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News18
04-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
The Real Reason Behind Pak Army Chief Munir's Anti-India Speech: Exclusive From Imran Aide & Junoon Member
Last Updated: 'Asim Munir wants to take control of Pakistan before November 2025 to save himself from a US bill,' says Dr Salman Ahmad, a member of Junoon and an aide of former PM Imran Khan Dr Salman Ahmad, a member of Junoon band and a close aide of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) leader and former PM Imran Khan, in an exclusive interview with News18, explained the motive behind their Army chief Asim Munir's actions. 'Munir wants to eliminate Imran Khan. His speech before the diaspora was unwarranted. He spoke about sectarian division, like the British army wanted to divide and rule," said Ahmad. Addressing the Overseas Pakistanis Convention in Islamabad last month, just before the Pahalgam attack, Munir said, 'Our forefathers thought we are different from Hindus in every aspect…Our religion is different, our customs are different, our traditions are different, our thoughts are different, our ambitions are different, that's where the foundation of the two-nation theory was laid. We are two nations, we are not one nation." He also repeatedly termed Kashmir Pakistan's 'jugular vein". He added that Pakistan will not forget this and expressed solidarity with the 'struggle" of the region. He urged Pakistanis to teach their children a narrative of religious and cultural superiority. Munir also vowed to crack down on terrorists in Balochistan and termed it the 'destiny of Pakistan", stating that 'even ten generations of terrorists cannot harm Balochistan and Pakistan". 'ASIM MUNIR TRYING TO PROTECT HIMSELF' The Pakistan Democracy Act introduced in US Parliament has recommended sanctions against Asim Munir for visa restrictions and asset freeze, said Ahmad. 'Munir wants to take control of Pakistan before November 2025 to save himself from this bill," Ahmad said, adding, 'Pakistan PM Shehbaz Sharif is a puppet in the hands of Munir and his employees." WHAT NEXT FOR IMRAN KHAN? The Khan camp feels a campaign of terror will be launched against Khan soon. 'This campaign will also target Khan's supporters…In the coming days, incidents of violence, murder, physical torture and kidnapping will increase…These attacks will happen to silence those who bravely raise their voices against the injustices of Munir. Maryam Nawaz Sharif and their family have spoken in favour of the real Prime Minister Imran Khan," he said. Ahmad said that during the three-and-a-half years in power, Khan wanted military to be in barracks, just like India. 'But in 78 years, Pakistan has been taken over by a military cartel, from Yahya Khan to Pervez Musharraf to Munir. They controlled everything — economy, foreign policy and media and even control. But the Army doesn't understand civil matters." WHAT INTEL SOURCES SAY According to intelligence sources, Munir is desperate after a misadventure on India. 'Munir wants internal crises to handle backlash after Pahalgam. He also wants to control Khan. He is worried about his future because America is adamant to clear the bill on Pakistan democracy. He wants to capture Pakistan before that," they said. First Published: May 04, 2025, 14:34 IST
Indian Express
26-04-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Opinion What can India do to get Pakistan to give up its policy of ‘proxy wars'?
