Latest news with #OfficeofthePardonAttorney
Time Magazine
05-08-2025
- Politics
- Time Magazine
MTG Calls for Commutation of George Santos's Sentence
Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene is calling for President Donald Trump to commute the sentence of her former colleague George Santos, who reported to a federal prison last month after pleading guilty to wire fraud and aggravated identity theft. In a letter to the Office of the Pardon Attorney, Greene said she believed the former New York congressman's seven-year sentence 'extends far beyond what is warranted' and accused current members of Congress of committing 'far worse offenses,' though she didn't specify which individuals or actions she was referring to. Santos, who was expelled from Congress in 2023 just months into his first term, was sentenced to 87 months in federal prison in April after pleading guilty last year, and has been incarcerated since July 25. 'I wholeheartedly believe in justice and the rule of the law, and I understand the gravity of such actions,' Greene wrote in the letter, which she shared on the social media platform X on Monday night. 'However, I believe a seven-year sentence for such campaign-related matters for an individual with no prior criminal record extends far beyond what is warranted.' Greene went on to say that Santos 'committed himself to serving his constituents and did whatever it took to represent their interests in Washington, D.C,' adding that 'he is sincerely remorseful and has accepted full responsibility for his actions.' Read More: MAGA Stalwart Marjorie Taylor Greene Signals Potential Split From Republican Party 'While his crimes warrant punishment, many of my colleagues who I serve with have committed far worse offenses than Mr. Santos yet have faced zero criminal charges,' Greene said. 'I strongly believe in accountability for one's actions, but I believe the sentencing of Mr. Santos is an abusive overreach by the judicial system.' 'Commuting his sentence would acknowledge the severity of his actions and simultaneously provide a path forward in allowing him to make amends for his crimes and strive to better serve the people in his community,' she continued. Trump has granted clemency to a number of people since he was sworn in for his second term, including some of his own supporters who had been convicted or charged in connection with the Jan. 6, 2021 attack on the Capitol. He has also pardoned multiple former politicians who were convicted of a variety of charges, including fraud and campaign finance offenses. When asked about Santos in an interview with the right-wing cable news channel Newsmax on Friday, Trump acknowledged that the former New York congressman 'lied like hell' but didn't close the door on the possibility of pardoning him, saying, 'Nobody's talked to me about it.' Santos's brief time in Congress was dominated by controversy after the New York Times reported that he had lied about key parts of his biography and campaign, including claiming he had worked at prestigious Wall Street firms. He was expelled from Congress following his indictment on nearly two dozen criminal charges and the release of a House Ethics Committee report finding that there was 'substantial evidence' he violated federal law. Roughly three-quarters of the House voted to expel him, including 105 Republicans. Greene was one of the 112 Republicans who voted against expelling Santos.
The Hill
05-08-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Greene urges Trump to commute George Santos' sentence: ‘It's time to correct this injustice'
Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) is urging the Trump administration to commute the sentence of former Rep. George Santos (R-N.Y.), who was sentenced to seven years in prison earlier this year to wire fraud and aggravated identity theft. Greene shared a letter on Monday in a post on X that she said she had sent to the Office of the Pardon Attorney urging President Trump to commute Santos's sentence. 'A 7-year prison sentence for campaign-related charges is excessive, especially when Members of Congress who've done far worse still walk free,' Greene said in her post. 'George Santos has taken responsibility. He's shown remorse. It's time to correct this injustice. We must demand equal justice under the law!' Santos, 37, surrendered to the Federal Correctional Institution (FCI) Fairton in New Jersey in late July, officially capping off the New York Republican's dramatic rise-and-fall in politics that saw him ascend as a GOP trailblazer before plunging to disgrace. After Santos was elected to the House of Representatives in 2022, the story he'd told about his life began to unravel, exposing a series of outlandish lies. He was hit with 23 felony charges less than a year into his first term, spanning wire fraud and aggravated identity theft to false statements and falsifying records. Santos recognized his drama-filled tenure in Congress in a social media post published the day before he reported to prison. 'Commuting his sentence would acknowledge the severity of his actions and simultaneously provide a path forward in allowing him to make amends for his crimes and strive to better serve the people in his community,' Greene said in her letter. Greene's plea comes after Trump didn't rule out a pardon for Santos during a Newsmax interview that aired on Friday. 'He lied like hell,' Trump said in the interview. 'And I didn't know him, but he was 100 percent for Trump,' he continued, adding that 'his vote was solid' when he was in Congress. The president also said that no one has talked to him about a pardon for the former GOP lawmaker, who was expelled from the House in 2023. Santos has said he will be seeking clemency from Trump.
