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The Print
5 days ago
- Politics
- The Print
Sudhakar was last of 3 top Maoist leaders who took part in failed 2004 peace talks with Andhra govt
The two other leaders with Sudhakar were Akkiraju Hargopal, alias Ramakrishna alias RK, then state secretary of the CPI (Marxist-Leninist) People's War, also known as People's War Group (PWG), and Gajarla Ravi alias Ganesh, the North Telangana special zonal committee member. The three went on to lead the peace talks with the Andhra Pradesh government. On 11 October, 2004, Sudhakar had emerged with two other leaders of the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist), and two cadres of CPI (Marxist-Leninist)-Janashakti from the Nallamala forest, and addressed a public meeting at Guttikonda Bilam in then undivided Andhra Pradesh. New Delhi: The killing of 66-year-old Maoist leader Tentu Laxmi Narsimha Chalam, alias Goutham or Sudhakar, by security forces in Chhattisgarh's Bijapur Thursday closes the chapter of the only—and unsuccessful—peace talks between the government and Maoists over 20 years ago. The CPI (Maoist) was formed with the merger of PWG with the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI) in September 2004. After a few rounds of productive negotiations, the talks were called off by the Maoists in January 2005 on the grounds of continued operations by Andhra Pradesh's Greyhounds force against the group. The talks had been initiated after years of crackdown by the then N. Chandrababu Naidu-led government in Andhra Pradesh. Congress leader Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy had promised the peace talks with Maoists if elected to power in the 2004 assembly elections. When he won, his government announced a ceasefire with the rebels in June 2004, initially for three months, and it was extended by another three months. Starting 12 October, 2004, the Maoist leaders were accommodated at Manjeera guesthouse in Hyderabad, and the first phase of talks went on from 15 to 18 October at Dr Marri Channa Reddy Human Resource Development Institute. The trio of Ramakrishna, Sudhakar and Ganesh, representing the Maoists, was in attendance. The CPI (ML)-Janashakti, another Andhra-based armed rebel group of Maoists, was represented by leaders Amar and Riyaz. During the 4-day talks, the state government and Maoist leaders held discussions on issues such as laying down of arms by the rebels, continuance of ceasefire as long as talks continued, distribution of surplus lands, release of political prisoners, withdrawal of cases against people involved in the revolutionary movement, ending of cash rewards on the heads of revolutionaries, action against private armed gangs, etc. However, there was no consensus on laying down of arms by the Maoists, and the talks were finally called off in January 2005 as the Maoists alleged continuation of crackdown by the state. Ramakrishna went on to become a member of both the central committee and politburo of the CPI (Maoist). He was reported to have died a natural death in the South Bastar region in October 2021, after escaping an October 2016 encounter with a joint team of the Andhra Pradesh Police's Greyhounds and Odisha Police in Malkangiri. Ganesh was killed in the same encounter. CPI (ML)-Janashakti cadre Riyaz was said to have been killed in an encounter by the Karimnagar district police, while Amar dissociated himself with the outfit after his arrest and was released on bail. On Thursday, Sudhakar, a member of the central committee of the CPI (Maoist), was identified as one of the casualties following exchange of fire in a search operation by a team of the Chhattisgarh District Reserve Guard, Special Task Force and troops from the CRPF's Commando Battalion for Resolute Action in Bijapur district. 'Reliable Intelligence inputs indicated the presence of Central Committee Member Gautam alias Sudhakar, along with Telangana State Committee Member Bandi Prakash, Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee Member Pappa Rao, and several other armed Maoist cadres in the area,' Bastar range IG Sundarraj Pattilingam said in a statement. 