Latest news with #OfficeofthePardonAttorney
The Herald Scotland
7 days ago
- General
- The Herald Scotland
Capitol rioter Pamela Hemphill rejects Trump's Jan. 6 pardon
"I don't want to be a part of their narrative," she told USA TODAY about why she didn't accept the pardon. "And then, of course, it's a slap in the face to the Capitol police officers and to our rule of law." On Jan. 6, 2021, Hemphill was among the thousands of Trump supporters who stormed the Capitol building in Washington, D.C., to protest the 2020 presidential election results. She pled guilty to one misdemeanor count of parading, demonstrating or picketing in the Capitol building and was sentenced to two months in jail, 36 months of probation and $500 restitution. On Jan. 20, Trump pardoned more than 1,500 people charged in the Capitol attack. In an April 2 letter to Sen. Risch that Hemphill shared with USA TODAY, the Pardon Attorney's office said it noted her "non-acceptance" of the pardon. "Our Office will not issue Ms. Hemphill a certificate of pardon and will refrain from requesting any notation of pardon on her criminal history record," the letter says. A spokesperson for Sen. Risch said the senator's office regularly assists constituents with matters pertaining to federal agencies and declined to reveal additional details about Hemphill's case. The Office of the Pardon Attorney and the White House did not immediately respond to request for comment. 'It was not OK that day' The 72-year-old said she pursued formally turning down the pardon because she wanted to be honest. "How could I live my life knowing that I was guilty and then I took that pardon?" she said. "It's kind of like a message that it was OK that day - it was not OK that day. That was the worst day of my life." She said choosing to speak out against Trump's Jan. 6 pardons has been difficult at times, citing backlash she's received from some Trump supporters. But "it's been worth it to know that maybe there's another Pam out there that might listen to me and and get away from the MAGA call," she said. "The benefits of being honest with yourself outweigh any of the smear campaigns you might get or the backlash, because you sleep good at night," she said. "It's inner peace." Hemphill said she started to reconsider her support of Trump about six months after she was released from prison in 2022. "It's been a gradual process, it's not like I had a white light experience," she said. Since then, Hemphill has spoken out against Trump and his narrative surrounding the Capitol attack. She also voted for Kamala Harris in the 2024 presidential election. Can a presidential pardon be rejected? How Capitol rioter turned it down According to the Constitution, a pardon can be rejected by the person it is tendered to. After Trump issued pardons for the Jan. 6 defendants, Hemphill said she initially wrote a letter to the Office of the Pardon Attorney asking to not be included in the act. Sen. Risch's office helped her file the correct paperwork, she said, and about a month later they received the formal letter acknowledging her "non-acceptance" of the pardon. Jason Riddle, a New Hampshire man who served 90 days in jail for participation in the attack, said in January that he also rejected the pardon, according to New Hampshire Public Radio. It's unclear whether any other individuals charged in the riot have turned down Trump's pardon. Melina Khan is a national trending reporter for USA TODAY. She can be reached at
Yahoo
29-05-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Can someone pardoned by president vote again? Can they run for office? What it means
President Donald Trump has issued a wave of presidential pardons this week, one of which was former Cincinnati City Councilman P.G. Sittenfield, who was convicted on federal bribery and extortion charges. The president's pardons also include reality television stars Todd and Julie Chrisley, who were found guilty of conspiring to defraud community banks in Atlanta out of more than $36 million, and rapper NBA YoungBoy, who pleaded guilty to a federal gun charge in 2024. So, what is a presidential pardon? Can those pardoned vote? Can they run for office? Here's what to know. The president's clemency powers, or the ability to forgive Americans of crimes, is defined in the Constitution, which says presidents can "grant reprieves and pardons" for offenses against the U.S. The only offense the president cannot pardon is impeachment. The presidential pardon, or full pardon, is the most well-known forgiveness. It absolves a person of wrongdoing and restores any civil rights lost "without qualification." A pardon often implies that the convicted person has taken responsibility for their actions and is forgiven by the president. It can restore some civil abilities that would otherwise be barred due to the criminal conviction, according to the Department of Justice. A pardon is merely an expression of the president's forgiveness and "does not signify innocence," according to the DOJ. Pardons can, however, help eliminate some of the consequences of conviction and restore a person's civil rights. The DOJ states the offense is not removed from a person's criminal record after being pardoned. Instead, the conviction and pardon both appear on the record. Pardons can help those previously convicted obtain licenses, bonding or employment. An individual seeking a pardon