediately after the 2021 election results were out, former Law Minister C. Ve. Shanmugam, who was defeated in Villupuram, had blamed the BJP for his party losing the support of the minority communities in his constituency, including 18,000 in Villupuram town. Mr. Shanmugam, now a Rajya Sabha Member, had polled 87,403 votes against 1,02,271 votes garnered by R. Lakshmanan of the DMK. Likewise, the party's long-time spokesperson and former Fisheries Minister, D. Jayakumar, referred to his defeat in Royapuram (that he had represented since 1991, except during 1996-2001) and said that after netting 36,645 votes, he would not have lost by about 25,000 votes (the actual margin was 27,779), had the AIADMK gone to the polls without the BJP. However, in 2024, their party's performance was poorer than in 2021. In Royapuram and Villupuram, it polled 24,247 votes and 62,825 votes respectively. 'They [the minority communities] do not want us to be with the BJP. But they would not vote for us in elections. Under such circumstances, what else can we do?' wonders an AIADMK veteran in the western region. The biggest weak spot for the AIADMK is the region of Kancheepuram, Tiruvallur, Chengalpattu, and Chennai (KTCC), where it could win only one (Madurantakam) out of 37 constituencies in 2021. There has not been much change in the situation since then. Had the formations led by the AIADMK and the BJP contested together, they would have got one more — T. Nagar, where the AIADMK lost to the DMK four years ago by 137 votes. Another problematic region for the AIADMK is the Cauvery delta, where the party bagged only four of the 41 constituencies. They were won by former Ministers R. Vaithilingam (Orathanadu), O.S. Manian (Vedaranyam), R. Kamaraj (Nannilam), and C. Vijayabaskar (Viralimalai). If the 2024 voting pattern is any indication, the party needs the support of the national party and its partners to win even in Viralimalai and Vedaranyam. One more ally needed Assuming that all the allies of the BJP and the AIADMK, including the PMK and the DMDK which are yet to decide on the alliance, remain in the NDA, such a combine, based on the 2024 performance, would not be able to defeat the DMK and its allies next year. It requires one more party, which can either be the Naam Tamilar Katchi, which grabbed 8.24% of the votes polled last year, or the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam. As the TVK is an untested force, it is too early to assess its strength. However, if one is to go by what the DMDK, founded by Vijayakant, polled in the 2006 Assembly and 2009 Lok Sabha elections when it contested alone, one can assume that the TVK's vote share can be 8% to 10%. As of now, NTK leader Seeman has been maintaining that his party will go it alone, while TVK founder Vijay says his party will head a coalition. If the AIADMK-BJP combine brings the NTK to its side, it can win 48 more constituencies, of which 19 are in the KTCC and Cauvery delta regions. Though the circumstances under which the people are going to vote next year will be different from what they were last year, the possibility of the revamped NDA (comprising parties that include the AIADMK, the BJP, the PMK, and the NTK) giving a tough fight to the DMK-led front is real. At the same time, even the DMK's critics would acknowledge that the biggest strength of the party and its allies is their vote-transferring capacity. It was not by coincidence but by design that the DMK-led front could have a vote share of 47% in 2024. Also, all its constituents had a vote share, ranging from 42% to 51%, in their contested seats. Individually, the DMK, by getting about 5.34 lakh votes in every contested Lok Sabha constituency last year, had demonstrated that its vote base in every Assembly seat was, on an average, 89,000 votes, as six Assembly segments constitute one Lok Sabha constituency. This would be formidable, given that a prospective winner in the Assembly election would require around 90,000 votes. Between the 2016 Assembly election and the 2024 Lok Sabha election, around 4.41 crore voters had exercised their franchise. This meant that roughly 1.88 lakh votes were cast in every Assembly constituency. The DMK's score of 89,000-odd should be viewed only against this context. Predictably, the AIADMK is in no position to better its arch rival; hence, it needs more allies. This requirement has been realised by Mr. Palaniswami, who has been saying that more parties will come over to his side. It remains to be seen whether the Leader of the Opposition is able to beat Chief Minister M.K. Stalin, who appears to have an edge over others.