Any strategic analysis of the current situation vis-a-vis Pakistan needs to be based on four fundamental questions: Can we press control+alt+delete on Pakistan from India's strategic vision of security, stability and prosperity for all her people? What is the current reality of the state of Pakistan? What is the current geopolitics of the region? Can India muster the patience to use global networks to navigate the complexities of Pakistan to establish peace with it? A neighbour can't just be wished away from the strategic vision of a nation like India that is steadily progressing on the path of growth and prosperity. Making peace with a neighbour is rewarding, pragmatic and smart politics — it is not a weakness. The current wars in Ukraine and Gaza are prime examples of failures to do so. Pakistan's army has wielded extra-constitutional power for decades and fully controls its security and foreign policies. Historically, this institution has manipulated the polity and elections to install favourable actors in high positions in the government, bureaucracy, judiciary, and its own higher echelons. It has appropriated for itself the tag of the 'eternal saviour', for decades protecting Pakistan from 'eternal enemy' India, and from Afghanistan, a newer enemy. The army deliberately follows policies to harm neighbours and bring defensive retaliation upon itself. Then it publicly plays up the possibility of retaliation or the threat thereof in order to support its narrative that only the army, not the corrupt polity, can hold Pakistan together. This vicious cycle has continued for decades. Although former prime minister Imran Khan was earlier a beneficiary of the army's machinations, he has challenged the establishment by calling its bluff. Khan's passionate and brutally honest exhortations have taken the sheen off the army's top brass, especially General Asim Munir. The former PM has been locked up for many months, but his messages continue to resonate in Pakistan. In March, two US lawmakers introduced the Pakistan Democracy Act, seeking to sanction Munir for engaging in the 'wrongful prosecution and imprisonment' of political opponents, including Imran Khan. US pressure seems to be building up on the Army Chief and so, he too wants to shift the focus of debate with respect to Pakistan. At home, the army is seen as failing to ensure security in the border states of Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where following the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan, hundreds of casualties among security forces are being reported annually. Hard targets such as army bases, cantonments and fortified headquarters are being frequently targeted by Pakistani militants. In this context, the hijacking of the Pakistani passenger train, the Jaffar Express, by Baloch militants on March 11, with hundreds of people being taken hostage, came as a huge embarrassment for the army. The militants segregated security personnel and civilians after checking their identity cards and killed only security personnel. The standoff continued for 36 hours. Using its usual playbook, in a long press conference, the army media wing laboured hard to prove that India and Afghanistan had helped in perpetrating this attack. The language used set the stage for a revenge attack. The brazen comments made by Munir a few days ago, referring to Kashmir as Pakistan's 'jugular vein' and saying that 'Kashmiris have not been forgotten' were almost like a threat that seems to have actualised in the horrific attack in Pahalgam on April 22. In addition, he shamelessly made communal comments with the clear intention to provoke a far-right frenzy in India, which in turn could potentially create even a 'constituency of victims' for Pakistan to recruit from. A new factor that Pakistan is trying to exploit is the chill between India and Bangladesh. The relatively weak dispensation in Dhaka may not be able to prevent the growth of the radical networks that Pakistan could nurture for its own interests. However, the coldness will harm both sides. Though China and India are pragmatically moving forward to resolve issues, as long as the Chinese forces continue to be active on our borders, it's advantage Pakistan. It is not hard to imagine that there will be security, intelligence, kinetic and diplomatic responses to the situation arising from the Pahalgam attack. However, it would be equally rewarding to tie Pakistan down with effective global partnerships. One partnership that succeeded in tying it down for three years was under the FATF regime. The US under Trump 1.0 took the lead in putting Pakistan on the grey list in June 2018. This caused financial hardships for a country in dire need of economic assistance, with the International Monetary Fund making delisting a condition for releasing the remaining part of the $6 billion package. Under FATF pressure, the Pakistan army released Taliban co-founder Abdul Ghani Baradar to facilitate the US-Taliban talks in Doha. Big-ticket attacks on hard targets in Jammu and Kashmir decreased drastically from mid-2018 to early 2021, with the exception of the Pulwama attack. Further, Pakistan was forced to arrest and convict top LeT leaders like Hafiz Saeed and the mastermind of the Mumbai attack, Sajid Mir. Pakistan was then taken off the FATF grey list and from there on, seems to have gone back to its proxy games. India's regional and global strategic partnerships can also be moved to address the realities of Pakistan and generate the combined resources that can get Pakistan to give up its policy of proxy wars. This will be a long haul and will require mature public diplomacy within and outside India, even as other institutions continue to play their part in defending the country. The reality is that Pakistan can neither be wished away nor looked at in isolation. In an increasingly interconnected world, India can surely tap into its networks and strengths to deal squarely with Pakistan.
India.com
22-04-2025
- Business
- India.com
Pakistan playing dirty, dangerous double games with China and US; on one hand offers Beijing..., enticing Trump into access to Iran's...
