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Muslim Brotherhood association in Jordan dissolves itself
Muslim Brotherhood association in Jordan dissolves itself

Roya News

time17 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Roya News

Muslim Brotherhood association in Jordan dissolves itself

The Muslim Brotherhood Association announced its self-dissolution on Tuesday, according to a statement issued by the group. The association affirmed that it was established in 2015 under the Political Parties Law and had operated in accordance with national political principles, committed to the constitution and aligned with Jordan's national interests and goals. The statement noted that amid current political developments, the association found itself burdened by a name and concepts that have become controversial. It emphasized the group's evolution toward a moderate, transparent, and public approach that rejects secrecy. "Out of loyalty to our homeland, our Hashemite leadership, and in full alignment with our national belonging," the association declared, "we announce our self-dissolution as a legally licensed body."

The Ryiati Bag... Will It Lead to the Dissolution of Parliament or the Islamic Action Front? - Jordan News
The Ryiati Bag... Will It Lead to the Dissolution of Parliament or the Islamic Action Front? - Jordan News

Jordan News

time09-07-2025

  • Politics
  • Jordan News

The Ryiati Bag... Will It Lead to the Dissolution of Parliament or the Islamic Action Front? - Jordan News

In major political crises, events cannot be viewed in isolation from their broader context or the intricate web of connections surrounding them. The case of MP Hassan Al-Ryiati—who was recently seen exiting a property affiliated with the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood in Aqaba carrying a bag of unknown contents, followed by his brief detention—was not merely an isolated incident. Rather, it opened the door to deeper questions about the future of the political scene and the possible courses of action the state might take to restore internal balance. اضافة اعلان Public speculation extended beyond the incident itself, with some proposing far-reaching political scenarios. Among these are the possible dissolution of the House of Representatives—a traditional option the state has previously used to reshuffle the political deck and absorb public discontent. Others have speculated that the Islamic Action Front Party, the former political arm of the Brotherhood and the last remaining organized umbrella for the outlawed Islamist movement, could become the next target. However, in my view, there are currently no official indications or statements suggesting an immediate intention to dissolve Parliament. Still, monitoring recent developments reveals that this scenario remains alive in the background of political decision-making. Growing tensions within Parliament, rising public dissatisfaction with its performance, and the involvement of certain MPs in security-related or political and social misconduct are all factors that make such a move more plausible—particularly if the Ryiati case reveals larger issues or implicates other parliamentary figures. On the other hand, the decision to dissolve Parliament cannot be made without weighing several critical considerations, including the current political, economic, and security landscape. Holding early parliamentary elections requires the presence of a viable political alternative, an economic environment capable of supporting the process without exacerbating tensions, and security institutions that can manage the situation amid pressing regional challenges. As for the Islamic Action Front Party, its situation is different—both legally and politically. The party has been a legally licensed entity, organizationally separate from the Muslim Brotherhood since 2015. It cannot be legally dissolved unless it commits proven violations warranting such action under the Political Parties Law. Since the location of the incident is affiliated with the banned Brotherhood and not the party itself, the direct legal impact on the party appears limited for now. However, politically, the coming period may see increased restrictions or stricter oversight of the party's activities. There may even be hints of administrative or legal action if it is found to be involved in unlicensed activities or covert organizational links. This is within the state's rights, as it seeks to maintain a balanced political landscape—particularly when it comes to political Islam—by curbing violations and preventing misuse of the public sphere, while also preserving a reasonable degree of political plurality in the eyes of the international community. In conclusion, we seem to be heading toward a decisive transitional phase—one that could involve redefining the relationship with Islamist movements, regulating the parliamentary landscape, and possibly reorganizing the partisan and electoral environment according to new approaches in line with regional and international developments. What started as a bag from a building in Aqaba may turn out to be the trigger for a broader series of decisions aimed at fortifying the internal front and restoring trust in the political system. Only the coming days will confirm whether this scenario unfolds or not.