The Herald Scotland
04-06-2025
- General
- The Herald Scotland
Capitol rioter Pamela Hemphill rejects Trump's Jan. 6 pardon
"I don't want to be a part of their narrative," she told USA TODAY about why she didn't accept the pardon. "And then, of course, it's a slap in the face to the Capitol police officers and to our rule of law." On Jan. 6, 2021, Hemphill was among the thousands of Trump supporters who stormed the Capitol building in Washington, D.C., to protest the 2020 presidential election results. She pled guilty to one misdemeanor count of parading, demonstrating or picketing in the Capitol building and was sentenced to two months in jail, 36 months of probation and $500 restitution. On Jan. 20, Trump pardoned more than 1,500 people charged in the Capitol attack. In an April 2 letter to Sen. Risch that Hemphill shared with USA TODAY, the Pardon Attorney's office said it noted her "non-acceptance" of the pardon. "Our Office will not issue Ms. Hemphill a certificate of pardon and will refrain from requesting any notation of pardon on her criminal history record," the letter says. A spokesperson for Sen. Risch said the senator's office regularly assists constituents with matters pertaining to federal agencies and declined to reveal additional details about Hemphill's case. The Office of the Pardon Attorney and the White House did not immediately respond to request for comment. 'It was not OK that day' The 72-year-old said she pursued formally turning down the pardon because she wanted to be honest. "How could I live my life knowing that I was guilty and then I took that pardon?" she said. "It's kind of like a message that it was OK that day - it was not OK that day. That was the worst day of my life." She said choosing to speak out against Trump's Jan. 6 pardons has been difficult at times, citing backlash she's received from some Trump supporters. But "it's been worth it to know that maybe there's another Pam out there that might listen to me and and get away from the MAGA call," she said. "The benefits of being honest with yourself outweigh any of the smear campaigns you might get or the backlash, because you sleep good at night," she said. "It's inner peace." Hemphill said she started to reconsider her support of Trump about six months after she was released from prison in 2022. "It's been a gradual process, it's not like I had a white light experience," she said. Since then, Hemphill has spoken out against Trump and his narrative surrounding the Capitol attack. She also voted for Kamala Harris in the 2024 presidential election. Can a presidential pardon be rejected? How Capitol rioter turned it down According to the Constitution, a pardon can be rejected by the person it is tendered to. After Trump issued pardons for the Jan. 6 defendants, Hemphill said she initially wrote a letter to the Office of the Pardon Attorney asking to not be included in the act. Sen. Risch's office helped her file the correct paperwork, she said, and about a month later they received the formal letter acknowledging her "non-acceptance" of the pardon. Jason Riddle, a New Hampshire man who served 90 days in jail for participation in the attack, said in January that he also rejected the pardon, according to New Hampshire Public Radio. It's unclear whether any other individuals charged in the riot have turned down Trump's pardon. Melina Khan is a national trending reporter for USA TODAY. She can be reached at
Yahoo
29-05-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Can someone pardoned by president vote again? Can they run for office? What it means
President Donald Trump has issued a wave of presidential pardons this week, one of which was former Cincinnati City Councilman P.G. Sittenfield, who was convicted on federal bribery and extortion charges. The president's pardons also include reality television stars Todd and Julie Chrisley, who were found guilty of conspiring to defraud community banks in Atlanta out of more than $36 million, and rapper NBA YoungBoy, who pleaded guilty to a federal gun charge in 2024. So, what is a presidential pardon? Can those pardoned vote? Can they run for office? Here's what to know. The president's clemency powers, or the ability to forgive Americans of crimes, is defined in the Constitution, which says presidents can "grant reprieves and pardons" for offenses against the U.S. The only offense the president cannot pardon is impeachment. The presidential pardon, or full pardon, is the most well-known forgiveness. It absolves a person of wrongdoing and restores any civil rights lost "without qualification." A pardon often implies that the convicted person has taken responsibility for their actions and is forgiven by the president. It can restore some civil abilities that would otherwise be barred due to the criminal conviction, according to the Department of Justice. A pardon is merely an expression of the president's forgiveness and "does not signify innocence," according to the DOJ. Pardons can, however, help eliminate some of the consequences of conviction and restore a person's civil rights. The DOJ states the offense is not removed from a person's criminal record after being pardoned. Instead, the conviction and pardon both appear on the record. Pardons can help those previously convicted obtain licenses, bonding or employment. An individual seeking a pardon must submit a formal application to the Office of the Pardon Attorney. In evaluating the merit of each request, the Office of the Pardon Attorney considers several factors, such as a person's conduct following conviction, the seriousness of the offense and the extent to which the individual has accepted responsibility for the crime, according to Chicago-based law firm MoloLamken LLP. Prosecutors who handled the case and the deputy attorney general (the second most senior official at the DOJ) may weigh in on the recommendation about whether to grant a pardon. The president, however, can bypass the pardon attorney and grant a pardon in the absence of any such application or recommendation from the DOJ. Yes. Since the pardon represents legal forgiveness, it ends any