Islamabad: Since independence, Pakistan has been adept at playing a double game. Sometimes with the United States, sometimes with Afghanistan, sometimes with the Taliban, and sometimes with its own country's terrorist organizations. Because of this double game, there is hardly any country in the world that has faith in Pakistan. Yet, Pakistan has not refrained from its actions. The Pakistan Army is once again engaged in such a dangerous game, which may bring short-term benefits, but if the situation turns against them, Pakistan could pay a heavy price for it. The Chief of the Pakistan Army, General Asim Munir, had tried to align himself with the Biden administration in the U.S., but that move failed. Former Pakistani army officer Adil Raza has exposed Asim Munir's double game. He wrote that Pakistan has embarrassed the United States in Afghanistan to such an extent that Americans no longer trust the promises made by Rawalpindi. Adil Raza noted that China is already disappointed with the Pakistani army's failures in Balochistan, hence China also did not pay attention to Asim Munir. Now, once again, with the Trump administration in power in the U.S., Asim Munir has sent them an enticing proposal. Asim Munir has offered the United States access to the rare mineral wealth found in Pakistan. Adil Raza has revealed that Asim Munir not only offered the mining of rare minerals to the United States, but also promised to assist in the Trump administration's fight against Iran. In doing so, Asim Munir has devised a plan to take advantage of the tension between Iran and the United States. However, Adil Raza has stated that the Pakistan Army cannot mortgage the nation's rare mineral wealth unilaterally. He mentioned that China is already eyeing Pakistan's rare mineral resources. China exploits minerals globally. Additionally, Chinese companies already dominate the mining and processing infrastructure in Pakistan. Therefore, without China's blessing, how will Munir fulfill his commitments to Washington? Adil Raza says that even so, America can offer mineral wealth to provide a lifeline to Asim Munir. This is because after the massive rigging in the elections in Pakistan, the US Congress passed House Resolution 901, which acknowledged the Pakistan Democracy Act. It stated that the Pakistani army forcibly defeated Imran Khan in the elections and that Shahbaz Sharif's government is illegitimate. Therefore, by befriending the Trump administration, Asim Munir is looking for a way to escape from that proposal of the American Congress. Pakistani generals have been playing a double game for decades. But it is no longer easy for Pakistan to deceive America. Previously, China was weak and looking for ground in Pakistan. But now China is powerful, it has established its foothold in Pakistan and it certainly does not want to see America in Pakistan. And China has shown what the consequences could be if America is allowed to come to Pakistan. On one hand he is trying to entice China, and on the other hand he is also attempting to bring the Trump administration to his side. Aseem Munir has also offered to turn Gwadar into a Chinese naval base to give China a strategic advantage against India. However, if American drones and American military bases are given space on Pakistani soil, as they were in past decades, China will not tolerate it.
Express Tribune
07-04-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
'PTI has no link to US sanctions bill': Barrister Gohar Ali Khan
Listen to article Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Chairman Barrister Gohar Ali Khan on Monday dismissed any connection between his party and the recently introduced 'Pakistan Democracy Act' in the US House of Representatives, which seeks sanctions on Pakistani officials over alleged human rights abuses. Speaking to reporters at the Parliament House, Gohar said, 'Countless legislations and resolutions are passed in the US Congress. PTI has no link with this particular bill.' He also clarified that the party has had no contact with the US delegation currently visiting Pakistan. The bill, introduced last month by two US lawmakers, invokes the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act and calls for sanctions against individuals accused of persecuting PTI founder Imran Khan. It proposes visa bans and entry restrictions for Pakistani officials allegedly involved in human rights violations. Regarding political developments, Gohar said PTI would finalise its future strategy after forming an alliance with other opposition parties. He noted that JUI-F Chief Maulana Fazlur Rehman is expected to announce his party's stance on April 15 following internal consultations. PTI has accelerated efforts to form a grand opposition alliance following Eidul Fitr. Last month, it formally launched the Tehreek-e-Tahaffuz-e-Ayeen-e-Pakistan (TTAP), a coalition that includes the Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC), Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP), Balochistan National Party-Mengal (BNP-M), Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), and Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen (MWM). In a separate move, PTI also reached out to former prime minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi to join the anti-government movement. Addressing internal discord within PTI, Gohar said, 'It's a democratic party, and everyone is free to express their opinion,' while encouraging leaders to handle party matters internally.
