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Alarming Advance of Jihadist Groups in Sahel Raises Regional Security Concerns
Alarming Advance of Jihadist Groups in Sahel Raises Regional Security Concerns

Daily News Egypt

time21-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Daily News Egypt

Alarming Advance of Jihadist Groups in Sahel Raises Regional Security Concerns

The Sahel region is witnessing a sharp deterioration in security as jihadist groups expand their influence, overpowering state forces and plunging entire areas into chaos, French newspaper Le Figaro has warned in a recent report. According to the analysis by journalist Jean-Marc Gonin, national armies in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger are increasingly losing control over vast territories, while civilian populations continue to bear the brunt of violence in a conflict they are neither responsible for nor equipped to escape. Three years after France ended its counterterrorism Operation Barkhane under mounting pressure from military juntas that seized power in the region, jihadist insurgencies led by al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) and Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) have surged. These militant groups are not only challenging the armed forces of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger but are also conducting cross-border raids into neighbouring states such as Benin, posing a growing threat to West African stability. Coordinated Raids and Military Setbacks In the past three months, JNIM launched a wave of attacks in western Mali, including a major offensive near the borders with Senegal and Mauritania. The simultaneous raids targeted seven towns, including the strategic urban centres of Kayes and Nioro, underscoring the group's growing operational capabilities. JNIM's leader, Tuareg commander Iyad Ag Ghaly, is reportedly pursuing control of critical urban hubs and key transportation corridors essential for Mali's access to imported supplies from coastal nations. Although Malian authorities later claimed to have recaptured Kayes, the group succeeded in seizing significant military equipment in the process. Witnesses in the area reported the use of armoured vehicles and, in recent months, the possible deployment of drones by militants—raising alarm over the group's evolving arsenal. Bakary Sambe, regional director of the Timbuktu Institute, described the July 1 attacks as 'well-planned strikes' aimed at disrupting military communication lines and logistics. 'This isolation of Bamako weakens the state's response and gives militants the freedom to launch rapid attacks and withdraw with minimal resistance,' he said. Sahel States Struggle to Push Back Since the withdrawal of French troops in 2022 and the United Nations peacekeeping force in 2023, JNIM has filled the security vacuum, growing in both presence and influence. Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso have since formed the Sahel States Alliance (AES) to confront the threat, but despite some localised military gains, the coalition continues to suffer heavy losses. The July 1 attacks underscored the challenges faced by national forces. While some incursions were repelled, several operations resulted in significant casualties among government troops. Observers say the reliance on Russian military support—particularly through the controversial Wagner Group—has further complicated the situation. Wagner operatives, accused of human rights abuses, have exacerbated existing grievances, fueling local anger and inadvertently aiding jihadist recruitment. Deepening Social Divisions The ongoing violence has heightened tensions between herder and farming communities, particularly among the Fulani people, who are spread across the Sahel. Jihadist groups, especially JNIM, have exploited these fault lines to gain loyalty, offering a form of economic stability and protection in exchange for allegiance. Le Figaro noted that jihadists have, over the past three years, strategically positioned themselves as defenders of the Fulani, in contrast to national governments and allied militias accused of targeting the group. One of the mo…

Exclusive: How misunderstanding with countries like France is worsening insecurity in West Africa
Exclusive: How misunderstanding with countries like France is worsening insecurity in West Africa

Business Insider

time18-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Business Insider

Exclusive: How misunderstanding with countries like France is worsening insecurity in West Africa