must submit a formal application to the Office of the Pardon Attorney. In evaluating the merit of each request, the Office of the Pardon Attorney considers several factors, such as a person's conduct following conviction, the seriousness of the offense and the extent to which the individual has accepted responsibility for the crime, according to Chicago-based law firm MoloLamken LLP. Prosecutors who handled the case and the deputy attorney general (the second most senior official at the DOJ) may weigh in on the recommendation about whether to grant a pardon. The president, however, can bypass the pardon attorney and grant a pardon in the absence of any such application or recommendation from the DOJ. Yes. Since the pardon represents legal forgiveness, it ends any further punishment and restores the convicted person's rights, such as being able to vote. Yes. Just like voting, convicted persons pardoned by the president can run for public office. Yes. In fact, a presidential pardon is the only way a person convicted of a federal felony offense may obtain a firearm, according to the DOJ. There are no limits to how many people the president may pardon. America's first president, George Washington, made the first presidential pardon. He used the promise of a pardon to stop a group of farmers and distillers from Pennsylvania's violent protests of the federal government's ban on whiskey and other liquor, which later came to be known as the Whiskey Rebellion. Other historic pardons include former President Richard Nixon's pardon by his vice president, Gerald Ford, who took over the Oval Office when Nixon resigned in the wake of the Watergate scandal, and former President Bill Clinton's pardon of his brother, Roger, who was convicted on drug charges. Presidential pardons peaked during former President Franklin Roosevelt's time in office. During his four terms, Roosevelt granted 2,819 pardons, many of which were wartime offenses from World War I. He also commuted 488 prison sentences and remitted 477 fines, according to the DOJ archives. Former President Joe Biden granted more acts of clemency than any previous chief executive, according to the Pew Research Center. During his tenure as president, Biden granted 4,245 acts of clemency (80 pardons and 4,165 commutations). Former President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who served 13 years in office, issued the second-most clemency acts with 3,796 (2,819 pardons and 488 commutations). During Trump's first presidential term, he granted 238 acts of clemency, which consisted of 143 pardons and 94 commutations, according to the Pew Research Center. USA TODAY reporters Kinsey Crowley and Ella Lee contributed to this report. This article originally appeared on Cincinnati Enquirer: Can someone pardoned by president vote again? Can they run for office?
&w=3840&q=100)
First Post
29-05-2025
- Politics
- First Post
Trump on pardon spree again: Why he defies political gravity
By using pardons to reward allies, punish opponents, and project power, Donald Trump is reshaping the meaning of presidential mercy—and facing little political consequence for it read more President Donald Trump's latest wave of pardons shows he is not only continuing but intensifying a strategy from his first term: using pardons as both a reward for supporters and a tool to show his power. In the last days of May 2025, Trump issued numerous pardon and shorter prison sentences (commutations) to people like political allies, rich donors, famous people and others who support his views. Some of the people Trump pardoned included former Representative Michael Grimm (who was convicted of tax evasion), rapper NBA YoungBoy (who was convicted on gun and drug charges), former Connecticut Governor John Rowland and others connected to Trump's political world or causes. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This unapologetic use of presidential power shows that Trump pays scant regard to political gravity and seems to face few consequences for it. His actions don't just repeat what he did before—they go further. They show that being loyal or useful to Trump may matter more for getting a pardon than showing regret, being rehabilitated, or having a fair reason. Constitutional muscle of presidential mercy The US Constitution grants presidents sweeping clemency powers: Article II, Section 2 allows the president to 'grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment'. There are no required procedures or oversight mechanisms—no Congressional veto, no judicial review. Traditionally, this power is exercised with great caution, often following a lengthy review process via the Department of Justice's Office of the Pardon Attorney. Historically, presidents have reserved controversial pardons for the final days of their terms attempting to insulate themselves from political fallout. Gerald Ford's pardon of Richard Nixon in 1974, Bill Clinton's pardon of financier Marc Rich in 2001 and even Joe Biden's preemptive clemency for his son and political allies fall into this pattern. Trump has shattered that precedent. Trump's current use of pardons shows almost no regard for this tradition. He is not only issuing pardons mid-term and in full public view, but he is doing so repeatedly, even defiantly, reinforcing a broader narrative: that the justice system is corrupt when it targets his allies—and legitimate only when it serves his interests. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Allies, donors and ideological symbols This month's clemency spree includes a familiar cast: convicted politicians, conservative media personalities, donors and even reality TV stars with connections to Trump-world. Grimm, the former New York Congressman who pled guilty to tax fraud, had long argued his prosecution was politically motivated. Trump's pardon of Grimm was explicitly framed as a correction of what the president calls 'a weaponised justice system'. Former Governor Rowland of Connecticut, another recipient, was convicted of public corruption not once but twice, and yet Trump used his pardon power to rehabilitate him. NBA YoungBoy (Kentrell Gaulden), who was convicted on gun charges and involved in prescription drug fraud, also benefitted—despite no prior political affiliation with Trump—after lobbying efforts by Alice Marie Johnson, now Trump's 'pardon czar'. Johnson, herself a former inmate whose sentence Trump commuted in 2018, now plays a visible role in granting clemency, further politicising a process that once operated largely behind closed doors. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Perhaps most controversially, Trump spared reality TV personalities Todd and Julie Chrisley, convicted of orchestrating a $30 million bank fraud scheme. Their daughter, Savannah Chrisley, who had actively campaigned for Trump and addressed the 2024 Republican National Convention, was reportedly notified directly by Trump during a phone call captured on video in the Oval Office. These examples speak to a pattern: Trump's clemency is most often extended to those who are part of his political narrative or who serve a function in bolstering his personal mythology. Whether it's a Maga-friendly sheriff, a wealthy donor's son or media figures aligned with his ideology, the common thread is unmistakable. Rewriting of political norms Most presidents fear backlash from granting clemency to controversial figures. Trump, however, seems not only immune to such repercussions but emboldened by the conflict they generate. This is in part because Trump has spent years reframing the justice system as inherently politicised—particularly when it comes to his allies. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Trump's former interim US attorney, Ed Martin, now acts as his pardon attorney and recently declared 'No Maga left behind' on social media. This slogan, while clearly partisan, also implies a loyalty-based framework for justice. Trump, in this view, is not just a president but a protector of his political community and the pardon power is one of his most potent tools. In practice, this has meant pardoning over 1,500 January-6 defendants, many of whom were convicted of violent crimes against police officers. It's a radical act that has redefined what presidential clemency can be: not just an act of mercy, but a gesture of tribal solidarity. Public polling after those pardons showed overwhelming disapproval among Americans, with 83 per cent opposing clemency for violent offenders from the Capitol riot. But inside Trump's base, such moves are often celebrated as retribution against a biased state apparatus. Political capital and the cost of clemency One of the most striking aspects of Trump's pardon spree is the apparent absence of political cost. Traditional political wisdom suggests that using presidential pardons for self-serving or partisan purposes invites scandal, backlash or electoral punishment. Trump's presidency challenges this assumption. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD His core supporters remain steadfast, interpreting his actions through a lens he has carefully constructed over years: that he is a victim of 'deep state' persecution and so are his allies. When Trump extends pardons to convicted criminals who support him—or are supported by people who support him—he is praised for fighting back and the 2024 election showed he was not penalised for vowing to pardon those tried to shake up the democratic fundamentals of the US. This phenomenon is especially visible in the case of Paul Walczak, a nursing home executive who pleaded guilty to tax crimes. His mother, Elizabeth Fago, a prominent GOP fundraiser and Trump ally, reportedly used a $1 million-per-person fundraising dinner at Mar-a-Lago as a platform to advocate for her son's clemency. Within three weeks of the event, Trump signed the pardon, American media reported. The narrative here is not just one of corruption—it's the transformation of transactional politics into clemency policy. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Blurring of mercy and favouritism Trump's use of the pardon power has increasingly resembled a rewards system—akin to political patronage. The beneficiaries are disproportionately white-collar criminals, political operatives, wealthy donors and ideologically aligned actors. This isn't to say every pardon lacks merit, but the merit appears secondary to the political message. In this context, the pardon of James Callahan, a labour union leader convicted of failing to report over $300,000 in gifts, reflects a symbolic outreach to traditionally Democratic constituencies. Trump also pardoned Ross Ulbricht, the founder of Silk Road, a decision that appealed to libertarian voters—a demographic Trump targeted during his 2024 campaign. Even the seemingly non-political acts—like commuting the sentence of gang leader Larry Hoover, months after Biden pardoned Hoover's deputy—carry an implicit message: that Trump can be as bold and even more magnanimous than his opponents. In politics, symbolism often outweighs substance and Trump's team appears well aware of this. Reshaping the role of clemency STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD More than any modern president, Trump has fundamentally altered the perception and function of clemency. Once regarded as an instrument of last resort, granted quietly and with grave consideration, pardons under Trump are now spectacle. They are televised, tweeted and marketed to constituencies. The elevation of Alice to the role of pardon czar—and her televised involvement in clemency decisions—reinforces the public relations nature of Trump's approach. When the pardon process becomes content for campaign narratives or tools of political signalling, it raises profound questions about the health of the democratic system. Limits of accountability Trump's latest round of pardons confirms what has become increasingly clear: political gravity, as traditionally understood, no longer applies to him. Most politicians would fear the optics of pardoning convicted felons, reality TV stars or riot participants. Trump embraces it, spinning each clemency grant into a statement of loyalty, grievance or triumph over what he calls a 'corrupt system'. If anything, his use of the pardon power has only intensified with time, extending from the mere absolution of crimes to the reinforcement of political identity. Each pardon sends a message—not just to the individual receiving it, but to Trump's base, his enemies and to the institutions he aims to delegitimise. Whether this strategy remains sustainable beyond his presidency—or whether it permanently redefines the bounds of presidential power—remains to be seen. What is clear, however, is that Trump has made the pardon a political weapon — not the first US president to do so but unlike many of his predecessors, he is wielding this power with unmatched boldness and precision, and so far, escaping any serious political penalty.
New York Times
08-03-2025
- Politics
- New York Times
Trump Allies Seek Pardons From an Emboldened White House
On the morning of Jan. 6, 2021, a top White House official assured a Republican lobbyist that his client's pardon application would be placed in the pipeline for consideration by President Trump before he left office. Hours later, the administration was torn apart by Trump supporters' attack on the Capitol. The lobbyist never heard back about the pardon, and his client remained imprisoned for his role in an insurance bribery scandal that shook North Carolina Republican politics and left thousands of retirees unable to obtain access to their annuities for years. Four years later, the lobbyist is back, pushing for a presidential pardon for the same client, the insurance mogul Greg E. Lindberg. But this time around is different. The new administration has a team of appointees focusing on the process early in Mr. Trump's term, with a particular focus on clemency grants that underscore the president's own grievances about what he sees as the political weaponization of the justice system. Lawyers and lobbyists with connections to Mr. Trump have scrambled to take advantage. They have collected large fees from clemency seekers who would not be eligible for second chances through an apolitical system that was created by the Justice Department for granting mercy to those who have served their time or demonstrated remorse and a lower likelihood of recidivism. Instead, clemency petitioners are mostly circumventing that system, tailoring their pitches to the president by emphasizing their loyalty to him and echoing his claims of political persecution. Among them are a rapper convicted in connection with a Malaysian embezzlement scheme, a reality-television-star couple found guilty of defrauding banks and evading taxes, and two Washington, D.C., police officers convicted after a chase that killed a young man. Mr. Trump's use of clemency in his first term 'was all about cronyism and partisanship and helping out his friends and his political advisers,' said Rachel E. Barkow, a professor at New York University School of Law who has studied the use of presidential clemency. 'The potential for corruption is higher' this time around, she said. 'Because they're starting early, they have figured out how they want to set it up so that people have a pipeline to get to them.' 'Like any sequel,' she said, 'it's going to be worse.' An Unorthodox Approach Both Mr. Trump and former President Joseph R. Biden Jr. were criticized for ignoring the screening and guidelines of the Justice Department's Office of the Pardon Attorney in their clemency grants. Clemency experts objected to Mr. Biden's far-reaching pardons of his son Hunter and other family members, and to Mr. Trump's sweeping grant of clemency to all of the nearly 1,600 people charged in connection with the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol. The process used by the pardon attorney's office to identify and recommend applicants for clemency is intended to favor those who accept responsibility for their crimes and are unlikely to reoffend. Presidents are under no obligation to act on the office's recommendations