'In the ensuing exchange of fire, security forces recovered the body of a senior Maoist cadre along with an AK-47 rifle. The neutralised Maoist cadre has been identified as Central Committee Member Gautam alias Sudhakar,' it added. Also Read: Citing precedent, Bastar IG says CPI (Maoist) unlikely to get new gen secy after Basavaraju Ayurveda course dropout, Maoist ideologue Born into a rural family in Vizianagaram district of Andhra Pradesh before his father migrated to Eluru district, Sudhakar completed high school studies from his local block. He moved to Eluru town for intermediate education at Sir C.R. Reddy College. However, according to his records with the Andhra Pradesh Police, he did not pursue his ayurvedic medicine course entirely at a Vijayawada college and left it midway. He joined the People's War Group in 1995. Between 2001 and 2003, he worked extensively for the outfit as secretary of the Andhra-Odisha Border special zonal committee. In the same capacity, he attended the peace talks with the Andhra Pradesh government. He was inducted into the central committee of the CPI (Maoist) and was instrumental in running a Maoist ideological training school in 2007. Confirming his death in the Bijapur encounter, IG Sundarraj stated that Sudhakar had played a key role in luring tribal youths into the Maoist fold. 'Gautam was a senior Maoist leader responsible for various violent incidents that resulted in the deaths of numerous innocent tribal civilians and the martyrdom of security personnel. Moreover, as the in-charge of the Maoist ideological training school (RePOS), Gautam was involved in misleading and radicalising the youth with violent and anti-national ideologies,' he stated. Sudhakar was married to another senior Maoist cadre named Kakarala Guru Smruthi alias Umakka, who works as a state zonal committee member and allegedly runs Mobile Political School (MOPOS) of the Maoists. (Edited by Nida Fatima Siddiqui) Also Read: Abujhmarh op shut Basavaraju chapter of Maoist insurgency. How homegrown DRG gave forces edge
Indian Express
03-06-2025
- Business
- Indian Express
What lies ahead as Centre mounts offensive against Maoists
On May 21, 2025, Indian security forces dealt a major blow to the Maoist insurgency by killing Nambala Keshav Rao, alias Basavaraju, the CPI (Maoist)'s General Secretary and key ideological strategist. The encounter took place in Narayanpur, Chhattisgarh, during a joint operation under Operation Black Forest, a coordinated offensive across Chhattisgarh, Telangana, and Maharashtra. Alongside Basavaraju, 27 Maoist cadres were killed. This was the most significant Maoist leadership loss since the inception of the insurgency. Home Minister Amit Shah hailed it as a 'landmark achievement,' and the operation's aftermath – 54 arrests and 84 surrenders – further showed the dismantling of an insurgent network that had long evaded state control. For the government, this represents a significant moment in its declared aim of achieving a Maoist-free India by March 2026. Its strategy comprises a triad – military offensives, infrastructure-led development, and intensified tribal engagement. Whether this represents an end or a strategic retreat remains open to interpretation, but the political scenario of the conflict has undeniably shifted. Before we delve into the emergence, rise and downfall of the group, let's understand the key terms, i.e. Maoism, Naxalism, and Left-Wing Extremism (LWE). While often conflated, Maoism, Naxalism, and Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) have distinct origins. Maoism is based on Mao Zedong's doctrine of agrarian revolution and guerrilla warfare. Its Indian variant emerged with the 1967 Naxalbari uprising, leading to the broader Naxalite movement. Over decades, this transformed itself into factions, with the CPI (Maoist) becoming the dominant group in 2004 through the merger of the People's War Group (PWG) and the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC). LWE is the term used by the Indian state to categorise such insurgencies within a national security framework. By contrast, 'Urban Naxal' is often used to refer to supporters of Naxalims, including intellectual and financial support. The Maoist insurgency traces its roots to the CPI(Marxist-Leninist) founded by Charu Mazumdar and Kanu Sanyal. The movement fractured during the 1970s–90s into numerous groups, many of which operated in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Odisha, and Chhattisgarh. The 2004 unification of PWG and MCC marked a turning point, resulting in a stronger organisational base and the creation of the PLGA (People's Liberation Guerrilla Army), aimed at expanding Maoist control in India's central tribal belt. Between 2004 and March 31, 2025, LWE violence claimed 8,895 lives in different parts of the country. Tragically, the primary victims have been tribal civilians – the very population the Maoists claim to represent. Branded as 'police informers', many have been abducted and killed. The movement, far from being a revolutionary emancipator, has often replicated violence against the most marginalised as well as the security forces. Before 2000, government responses alternated between repression and limited reform, lacking strategic coherence. States like Andhra Pradesh experimented with negotiations in the early 2000s, but talks collapsed amid resumed police