The Print
25-04-2025
- Politics
- The Print
As parties pursue alliances for Tamil Nadu polls, why Seeman's NTK is bent on charting a lone course
Ever since the party started to contest elections from 2016 onwards, it has chosen to remain independent and shunned tie-ups with any party. So on Wednesday, when Seeman met former AIADMK leader O. Panneerselvam at a private hotel in Chennai, it raised eyebrows. However, one leader far away from this hectic alliance activity is Naam Tamilar Katchi's (NTK) S. Seeman. Chennai: With about a year to go for the Tamil Nadu assembly elections, political parties have begun courting each other for possible alliances. While the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) is sitting cosy with its traditional allies, the rival All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have mended fences, and political debutant Vijay is on the lookout for a suitable partner for his Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam (TVK). Seeman, however, clarified to the media that the meeting had nothing to do with politics. He also said that like earlier, he wouldn't be joining any alliance for the assembly election. Political commentators in the state believe it is just a matter of time before the NTK too takes the alliance route as sustaining in electoral politics is otherwise close to impossible. But party insiders say an alliance with the two major Dravidian parties, DMK and AIADMK, and two national parties, Congress and BJP, would compromise the interests of Tamilians and the state. Speaking to ThePrint, NTK's youth wing coordinator Idumbavanam Karthik said his party would not join hands with any of the Dravidian parties or national parties. 'We have 15 demands, including that jobs in Tamil Nadu be given only to Tamilians. We would be happy to accept an alliance with the parties if they accept the leadership of our leader, Seeman, accept our ideology and join hands with us. We do not want to join under the leadership of someone else,' he said. He added that the NTK had learnt a lesson looking at the other small parties such as the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK) led by Vaiko and Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) led by Premalatha Vijayakanth, which had tied up with the Dravidian parties. DMK allies include MDMK, while the DMDK has been a partner of the AIADMK. Sources in the NTK told ThePrint that Seeman believes contesting alone would help the party build up from the grassroots-level. 'He often points to the Trinamool Congress party in West Bengal, which initially lost polls but later succeeded and came to power,' a source said. Speaking to ThePrint, political commentator N. Sathiya Moorthy said no party has come to power contesting all alone. 'The winning party has not contested alone in the history of the state. Sustaining oneself in Tamil Nadu politics is not a joke. He (Seeman) might change his position in the future. It is only a matter of time,' he said. In the 2016 Tamil Nadu election, the NTK had secured just 1.1 percent vote share, then increased this to 3.9 percent in the 2019 Lok Sabha election and to 6.7 percent in the 2021 state election. In the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, the party secured 8.2 percent vote share and was recognised as a state party. There are only four parties recognised as state parties currently, DMK and AIADMK, NTK and Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), with the last two recognised after the 2024 elections. Also Read: In Stalin's announcement of panel for Tamil Nadu's autonomy, a dig at Centre & a push for 'all states' 'Support from under-represented communities' While it is largely believed that a section of youth in Tamil Nadu is supportive of Seeman, political analyst Raveendran Duraisamy pointed out that Seeman was targeting the under-represented among the Most Backward Classes and Scheduled Castes. 'The two Dravidian parties largely concentrate on the dominant communities, from whom they can draw a chunk of votes. But there are a lot of other smaller, under-represented Tamil communities that are backing Seeman, and he is well connected with them,' said Duraisamy. Gaining state party status and contesting the state polls alone for the third consecutive time, NTK workers believe the party would secure about 25 percent of votes this time. 'We have started to depute booth agents from now on and we have even announced candidates for some of the constituencies. We began our work even before the ruling party started. So, we are confident of securing 25 percent votes this time,' Karthik said. However, Sathiya Moorthy doubts if the party will even be able to retain its 8 percent vote share. 'The party secured 8 percent vote share when it was a four-cornered fight and when the AIADMK and BJP had contested separately. Now, the two have joined hands and actor-turned politician Vijay is also contesting the 2026 election. Vijay might eat into NTK's vote share. So, it might be difficult for the NTK to retain it,' he explained. Seeman, director-cum-actor who turned politician, had in 2006 campaigned for the DMK alliance and then for the AIADMK in 2011, before floating his own party. Karthik said the party had learnt its lesson. 'Be it be Vaiko's MDMK or Vijayakanth's DMDK, they were a potential third front at one point, but vanished after joining hands with the Dravidian parties. These were the lessons for us to not tie up the Dravidian parties and we would now form an alliance only under the leadership of our leader Seeman,' he reiterated. NTK's social media popularity Although Seeman secured only 8.2 percent of votes in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, his influence and popularity on social media surpasses that of other political party leaders. This is evident from higher engagement rates, viral content and frequent trending of NTK-related hashtags on social media, driven by his appeal to the youth and Tamil nationalist sentiments. According to Sunilkumar, political analyst and assistant professor of political science at Hindustan University, the time when Seeman entered electoral politics was the reason behind his social media popularity. 'The leaders and workers of the two dominant Dravidian parties, DMK and AIADMK, are generally well-educated and have a higher number of intellectuals compared to newer political parties. This is largely because these parties emerged during the peak of the newspaper publishing era. In contrast, Seeman's NTK entered electoral politics in 2016, coinciding with the rise of social media platforms in Tamil Nadu,' he told ThePrint. He also said popularity on social media may not reflect on the ground due to various reasons. 'One of the main reasons is that most of the online supporters of NTK are abroad. There is a huge fan following from Singapore and Malaysia where Tamil refugees have settled. So, his fierce speech about Tamils and state autonomy gets more traction,' he added. (Edited by Nida Fatima Siddiqui) Also Read: How bipolar political landscape allows DMK, AIADMK to keep allies from share in power pie