further punishment and restores the convicted person's rights, such as being able to vote. Yes. Just like voting, convicted persons pardoned by the president can run for public office. Yes. In fact, a presidential pardon is the only way a person convicted of a federal felony offense may obtain a firearm, according to the DOJ. There are no limits to how many people the president may pardon. America's first president, George Washington, made the first presidential pardon. He used the promise of a pardon to stop a group of farmers and distillers from Pennsylvania's violent protests of the federal government's ban on whiskey and other liquor, which later came to be known as the Whiskey Rebellion. Other historic pardons include former President Richard Nixon's pardon by his vice president, Gerald Ford, who took over the Oval Office when Nixon resigned in the wake of the Watergate scandal, and former President Bill Clinton's pardon of his brother, Roger, who was convicted on drug charges. Presidential pardons peaked during former President Franklin Roosevelt's time in office. During his four terms, Roosevelt granted 2,819 pardons, many of which were wartime offenses from World War I. He also commuted 488 prison sentences and remitted 477 fines, according to the DOJ archives. Former President Joe Biden granted more acts of clemency than any previous chief executive, according to the Pew Research Center. During his tenure as president, Biden granted 4,245 acts of clemency (80 pardons and 4,165 commutations). Former President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who served 13 years in office, issued the second-most clemency acts with 3,796 (2,819 pardons and 488 commutations). During Trump's first presidential term, he granted 238 acts of clemency, which consisted of 143 pardons and 94 commutations, according to the Pew Research Center. USA TODAY reporters Kinsey Crowley and Ella Lee contributed to this report. This article originally appeared on Cincinnati Enquirer: Can someone pardoned by president vote again? Can they run for office?
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First Post
29-05-2025
- Politics
- First Post
Trump on pardon spree again: Why he defies political gravity
By using pardons to reward allies, punish opponents, and project power, Donald Trump is reshaping the meaning of presidential mercy—and facing little political consequence for it read more President Donald Trump's latest wave of pardons shows he is not only continuing but intensifying a strategy from his first term: using pardons as both a reward for supporters and a tool to show his power. In the last days of May 2025, Trump issued numerous pardon and shorter prison sentences (commutations) to people like political allies, rich donors, famous people and others who support his views. Some of the people Trump pardoned included former Representative Michael Grimm (who was convicted of tax evasion), rapper NBA YoungBoy (who was convicted on gun and drug charges), former Connecticut Governor John Rowland and others connected to Trump's political world or causes. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This unapologetic use of presidential power shows that Trump pays scant regard to political gravity and seems to face few consequences for it. His actions don't just repeat what he did before—they go further. They show that being loyal or useful to Trump may matter more for getting a pardon than showing regret, being rehabilitated, or having a fair reason. Constitutional muscle of presidential mercy The US Constitution grants presidents sweeping clemency powers: Article II, Section 2 allows the president to 'grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment'. There are no required procedures or oversight mechanisms—no Congressional veto, no judicial review. Traditionally, this power is exercised with great caution, often following a lengthy review process via the Department of Justice's Office of the Pardon Attorney. Historically, presidents have reserved controversial pardons for the final days of their terms attempting to insulate themselves from political fallout. Gerald Ford's pardon of Richard Nixon in 1974, Bill Clinton's pardon of financier Marc Rich in 2001 and even Joe Biden's preemptive clemency for his son and political allies fall into this pattern. Trump has shattered that precedent. Trump's current use of pardons shows almost no regard for this tradition. He is not only issuing pardons mid-term and in full public view, but he is doing so repeatedly, even defiantly, reinforcing a broader narrative: that the justice system is corrupt when it targets his allies—and legitimate only when it serves his interests. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Allies, donors and ideological symbols This month's clemency spree includes a familiar cast: convicted politicians, conservative media personalities, donors and even reality TV stars with connections to Trump-world. Grimm, the former New York Congressman who pled guilty to tax fraud, had long argued his prosecution was politically motivated. Trump's pardon of Grimm was explicitly framed as a correction of what the president calls 'a weaponised justice system'. Former Governor Rowland of Connecticut, another recipient, was convicted of public corruption not once but twice, and yet Trump used his pardon power to rehabilitate him. NBA YoungBoy (Kentrell Gaulden), who was convicted on gun charges and involved in prescription drug fraud, also benefitted—despite no prior political affiliation with Trump—after lobbying efforts by Alice Marie Johnson, now Trump's 'pardon czar'. Johnson, herself a former inmate whose sentence Trump commuted in 2018, now plays a visible role in granting clemency, further politicising a process that once operated largely behind closed doors. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Perhaps most controversially, Trump spared reality TV personalities Todd and Julie Chrisley, convicted of orchestrating a $30 million bank fraud scheme. Their daughter, Savannah Chrisley, who had actively campaigned for Trump and addressed the 2024 Republican National Convention, was reportedly notified directly by Trump during a phone call captured on video in the Oval Office. These examples speak to a pattern: Trump's clemency is most often extended to those who are part of his political narrative or who serve a function in bolstering his personal mythology. Whether it's a Maga-friendly sheriff, a wealthy donor's son or media figures aligned with his ideology, the common thread is unmistakable. Rewriting of political norms Most presidents fear backlash from granting clemency to controversial figures. Trump, however, seems not only immune to such repercussions but emboldened by the conflict they generate. This is in part because Trump has spent years reframing the justice system as inherently politicised—particularly when it comes to his allies. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Trump's former interim US attorney, Ed Martin, now acts as his pardon attorney and recently declared 'No Maga left behind' on social media. This slogan, while clearly partisan, also implies a loyalty-based framework for justice. Trump, in this view, is not just a president but a protector of his political community and the pardon power is one of his most potent tools. In practice, this has meant pardoning over 1,500 January-6 defendants, many of whom were convicted of violent crimes against police officers. It's a radical act that has redefined what presidential clemency can be: not just an act of mercy, but a gesture of tribal solidarity. Public polling after those pardons showed overwhelming disapproval among Americans, with 83 per cent opposing clemency for violent offenders from the Capitol riot. But inside Trump's base, such moves are often celebrated as retribution against a biased state apparatus. Political capital and the cost of clemency One of the most striking aspects of Trump's pardon spree is the apparent absence of political cost. Traditional political wisdom suggests that using presidential pardons for self-serving or partisan purposes invites scandal, backlash or electoral punishment. Trump's presidency challenges this assumption. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD His core supporters remain steadfast, interpreting his actions through a lens he has carefully constructed over years: that he is a victim of 'deep state' persecution and so are his allies. When Trump extends pardons to convicted criminals who support him—or are supported by people who support him—he is praised for fighting back and the 2024 election showed he was not penalised for vowing to pardon those tried to shake up the democratic fundamentals of the US. This phenomenon is especially visible in the case of Paul Walczak, a nursing home executive who pleaded guilty to tax crimes. His mother, Elizabeth Fago, a prominent GOP fundraiser and Trump ally, reportedly used a $1 million-per-person fundraising dinner at Mar-a-Lago as a platform to advocate for her son's clemency. Within three weeks of the event, Trump signed the pardon, American media reported. The narrative here is not just one of corruption—it's the transformation of transactional politics into clemency policy. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Blurring of mercy and favouritism Trump's use of the pardon power has increasingly resembled a rewards system—akin to political patronage. The beneficiaries are disproportionately white-collar criminals, political operatives, wealthy donors and ideologically aligned actors. This isn't to say every pardon lacks merit, but the merit appears secondary to the political message. In this context, the pardon of James Callahan, a labour union leader convicted of failing to report over $300,000 in gifts, reflects a symbolic outreach to traditionally Democratic constituencies. Trump also pardoned Ross Ulbricht, the founder of Silk Road, a decision that appealed to libertarian voters—a demographic Trump targeted during his 2024 campaign. Even the seemingly non-political acts—like commuting the sentence of gang leader Larry Hoover, months after Biden pardoned Hoover's deputy—carry an implicit message: that Trump can be as bold and even more magnanimous than his opponents. In politics, symbolism often outweighs substance and Trump's team appears well aware of this. Reshaping the role of clemency STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD More than any modern president, Trump has fundamentally altered the perception and function of clemency. Once regarded as an instrument of last resort, granted quietly and with grave consideration, pardons under Trump are now spectacle. They are televised, tweeted and marketed to constituencies. The elevation of Alice to the role of pardon czar—and her televised involvement in clemency decisions—reinforces the public relations nature of Trump's approach. When the pardon process becomes content for campaign narratives or tools of political signalling, it raises profound questions about the health of the democratic system. Limits of accountability Trump's latest round of pardons confirms what has become increasingly clear: political gravity, as traditionally understood, no longer applies to him. Most politicians would fear the optics of pardoning convicted felons, reality TV stars or riot participants. Trump embraces it, spinning each clemency grant into a statement of loyalty, grievance or triumph over what he calls a 'corrupt system'. If anything, his use of the pardon power has only intensified with time, extending from the mere absolution of crimes to the reinforcement of political identity. Each pardon sends a message—not just to the individual receiving it, but to Trump's base, his enemies and to the institutions he aims to delegitimise. Whether this strategy remains sustainable beyond his presidency—or whether it permanently redefines the bounds of presidential power—remains to be seen. What is clear, however, is that Trump has made the pardon a political weapon — not the first US president to do so but unlike many of his predecessors, he is wielding this power with unmatched boldness and precision, and so far, escaping any serious political penalty.