encounters. Some state-backed vigilante operations further vitiated the space between enforcement and civil liberties. The centre, meanwhile, deferred to state governments without crafting a unified response. That changed gradually post-2004, with the rise of centralised counterinsurgency frameworks. Since 2004, the CPI (Maoist) has led a persistent insurgency in the mineral-rich forests of central and eastern India. Violence peaked in 2010 with 1,005 deaths and 1,936 incidents, but by 2024, these had declined to 150 deaths and 374 incidents, an 85% and 81% drop, respectively. As of early 2025, 91% of LWE incidents were confined to just 25 districts, down from 76 in 2013, and the affected area shrank from 18,000 sq km to 4,200 sq km between 2014-24, owing to sustained military operations, intelligence-led policing, and development interventions. Under the UPA (2004–2014), operations like 'Green Hunt' and schemes such as the Backward Regions Grant Fund and Integrated Action Plan were launched but criticised for poor tribal outreach. In contrast, since 2014, the NDA has adopted a dual strategy under the National Policy and Action Plan (2015) – zero tolerance for violence and development-led governance. From 2017–18 to early 2025, Rs 3,260.37 crore was released under the Security Related Expenditure (SRE) scheme. Fortified police stations rose from 66 to 612; 280 security camps, 68 helipads, and 15 joint task forces were added. CRPF deployments increased. Financial networks supporting Maoists were targeted through coordinated National Investigation Agency and Enforcement Directorate actions, resulting in large-scale seizures. Intelligence capabilities expanded through Multi Agency Centres (MAC), State MACs, and new Joint Command and Control Centres in Jagdalpur and Gaya. In 2024, 290 Maoists were killed, 1,090 arrested, and 881 surrendered. In Chhattisgarh alone (Jan 2024–Mar 2025), 237 were killed, 812 arrested, and 723 surrendered, indicating operational success and reduced recruitment. Tribal communities remain the social base of the Maoist insurgency. Persistent issues, such as displacement, land alienation, lack of healthcare, education, and justice, continue to fuel discontent. Therefore, the government focussed on development issues evident in schemes like the Special Central Assistance (SCA), Civic Action Programme (CAP), and the Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan, which aim at inclusive development. The Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan, for instance, was launched to deliver amenities to 1.5 crore beneficiaries in 15,000 tribal villages, stressing the '3Cs' – connectivity by road, mobile, and finance. Moreover, Rs 3,724.95 crore was disbursed under the Special Central Assistance scheme. Welfare initiatives included Rs 196.23 crore for the Civic Action Programme and Rs 52.52 crore for media outreach. Additionally, the government set up 48 Industrial Training Institutes, 61 Skill Development Centres, and 178 Eklavya schools. Financial inclusion expanded via 1,007 bank branches, 937 ATMs, and 5,731 post offices. In terms of infrastructural development, over 9,500 km of roads were built, and 7,777 mobile towers installed. However, some experts argued that many of these initiatives are top-down and security-driven, undermining tribal autonomy and constitutional safeguards like PESA and the Forest Rights Act (FRA). Resultantly, despite infrastructure growth, the disconnect between policy and reality is there. Schools lack teachers, health centres are under-resourced, and local governance is often overshadowed by militarised state presence. The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA), which promises decentralised tribal governance, remains poorly implemented. Gram Sabhas are frequently bypassed during land acquisitions for mining and industrial projects, eroding trust. Development, in many regions, is synonymous with police stations and camps rather than empowerment. Participatory planning is weak, often dominated by local elites or bureaucratic priorities. The marginalisation of Gram Sabhas as forums for deliberation has left tribal populations exposed to both state control and Maoist influence. Joint operations in Narayanpur and Bijapur reflect improved coordination between central and state forces. Real-time intelligence sharing via MAC and SMACs, and new Joint Command Centres in Jagdalpur and Gaya, have enhanced operational success. Inputs from surrendered cadres and local informants have yielded significant results. The killing of Basavaraju may disrupt the CPI (Maoist)'s strategic core. While the government resists unconditional talks, civil society and regional leaders continue advocating for dialogue. Telangana has pushed for ceasefire talks, echoing failed past