Iraq's CF ‘uneasy' over three political shifts ahead of 2025 polls
Iraq's CF ‘uneasy' over three political shifts ahead of 2025 polls

Shafaq News

time28-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Shafaq News

Iraq's CF ‘uneasy' over three political shifts ahead of 2025 polls

Shafaq News/ The Iraqi Home Front movement (Harak al-Bayt al-Iraqi) warned on Wednesday that the Coordination Framework (CF), a political alliance of predominantly Shiite parties, is growing increasingly uneasy over three key shifts that could upend the political landscape ahead of the November 2025 elections. Movement leader Muhyi al-Ansari told Shafaq News the CF fears the possible return of the Patriotic Shiite Movement (formerly the Sadrists), especially if it aligns with civil groups or Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, arguing such a coalition could seriously disrupt the current balance of power. Al-Ansari also criticized Iraq's Independent High Electoral Commission for 'failing' to enforce the Political Parties Law, which prohibits armed factions from contesting elections—calling the lapse a 'direct constitutional breach.' The third concern, he noted, is growing public support for independents and technocrats, which threatens to weaken traditional political blocs. Several key figures have already announced their candidacies, including Nouri al-Maliki, head of the State of Law Coalition; al-Sudani of the Euphrates Movement (Al-Furatain); Hadi al-Amiri, head of the Badr Organization; Former Parliament Speaker Mohammed al-Halbousi of the Progressive (Taqaddum) Party; and Mohsen al-Mandalawi, head of the National Foundation (Al-Asas) Coalition. Badr MP Mukhtar al-Mousawi called the upcoming vote 'difficult and decisive,' pointing to a trend among veteran leaders forming separate lists as Sudani distances himself from the CF. Analyst Mujashaa al-Tamimi told Shafaq News that the return of familiar names signals a tactical shift amid changing dynamics. 'Baghdad has become the focal point of political competition,' he said, warning that reformist forces could challenge entrenched elites. Meanwhile, the CF scrapped earlier plans to run fragmented slates and will now field joint lists in Diyala, Nineveh, and Saladin. The decision follows the formation of a new alliance—Qarar (Decision)—led by al-Sudani's al-Furatin Movement, al-Amiri's Badr Organization, and PMF chief Faleh al-Fayyadh.

Political modernisation; no turning back
Political modernisation; no turning back

Ammon

time22-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Ammon

Political modernisation; no turning back

Mohammad Abu-Rumman Many politicians and analysts today attempt to draw a connection between the government's announcement regarding the case of youth affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood and the move toward dissolving the Islamic Action Front Party (IAF) and the Parliament. They interpret these developments as signs of a general retreat from the political modernization project and the partisan political experiment altogether. Such assumptions, however, are far from logical or grounded in reality. They do not align with the prudence, rationality, and wisdom that typically characterize Jordanian politics. More importantly, political modernization is a project repeatedly affirmed by His Majesty the King, carrying a forward-looking vision to develop the political system and steer the country steadily along a secure democratic there is a problem with a specific organization or political party, the solution is not to abandon the entire course, but rather to uphold one simple principle: the rule of law—applied to all without exception. This applies both to the case currently headed for the judiciary and to defining the relationship with the IAF in accordance with the Political Parties Law. It also extends to the Muslim Brotherhood organization, which no longer has legal standing or formal political representation. If it still exists on the ground, it is due to the tolerance of successive governments and Jordan's consistent preference for containment and leniency. However, it has become increasingly clear over the past few years that the official direction is shifting toward a decisive "surgical" correction of the situation. This involves applying the rule of law and enforcing the definitive judicial decisions issued in 2020, and demanding clear and unambiguous self-definition from any party, especially concerning its internal role and severance of any ambiguous external is illogical for some to blame the entire political modernization process and the broader partisan experiment every time a controversy arises. The Jordanian state is strong and fully capable of addressing any issue within its legal and political frameworks. Equally important is the need for the media narrative—especially from official channels representing the state's voice—to remain disciplined and clear. We must avoid blending or confusing different files. There are well-established national constants that are evident to all, whether concerning national unity, Jordan's historic and principled stance on the Palestinian cause, or the foundational values that have distinguished Jordanian governance since the establishment of the state. These values remain rooted and enduring—they are the secret to Jordan's political stability and a hallmark of its success, especially when compared to the political turmoil experienced by many other Arab to what some political circles suggest today, the current security issue underscores—not undermines—the need for developing responsible, national, programmatic political parties. It highlights the importance of strengthening society's capacities through political parties that are grounded in national constants and capable of building bridges between the state and the people. Such parties can reinforce rational and responsible discourse both in political institutions and in the streets. The solution is not to regress or abandon the field to unchecked rhetoric or groups with broad, negative perceptions of the state and its policies. Rather, this moment calls on political parties to continue building their capacities, institutions, and grassroots connections so that they may become competitive, realistic, and influential national movements in the return to the starting point: the development and modernization of the political system is a national necessity, not a fleeting choice or tactical maneuver. It is a strategic, deliberate path that represents the gateway to the future. It is essential for the youth generation who aspire to actively participate in shaping their future; it empowers society to express its interests and demands through political parties, and it enables the formation of governments based on platforms and national policies. This is the project of the state and of future generations—a project that we must all support, strengthen, and engage with. Jordanian youth today, amid rising frustration and disappointment fueled by regional turmoil—particularly in the occupied Palestinian territories—need political parties and a media discourse that restore their confidence, guide them toward the right path, and open the doors of hope. They must be shielded from falling into apathy, nihilism, and distrust of everything. This is the primary responsibility of political parties and the country's political elite today.