The relationship between France and most of West Africa, particularly the nations that comprise the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, has changed dramatically in recent years. France's relationship with Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger has shifted significantly with these nations moving away from French support towards other allies. French military operations over the years, despite initial acceptance, faced criticism over perceived inefficacy and alleged neocolonial motives. Political instability, including military coups between 2020 and 2023, further strained ties between France and the Sahel nations. Formerly seen as key partners in the war against terrorism in the Sahel, these nations have grown more distant from their former colonial power, opting instead to chart a new course that challenges decades of French military and political dominance in the region. This subject was highlighted by Christophe Ouatarra, Regional Director for East Africa, World Neighbors, during an exclusive with Business Insider Africa. Following the emergence of Islamist insurgencies in the Sahel in the 2010s, France established itself as a crucial security partner for its former colonies. Military actions such as Operation Serval in Mali (2013) and Operation Barkhane (2014–2022) were conducted to combat terrorism and stabilize the area. Although initially welcomed by Sahelian administrations, these missions ultimately lost popularity due to their poor efficacy in quelling violence and rising views of neocolonial intervention. Between 2020 and 2023, the Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, saw a succession of military coups as a result of mounting unrest. In each case, the new military governments showed great mistrust about French motivations and began to shift their focus to other global allies, including Russia, Turkey and China. The junta governments accused France of prolonging the turmoil to legitimize its stay and plunder the region's resources, and thus buttressed resentment, which led to the Sahel countries expelling France's military from their borders. Christophe Ouatarra take on rural development in the Sahel region in the face of insecurity Christophe Ouatarra spoke about the insecurity in the region and how it affects rural development. He asserted that what is going on in the region could pass as a full-scale war, as opposed to a security challenge. 'The difference is that we are in a war. War is very expensive, so that means that the three countries, instead of financing development aspect, they have to finance the war,' he said when asked what the difference between the state of rural development is between AES countries and other West African countries. ' The war is very expensive; they have to buy weapons and other logistics,' he added. When asked about the progress of rural development in spite of what he had described as a war, he noted that there has been some progress in the last year. 'We are working with communities, and provided they let them cultivate their farms, there are good opportunities,' he stated. 'An example is Burkina Faso. Last year, the government bought tractors and fertilizers and deployed the land for farmers for free, and in one year, we noticed an increase in the crop yield, 80% compared to the previous year, and the increase of 21% compared to the 5% last year,' he explained. When asked about how international relationships key into the issue of security, Christophe Ouatarra noted that a lack of understanding from foreign parties has exacerbated a problem that can be handled. He specifically alluded to how some countries have hindered the ability of countries in the Sahel to defend themselves by denying said countries access to arms. 'The problem is to understand what people are facing in the region, not what people are saying about the region. If others can understand our problem without lies, that would help us a lot,' he said. 'For example, when terrorists were attacking the three nations, they (AES countries) wanted to buy arms to defend the population, but at the international level, they were blocked,' Christophe Ouatarra stated. He went on to elaborate on the issue, explaining; 'The governments wanted to buy weapons in order to protect the population, but at the international level, there was a breakdown, which means we are not understanding the problem in the same way. When asked for examples of countries that don't understand what the AES region is going through, Do Outarra stated; "I think you may have heard this in the media, even our president said that they ordered weapons and France blocked it, this is not a secret, it's well known in the media, our authorities are always talking about that.' The interview concluded with his thoughts on the growing popularity of Ibrahim Traore, the current Junta leader of Burkina Faso and in his opinion, Ibrahim Traore is loved because he seems like a leader that cares. 'What I can say is that the population really wants someone who cares for them, who is here to solve the problem, when they know you are here, not for your own interest, but for the well-being of the whole population, they will support you,' he stated.

Militants attack Mali army camp in Timbuktu, sources say
Militants attack Mali army camp in Timbuktu, sources say

France 24

time02-06-2025

  • Politics
  • France 24

Militants attack Mali army camp in Timbuktu, sources say

An army camp in the Malian city of Timbuktu on Monday was under attack by "terrorists" and heavy gunfire was heard, military and local officials and residents told AFP. Junta-ruled Mali has been gripped since 2012 by violence from jihadist groups linked to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State group as well as community and criminal groups. "We are dealing with terrorists attacking Timbuktu. We are fighting back," a military source said. "The camp in the city centre has been attacked," the source added. A local official said: "The terrorists arrived today in Timbuktu with a vehicle packed with explosives. The vehicle exploded near the (military) camp. Shooting is currently continuing." UN staff were instructed in a message "to take shelter" and "stay away from windows" due to "shooting in the city of Timbuktu". A resident reported having heard "heavy gunfire in the city" which "seems to come from the side of the (military) camp". A local journalist speaking by telephone said "the city is under fire". "This morning our city was attacked by terrorist groups. Shots were heard near the military camp and the airport. We all returned home," he said. French troops in Sahel: A look back at Operation Barkhane 01:58 The ancient city of Timbuktu, once known as the "city of 333 saints" for the Muslim holy men buried there, was subject to major destruction while under the control of jihadists in 2012 and 2013.

Russia's Growing Sahel Influence a Worry for Jittery West
Russia's Growing Sahel Influence a Worry for Jittery West