efforts in Andhra Pradesh (2004) and by Swami Agnivesh (2010). Sustainable peace may still require a shift from military victory to political reconciliation. India's prolonged encounter with Maoist insurgency offers a compelling lesson drawn from history: no violent struggle has ever delivered enduring justice or structural transformation. While Maoist violence was born from grievances such as land alienation, tribal exploitation, and state apathy, their armed path has ultimately yielded destruction, not dignity. The deaths of nearly 9,000 people since 2004, many of them poor tribal civilians, expose the tragic cost of a politics that mistakes the gun for liberation. The killing of top Maoist leaders and cadres and the steady rollback of insurgent zones, demonstrate the limits of revolutionary violence in the face of a constitutional state. Yet this military success should not obscure the more fundamental truth – even just causes are discredited when pursued through undemocratic means. Violence may disrupt, but it cannot reform. It can dismantle structures, but it cannot build trust or institutional legitimacy. India's fight against Maoism emphasises that only democratic engagement – however slow, imperfect, or frustrating – is capable of transforming social contradictions into political dialogue. The tribal regions, long denied their rightful place in the Republic, do not need guerrillas; they need schools, hospitals, land rights, and functioning Gram Sabhas. Laws like PESA and the Forest Rights Act offer a democratic framework for justice, but only if implemented with sincerity and accountability. A Maoist-free India by 2026 may be militarily plausible, but a just India is only possible through democratic inclusion. The real challenge is not in eliminating armed insurgents, but in rebuilding a social contract where every citizen, including the most marginalised, feels heard, seen, and protected. History affirms it. Violence radicalises societies but never redeems them. Only democracy delivers the promise of justice. Based on the three-pronged strategy – military offensives, development, and intensified tribal engagement – the government has declared the goal of achieving Maoist-free India by March 2026. Evaluate. Naxalism is a social, economic, and developmental issue manifesting as a violent internal security threat. In this context, discuss the emerging issues and suggest a multilayered strategy to tackle the menace of Naxalism. What factors have contributed to the sharp decline in Maoist violence and territorial influence between 2010 and 2024? How impactful have initiatives like the Dharti Aaba Janjatiya Gram Utkarsh Abhiyan and Special Central Assistance been in addressing core tribal grievances? Does the focus on infrastructure and financial inclusion sufficiently address the deeper social and historical roots of tribal discontent? (K.M. Seethi is the Director of Inter University Centre for Social Science Research and Extension (IUCSSRE), Mahatma Gandhi University (MGU), Kerala, and former Senior Professor of International Relations at the same university.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. Stay updated with the latest UPSC articles by joining our Telegram channel – IndianExpress UPSC Hub, and follow us on Instagram and X.
The Print
27-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Five militants arrested in Manipur
Two active cadres of the banned Kangleipak Communist Party (PWG) were apprehended from Samaram Lamkhai in Thoubal, he said. These arrests were made as part of the ongoing intelligence-based combing and search operations in the state, a senior officer said. Imphal, May 27 (PTI) Five militants belonging to several proscribed outfits in Manipur were arrested in Thoubal, Tengnoupal and Kakching districts, police said on Tuesday. They were involved in extortion activities, and two demand letters of KCP (PWG) were recovered from their possession, the officer said. Security forces also apprehended two members of the proscribed Peoples' Liberation Army from Moirengthel village near the India-Myanmar border in Tengnoupal, he said. One active cadre of Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (SOREPA) was arrested from Chajing Khunou area in Kakching. Security forces have been conducting search operations in Manipur since ethnic violence broke out two years ago. More than 260 people have been killed and thousands rendered homeless in ethnic violence between Meiteis and Kuki-Zo groups since May 2023. The Centre had on February 13 imposed the President's rule in Manipur after Chief Minister N Biren Singh resigned. The state assembly, which has a tenure till 2027, has been put under suspended animation. PTI CORR BDC This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.