Political modernisation; no turning back
Political modernisation; no turning back

Jordan Times

time21-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Jordan Times

Political modernisation; no turning back

Many politicians and analysts today attempt to draw a connection between the government's announcement regarding the case of youth affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood and the move toward dissolving the Islamic Action Front Party (IAF) and the Parliament. They interpret these developments as signs of a general retreat from the political modernization project and the partisan political experiment altogether. Such assumptions, however, are far from logical or grounded in reality. They do not align with the prudence, rationality, and wisdom that typically characterize Jordanian politics. More importantly, political modernization is a project repeatedly affirmed by His Majesty the King, carrying a forward-looking vision to develop the political system and steer the country steadily along a secure democratic path. If there is a problem with a specific organization or political party, the solution is not to abandon the entire course, but rather to uphold one simple principle: the rule of law—applied to all without exception. This applies both to the case currently headed for the judiciary and to defining the relationship with the IAF in accordance with the Political Parties Law. It also extends to the Muslim Brotherhood organization, which no longer has legal standing or formal political representation. If it still exists on the ground, it is due to the tolerance of successive governments and Jordan's consistent preference for containment and leniency. However, it has become increasingly clear over the past few years that the official direction is shifting toward a decisive "surgical" correction of the situation. This involves applying the rule of law and enforcing the definitive judicial decisions issued in 2020, and demanding clear and unambiguous self-definition from any party, especially concerning its internal role and severance of any ambiguous external affiliations. It is illogical for some to blame the entire political modernization process and the broader partisan experiment every time a controversy arises. The Jordanian state is strong and fully capable of addressing any issue within its legal and political frameworks. Equally important is the need for the media narrative—especially from official channels representing the state's voice—to remain disciplined and clear. We must avoid blending or confusing different files. There are well-established national constants that are evident to all, whether concerning national unity, Jordan's historic and principled stance on the Palestinian cause, or the foundational values that have distinguished Jordanian governance since the establishment of the state. These values remain rooted and enduring—they are the secret to Jordan's political stability and a hallmark of its success, especially when compared to the political turmoil experienced by many other Arab states. Contrary to what some political circles suggest today, the current security issue underscores—not undermines—the need for developing responsible, national, programmatic political parties. It highlights the importance of strengthening society's capacities through political parties that are grounded in national constants and capable of building bridges between the state and the people. Such parties can reinforce rational and responsible discourse both in political institutions and in the streets. The solution is not to regress or abandon the field to unchecked rhetoric or groups with broad, negative perceptions of the state and its policies. Rather, this moment calls on political parties to continue building their capacities, institutions, and grassroots connections so that they may become competitive, realistic, and influential national movements in the future. To return to the starting point: the development and modernization of the political system is a national necessity, not a fleeting choice or tactical maneuver. It is a strategic, deliberate path that represents the gateway to the future. It is essential for the youth generation who aspire to actively participate in shaping their future; it empowers society to express its interests and demands through political parties, and it enables the formation of governments based on platforms and national policies. This is the project of the state and of future generations—a project that we must all support, strengthen, and engage with. Jordanian youth today, amid rising frustration and disappointment fueled by regional turmoil—particularly in the occupied Palestinian territories—need political parties and a media discourse that restore their confidence, guide them toward the right path, and open the doors of hope. They must be shielded from falling into apathy, nihilism, and distrust of everything. This is the primary responsibility of political parties and the country's political elite today.

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