in extending second chances through pardons, which wipe out convictions, and through commutations, which reduce prison sentences. According to people familiar with the matter, Mr. Trump's White House had marginalized the pardon attorney's office, shifting control of much of the clemency operation to the White House Counsel's Office. On Friday evening, Elizabeth G. Oyer, who had been the U.S. pardon attorney since being appointed in 2022 during the Biden administration, said on social media that she had been fired from the post by Todd Blanche, the newly confirmed deputy attorney general. Even before her firing, a senior White House official said in an interview that 'the White House Counsel's Office is the one handling all clemency petitions.' Among the White House officials involved are Sean Hayes, who worked for Representative Jim Jordan, Republican of Ohio, and Gary Lawkowski, who served as deputy general counsel for Mr. Trump's 2024 campaign. In addition, Mr. Trump last month named Alice Johnson as 'pardon czar,' responsible for recommending clemency grants. That formalized a role she had filled as an outside adviser during Mr. Trump's first term, when she advocated for legislation and clemency grants to reduce sentences for mostly nonviolent drug offenders. Mr. Trump in 2018 had commuted her life sentence for nonviolent drug-related offenses, then granted her a full pardon in 2020. Clemency supporters expressed optimism that Ms. Johnson would push for pardons and commutations for people of color, as well as for those who lack wealth or political connections and whose petitions might otherwise languish in the pardon attorney's office. Before Mr. Trump, her own application had been denied by the office, which has drawn criticism for moving too slowly and giving too much weight to prosecutors' views. Shared Grievances Alex Little, a former federal prosecutor, represents three people seeking clemency with appeals that mirror Mr. Trump's grievances. 'There are key players in the Trump administration who have had a front-row seat to prosecutorial misconduct,' he said in an interview. 'It changes your perspective on these issues, and it's difficult to ignore that when you're back in government.' Mr. Little prepared thick binders with court documents, testimonials and narrative summaries to present to the White House and certain Justice Department officials — but notably not the Office of the Pardon Attorney — in arguing for mercy for his clients. Among them are the conservative reality TV stars Todd and Julie Chrisley. They were sentenced in 2022 to years in federal prison for bank fraud and tax evasion, which prosecutors said was done to fund a lavish lifestyle. Mr. Little wrote that their conviction 'exemplifies the weaponization of justice against conservatives and public figures, eroding basic constitutional protections.' The summary, which was read aloud by the Chrisleys' daughter, Savannah Chrisley, on her podcast last month, notes that her parents are 'vocal supporters of President Trump.' Mr. Little's summary linked the prosecutors in the Chrisleys' case to Fani T. Willis, the Georgia state prosecutor who charged Mr. Trump in 2023 in connection with his efforts to cling to power after the 2020 election. Mr. Little is also working on the Lindberg case, comparing him in the pardon packet to Mr. Trump, and writing that Mr. Lindberg 'became a target of overzealous career prosecutors at the D.O.J. and F.B.I. who twisted a legitimate business dispute into criminal charges.' His summary notes that Mr. Lindberg was previously represented by Mr. Blanche, and suggesting that the deputy attorney general, who is expected to oversee the Justice Department's clemency portfolio, believes the case was flawed. The Justice Department did not respond to questions about whether Mr. Blanche would recuse himself from the matter. Also working for Mr. Lindberg are two well-connected lawyers who had pushed for a pardon at the end of the last Trump administration: the veteran Republican lobbyist Alex Vogel and the noted defense attorney Alan M. Dershowitz, who had defended Mr. Trump during his first impeachment trial and developed a niche as a clemency advocate toward the end of the administration. Mr. Dershowitz in an interview cast his clemency work as a continuation of his legal representation, adding, 'I only take on cases that I think merit clemency.' Mr. Vogel was the person who was lobbying a top White House official in the hours before the Capitol riot, according to a person familiar with the episode. High-Priced Advocacy Mr. Vogel's firm was paid $100,000 in less than three months of lobbying for one of Mr. Lindberg's companies back then, according to congressional filings, hinting at the lucrative fees available to those who offer to help secure pardons from Mr. Trump. A different Lindberg company re-engaged Mr. Vogel's firm after Mr. Trump's victory in the 2024 election and paid it $100,000 in December. Another Trump-connected lawyer at a law firm where Mr. Vogel is a partner, Jonathan Fahey, represented a Washington, D.C., police officer who was pardoned by Mr. Trump in January. The officer had been sentenced to four years in prison for conspiring to cover up a police chase that killed a 20-year-old Black man. The episode led to days of racial-justice protests and clashes in the nation's capital. Mr. Fahey, who has complained about a politicization of the Justice Department against Mr. Trump, in a social media post called the officer 'the victim of a politically motivated prosecution.' Similarly, allies of the Sam Bankman-Fried have been consulting with a former Trump campaign lawyer to position the imprisoned cryptocurrency mogul for a pardon by claiming he was treated unfairly by a prosecutor and a judge with whom Mr. Trump's team has clashed. Margaret Love, who served as the U.S. pardon attorney in the 1990s and now works in private practice advising petitioners, warned that Mr. Trump's approach to clemency risked favoring wealthy or well-connected people who claim mistreatment by the justice system. 