The Print
23-05-2025
- Politics
- The Print
From fighting his father to becoming arch-nemesis of forces—Basavaraju, a rebel till the end
The father, however, could not convince the son of the precedence of landowner rights. A student, Basavaraju, wanted to distribute his share of his father's land among landless farmers. His father, a teacher who owned 40 acres, rebuffed the demand, saying he had already sold his son's share of the land to give him an education at a prestigious college so he could get a chemical engineering degree that mattered. New Delhi: Influenced by the Radical Students Union, linked to the erstwhile Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist), during his days in Warangal's Regional Engineering College, now an NIT, Basavaraju started having arguments with his father over the clashing interests of landowners and landless farmers who tilled their land. Not the end of his affinity towards RSU and its activities, Basavaraju first had a brush with the law in 1979. Andhra Pradesh Police that year booked him on the charge of murder of a student in a clash between students supporting the Radical Students Union and those leaning towards the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Basavaraju was the number one accused in the murder of the student, John. Basavaraju was arrested in Andhra Pradesh's Srikakulam on 21 January 1980. He, however, jumped bail soon after his release from jail and reached Andhra Pradesh's Visakhapatnam in the first week of June 1980, when he met Maoist leader Cherukuri Rajkumar alias Azad. The then-head of the RSU unit in the district, Azad, became the spokesperson of the political bureau of the CPI(Maoist) before being killed in a July 2010 encounter. According to police records, Azad instructed Basavaraju to move with Ravindra Reddy, a deputy commander of the People's War Group (PWG), a CPI(ML) arm, to the Sileru agency area in the Alluri Sitarama Raju district of Andhra Pradesh. Azad asked Basavaraju to establish the Rythu Coolie Sangham or Farmers' Labourers' League. Following Azad's directions, Basavaraju set out on his new journey, armed with three country-made pistols and 18 live cartridges. Thereafter, he became an underground CPI(ML)-PWG cadre. He rose quickly and became a district committee member of the CPI(ML)-PWG in Visakhapatnam from 1983 to 1985. After PWG founder Kondapally Seetharamaiah's expulsion from the CPI(ML)-PWG, Basavaraju entered the party's central organising committee in 1992-93. His rise continued with his appointment as a CPI(ML)-PWG central organising committee member before taking charge of the subcommittee of military affairs (SCOMA) at the central level in 1995. As SCOMA in-charge, Basavaraju played a key role in forming the CPI(ML) People's War after the merger of CPI(ML)-PWG and CPI(ML) Party Unity. 'He also attended a central military camp and underwent military training in explosives, use of landmines, military formation, field drill, attack on police stations, use of arms & ammunition, etc.,' police records say. In 2001, Basavaraju was inducted into the CPI(ML) People's War Politburo and appointed as the in-charge of the party's central military commission during the ninth Congress in Chhattisgarh's Abujhmad. Years after taking over the reins in the central military commission, he planned an armour loot in the Koraput district of Odisha. In the attack that lasted for nearly six hours, the Maoists looted 1,000 advanced firearms and 1,000 other weapons worth Rs 50 crore roughly on 6 February 2004. He also consolidated the military and organisational might of the banned Maoist outfits by playing a significant role in unifying the CPI(ML) People's War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist) in 2004. A year later, Basavaraju orchestrated a jailbreak in Bihar's Jehanabad district, allowing 389 prisoners to escape jail. He remains among the few names in the Maoist hierarchy to be a member of all three top bodies of banned Maoist outfits—the central committee, the politburo, and the central military commission. His elevation to the rank of the general secretary of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) was on 10 November 2018. Since then, he held that rank till his death in an encounter earlier this week in Narayanpur, Chhattisgarh. 