Express Tribune
05-04-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Diaspora's paradox
Listen to article What is it that defines reform in a country like Pakistan, where institutions are historically entangled, democratic transitions are routinely interrupted, and politics is a constant struggle between memory and manipulation? Can meaningful change come from diaspora-led advocacy, often rooted in legitimate grievances but shaped by partisan experiences? And more importantly, can it do so without fuelling further division in an already fractured polity? These are questions that merit consideration as the Pakistani-American diaspora increasingly asserts itself in Washington. With growing influence in US congressional circles, this diaspora has successfully pushed for resolutions and policy conversations that centre Pakistan's human rights violations and democratic backsliding — particularly since the ouster and imprisonment of former prime minister Imran Khan. While this activism has led to unprecedented congressional engagement, including bipartisan letters and proposed legislation such as the Pakistan Democracy Act, the movement also raises difficult questions about motive, method and memory. Are these efforts truly in pursuit of institutional reform and democratic continuity in Pakistan? Or do they risk becoming selective reckonings — seeking justice for some while ignoring the political complicity of others? There is no denying that Pakistan's power structures have historically influenced political outcomes in ways that undermined democratic norms. Yet, the current wave of diaspora-led critique — largely emerging after the fall of Imran Khan's government — tends to overlook the fact that PTI itself, now the symbol of resistance, was a significant beneficiary of the same military establishment it now seeks to hold accountable. For three years, the PTI government governed with the overt support of the powers that be. Its lawmakers — some of whom are now actively lobbying in US Congress — were accused of using state institutions for partisan gain, silencing dissent and maligning political rivals using the same instruments they now decry. Take Qasim Suri, for instance, whose victory in 2018 was widely criticised as rigged and upheld only through a favourable court stay. Today, he is among those engaging US lawmakers, raising concerns about electoral manipulation and institutional overreach. Where was this alarm when courts, law enforcement agencies and the establishment were allegedly tilted in PTI's favour? To ignore this context is not just intellectually dishonest — it risks turning a pro-democracy movement into a partisan campaign for selective justice. Pakistan's political history is littered with instances of civilian governments seeking power through military backing and then lamenting its interference once out of favour. Imran Khan is not the first to have walked this path. From Nawaz Sharif's initial rise in the 1980s to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's complex relationship with the army, the civilian-military dynamic has always been defined by transnationalism rather than principled governance. This cycle thrives on institutional breakdown giving way to democratic disruption, compromised judiciary, and accountability becoming a tool of revenge. Calling these abnormalities out is right. But the remedy cannot be one that externalises all blame to a single institution while exonerating politicians who not only enabled but benefited from the system's distortions. There is also a moral and strategic question about how far diaspora groups should go in inviting foreign intervention in Pakistan's internal affairs. While American citizens have every right to influence US foreign policy - especially when it involves countries of origin - there's a fine line between advocating for human rights and inadvertently undermining state sovereignty. Pakistan is already grappling with internal fault lines — from rising militancy in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa to insurgent discontent in Balochistan. Calls for targeted sanctions, visa bans or broader punitive measures — particularly those aimed at one institution while ignoring systemic civilian failures — risk deepening instability. More so when these calls come from individuals who were part of, or benefited from, the very system they now seek to dismantle. In a nutshell, reform must be comprehensive, not convenient. True democratic reform in Pakistan demands introspection, not just indictment. It must start with recognising that no institution — military, judiciary or civilian — has been immune to abuse of power. The political class must be willing to relinquish its dependence on unelected institutions for electoral success. Civil society, including diaspora activists, must aim to build inclusive narratives rather than polarising ones. Pakistan's Constitution provides a framework for civilian supremacy, judicial independence and human rights. The battle is not to rewrite that Constitution through lobbying in foreign capitals but to restore its primacy within Pakistan. This is a battle best led by Pakistanis themselves — at home and abroad — but through means that heal rather than harden divisions. The diaspora's advocacy may have opened space in Washington for a long-overdue reckoning with Pakistan's civil-military imbalance. But it must now choose: will it become a movement for structural reform or remain a campaign for partisan redress? If it is the former, then the focus must shift from personalities to principles, from vendetta to values. Only then can it lay claim to the mantle of democracy and act as a catalyst for genuine transformation in Pakistan. However, before calling for democratic reforms or rallying the diaspora against Pakistan's power centres, the PTI must first confront its own past. It owes the people — both at home and abroad — an honest admission of how it came to power, the compromises it made, and the support it received from the very institutions it now criticises. It must seek forgiveness from its voters for betraying the ideals of transparency and integrity, and apologise to political opponents whom it vilified in the name of political expediency. Only after this reckoning can its call for reform carry any moral weight. True democratic change cannot be built on selective memory and partisan narratives — it begins with truth, humility and accountability.