'Ordinary people who express remorse and seek forgiveness should be able to access clemency's benefits without the intervention of high-priced lawyers and lobbyists,' she said in an email. Other lawyers with ties to Mr. Trump who successfully secured clemency during his first term are back with more clients. Adam Katz previously helped secure a commutation for Adriana Camberos, a Southern California businesswoman who was sentenced to prison for her role in a scheme to sell millions of counterfeit bottles of the caffeinated drink 5-hour Energy. She was convicted in a new fraud involving consumer goods in October, becoming one of at least seven people who have since been charged with domestic violence and other new crimes, according to analyses by The New York Times. Mr. Katz, who once represented Rudolph W. Giuliani in a defamation case related to his effort to overturn Mr. Trump's loss in the 2020 election, is pursuing a pardon for the rapper Prakazrel Michel, known as Pras, who was convicted in 2023 for foreign lobbying violations and other crimes related to a Malaysian embezzlement scheme. Allies of Mr. Michel, who is Black, have argued to Trump administration officials that he was treated more harshly by the Biden Justice Department than white associates who were implicated in connection with the case. A spokeswoman for Mr. Michel suggested that argument would resonate with Ms. Johnson, asserting that she 'understands more than anyone the gross injustices embedded in our criminal justice system.' Ms. Johnson did not respond to a request for comment.
The Guardian
08-03-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
Trump fires two DOJ senior career officials including pardon attorney
Donald Trump's administration on Friday fired at least two senior career officials at the US justice department, including the head of the office that handles presidential pardon requests, according to a social media post and sources familiar with the matter. Liz Oyer served as pardon attorney since 2022, a career justice department position. Oyer was fired 'effective immediately,' according to a memo she shared on LinkedIn, which cited Trump's executive authority under the US constitution. Oyer, who was appointed by Biden in 2022, posted on LinkedIn: 'I'm sad to share that I was fired today from the job I have poured my heart and soul into for the last three years. I am so proud of the team we built in the Office of the Pardon Attorney, who will carry on our important work. I'm very grateful for the many extraordinary people I've had the opportunity to connect with on this journey. Thank you for your partnership, your support, and your belief in second chances.' Oyer's former office reviews requests for clemency from people convicted of federal offenses and makes recommendations to the White House on whom the president should pardon. Oyer's termination comes two weeks after Trump appointed Alice Marie Johnson as 'pardon czar', a role in which she will recommend people for presidential commutations. Bobak Talebian, the head of the justice department's Office of Information Policy, which handles public records requests under the US Freedom of Information Act, was also fired, according to a source familiar with the matter. The moves mark the latest instance of the Trump administration removing or sidelining career justice department officials, who typically keep their positions across presidential administrations. A justice department spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the moves. Trump-appointed officials previously reassigned several veteran national security and criminal prosecutors to a newly created immigration office. The top career ethics official left the justice department after facing a similar reassignment. About eight senior career FBI officials also were forced out before the confirmation of Trump-nominated FBI director Kash Patel by the Senate. Justice department leaders have generally not given reasons for the dismissals, but have broadly emphasized that career officials must be trusted to enforce Trump's agenda. Sign up to Headlines US Get the most important US headlines and highlights emailed direct to you every morning after newsletter promotion A union said on Friday the US Department of Labor reinstated about 120 employees who had been facing termination as part of the Trump administration's mass firings of recently hired workers. The American Federation of Government Employees, the largest federal employee union, told Reuters that the probationary employees had been reinstated immediately and that the department was issuing letters telling them to report back to duty on Monday. Coral Murphy Marcos contributed to this report