'His promotion marked a strategic shift from ideological leadership to military aggression, focusing on guerrilla and mobile warfare strategies and strengthening the PLGA (People's Liberation Guerrilla Army, armed wing of the CPI-Maoist). He was an expert in explosives, IEDs, military formations, and attacks on police stations,' Bastar Range Inspector General (IG) Sundarraj Pattilingam said. Bastar IG said the Chhattisgarh government had declared a Rs one crore bounty on Basavaraju, and the overall reward by combining offers by other states and agencies for catching him amounted to Rs 10 crore. The state government had declared Rs 3.33 crore for all 27 Maoist cadres killed in the latest operation, the Bastar IG added. (Edited by Madhurita Goswami) Also Read: Over 200 'senior Maoists' eliminated since 2021 on path to 'Naxal-free India', top commanders prove elusive
Hans India
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
No place for extremists and violent movements in society
Left Wing Extremism (LWE) received a major blow on Wednesday when security forces gunned down Nambala Keshav Rao, general secretary of Communist Party of India (Maoist), in Ambujmar forest area, once an impregnable fortress of the banned outfit in Chhattisgarh. Along with him, 26 other Maoists were killed in the fierce encounter with police. That the Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself tweeted about the encounter shows Keshav Rao's importance in the outlawed outfit. Known as Basavaraju and an engineering graduate from Regional Engineering College, Warangal (now NIT), the 71-year-old joined the banned outfit nearly four decades ago and rose to the top through ranks. A hardliner to the core, the Srikakulam native had been the key military strategist for CPI (Maoist) and the brain behind its major attacks, including the claymore mine assault on Nara Chandrababu Naidu in Tirupati in 2003. Quite ironically, Telugu people headed the extremist outfit from the beginning. Kondapalli Seetharamaiah, a noted communist leader from Krishna district, founded the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) - People's War in April 1980. Popular as the People's War Group (PWG), the outfit believed in armed struggles to achieve social and economic equality in society. It formed area-wise armed teams called dalams and fought against landlords in rural areas, especially in north Telangana, north Andhra and some parts of Rayalaseema. Seetharamaiah was at the helm of PWG till his ouster in 1991. Muppala Laxman Rao (Ganapathy), who replaced him, aggressively expanded PWG's activities beyond the Telugu-speaking region. He played a key role in the merger of the PWG and Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) to form the CPI (Maoist) in 2004. Belonging to a tiny village near Peddapalli town, he is said to have fled India after handing over the reins to Keshava Rao in 2018. It is to be seen who will lead the Maoist outfit following Basavaraju's death. Frankly speaking, there is no place for violent movements in Indian society as the country is now aiming at a higher economic growth. This is evident in the way some areas have flourished after the exit of the Maoist movement. For example, north Telangana, which reeled under the violent activities of Naxalites for several decades, flourished after the banned outfit shifted its main base to Chhattisgarh. At some point of time, it ran a parallel government in some parts of north Telangana before being wiped out after peace talks held by the YS Rajasekhara Reddy government in 2004. They operated a parallel government in several parts of Chhattisgarh as well. But the influence of Maoists has been on the wane in recent years. In January 2024, the Modi government launched Operation Kagar with 10,000 commandos with an aim to end Left Wing Extremism by March 2026. Post the launch of this biggest crackdown on the banned outfit, around 350 Maoists, including Keshava Rao, have been killed. That way, Operation Kagar dealt a big blow to the banned outfit whose activities led to the killing of 8,895 people in the last 20 years. In this age of widespread road networks and mobile communication systems, it is not easy for such armed movements to survive. Moreover, people are disenchanted with their ideology. Therefore, it's time all the ultras belonging to CPI (Maoist) surrender and join the mainstream and be rehabilitated.