IOL News

time18-05-2025

  • Politics
  • IOL News

Russia's Growing Sahel Influence a Worry for Jittery West

SUPPORTERS of Burkina Faso's leader, Ibrahim Traore, demonstrate their support for Russia in Ouagadougou. The termination of the French and US missions in the Sahel countries was framed as an assertion of sovereignty and independence from erstwhile colonisers and contemporary neo colonial and imperial forces to make it more politically appealing to the citizens of these countries, says the writer. Image: AFP Dr. Sizo Nkala RUSSIAN influence in the Sahel region has been on the rise since the coup wave of recent years. The junta leaders in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger who seized power in 2021, 2022, and 2023 respectively, wasted little time in severing relations with their erstwhile colonizer, France, while embracing Russia. In 2022, Mali terminated the French-led Operation Barkhane, which saw about 2400 French troops withdrawing from the country as the Assimi Goita-led military junta argued that the operation had not been effective in its ten-year battle against the Islamist insurgency. His counterparts, Ibrahim Traore in Burkina Faso and Abdourahamane Tchiani in Niger followed suit kicking out French troops out of their countries in 2023 citing their failure to stamp out jihadist insurgencies. Public rallies were organized in Niger to add public pressure on the French troops. Rally attendees were waving Russian flags and chanting Russian affirmations. About 1000 US troops also stationed in Niger for counterinsurgency purposes withdrew from the country in 2024 at the instigation of the military junta. The termination of the French and US missions in the Sahel countries was framed as an assertion of sovereignty and independence from erstwhile colonisers and contemporary neocolonial and imperial forces to make it more politically appealing to the citizens of these countries. Seeing an opportunity to establish a geostrategic foothold, Russia, through its proxy mercenary outfit – the Wagner Group (now rebranded the Africa Corps) – swiftly moved to fill in the vacuum promising to deal ruthlessly with the jihadist insurgents riding on the back of its relative success in the Central African Republic (CAR) where it helped to defend the Faustin-Archange Touadera regime against the rebels. The African Corps is fully funded by the Russian state, which makes them an instrument of Moscow's foreign policy in Africa. Russia also relies on its history of supporting anti-colonial liberation movements in Africa to portray itself as a trustworthy partner compared to the West, which cannot shake off the coloniser tag. Moreover, facing Western isolation over the Ukraine war, Russia desperately needed diplomatic allies in Africa. Its active support of and military presence in the three Sahelian states is an attempt to project its power in Sub-Saharan Africa and show its commitment to the peace and security of the continent in the hopes of swaying more African countries to its side in its standoff with the West. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading Apart from the diplomatic support, Moscow is also interested in establishing economic relationships with the Sahelian states which boast major reserves in gold (Burkina Faso) and uranium (Niger). Burkina Faso, which has been turning the screws on western mining companies operating in the country, recently granted a Russian firm, Nordgold, an industrial mining license to conduct operations in the Kourweogo province. About 1500 members of the Group arrived in Mali at the beginning of 2022 following an invitation from Assimi Goita to help repel the insurgents, who had wreaked havoc in the West African country since 2017. Goita and his allies had seized power on the promise that they would eliminate the rebels and stabilise the security situation in the country. Soon after it changed its name to Africa Corps, 100 members of the group landed in Burkina Faso to help Traore's government fight the insurgents in January 2024. Niger received its own contingent of Africa Corps a few months later with the same mandate. Thus, Russia has effectively replaced France and the US as an alternative security partner and political patron for the Sahelian states. In addition to the presence of its mercenary company, Russia has also become an important arms supplier for the three countries. Since 2021, Mali has received significant amounts of Russian military equipment including over 100 military vehicles, helicopter gunships, military jets and ammunition. Burkina Faso has received military instructors from Russia to train its security personnel. In a major diplomatic move, the foreign ministers of the three countries travelled to Russia early in April under the aegis of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) to strengthen the alliance's relationship with Russia. Their meeting with the Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov yielded a commitment by Moscow to support the 5000 strong joint force established by the three juntas to address the security challenges in the region. This force is founded on the mutual defence pact signed by the three countries in 2023. Ultimately, the utility of this new security partnership will be judged on its ability to contain and suppress the jihadist insurgents. Thus far, the new partnership has not made significant inroads in addressing the security situation. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2025 report, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger are in the top 5 countries most affected by terrorism in the world. * Dr. Sizo Nkala is a Research Fellow at the University of Johannesburg's Centre for Africa-China Studies. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.

How China is filling a weapons supply gap in Africa's Sahel left by France and Russia
How China is filling a weapons supply gap in Africa's Sahel left by France and Russia

South China Morning Post

time19-04-2025

  • Politics
  • South China Morning Post

How China is filling a weapons supply gap in Africa's Sahel left by France and Russia

China is stepping into a weapons supply breach in parts of Africa's Sahel as authorities in the region cut ties with former colonial power France and Russia struggles to replace its depleted stocks. Advertisement The buyers include Burkina Faso 's military junta which took delivery of 116 infantry carriers and six assault vehicles from China in 2024 alone, according to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. By contrast, France's last delivery – six Bastion armoured vehicles – arrived in 2019-2020, while the US supplied only engines in 2021. Observers say Burkina Faso's growing interest in Chinese weaponry is driven by the need to diversify security partners, following the deterioration of relations with France and the United States. In 2022, Ibrahim Traore mounted a coup, which saw French troops expelled from the West African nation as part of the broader collapse of Operation Barkhane, Paris' counterterrorism mission in the Sahel. At the same time, Russia, which has been a top supplier of arms to many West African countries such as Mali, has been slowed down by the war in Ukraine. Advertisement

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