Latest news with #ProtestantChristians


The Star
2 days ago
- Business
- The Star
Melaka Christian board seeks new site as Cheng cemetery runs out of space
WITH burial space running out for Protestant Christians in the state, the Melaka Christian Cemetery Board (MCCB) is urgently raising funds to secure a new site. MCCB chairman Richard Lim said the current two-hectare cemetery in Cheng, which has been in use for decades, now holds about 2,000 graves and can no longer meet the needs of nearly 60 member churches with a combined congregation of almost 7,000 people. 'MCCB, founded 56 years ago, is licensed to provide burial services for Protestant Christians in Melaka. "Hence, we need a new site to continue providing these services,' he said in an interview on Friday (Aug 15). Lim said a fundraising dinner will be held on Merdeka Day, Sunday, at Lu Yeh Yen Restaurant, Kota Laksamana. 'The aim is to raise funds for the development of a new cemetery and Melaka's first Christian columbarium,' he said. Lim said MCCB has initiated an RM1mil project to acquire the new burial land but an additional RM3mil is required to construct a three-storey, environmentally friendly columbarium that will house 5,000 urns. 'Due to a growing preference for cremation over traditional burials, there is an urgent need for a dedicated columbarium within a Christian environment,' he said. He said the project would ensure a dignified and faith-based resting place for future generations. 'A total of 100 tables are available for sale at the dinner. Tickets are RM200 per seat or RM2,000 per table, and supporters can also sponsor tables for guests from underprivileged backgrounds, including orphanages and nursing homes,' he added.


France 24
25-07-2025
- Politics
- France 24
African armies turn to drones with devastating civilian impact
On this important holiday for Ethiopian Orthodox and Protestant Christians, many families had gathered in the morning to repair the local primary school. But out of the blue, shortly before 11:00 am (1400 GMT), "a drone fired on the crowd and pulverised many people right in front of my eyes", a resident told AFP. Ethiopia and many other African nations are increasingly turning to drones as a low-cost means of waging war, often with mixed military results but devastating consequences for civilian populations. Last year, Ethiopia carried out a total of 54 drone strikes, compared to 62 attacks in Mali, 82 in Burkina Faso and 266 in Sudan, according to data collected by the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), a US-based monitor. According to one of two Gedeb residents contacted by AFP, the strike killed "at least" 50 people, and according to the second, more than 100 -- a figure corroborated by several local media outlets. It is one of the deadliest in a series of drone attacks since the conflict began in August 2023, pitting the Ethiopian army against the Fano, the traditional "self-defence" militias of the Amhara ethnic group. A shoe seller at the scene, whose nephew was killed instantly, also blamed an armed drone that continued to "hover in the air" some 20 minutes after the strike. "The sight was horrific: there were heads, torsos and limbs flying everywhere and seriously injured people screaming in pain," he recalled. Ethiopian authorities have not released any information about this attack in Amhara, where the security situation makes some areas very difficult to access and communications are subject to significant restrictions. The Ethiopian army's use of drones, which began during the bloody Tigray War (2020-2022), has since spread to the Amhara and Oromia regions amid multiple insurgencies. In the Amhara region alone, now the hardest-hit, at least 669 people have been killed in more than 70 drone strikes since 2023, according to ACLED data analysed by AFP. Low-cost Remotely piloted aircraft used for reconnaissance and strikes -- low-cost technologies now ubiquitous in current conflicts and particularly in Ukraine -- are generating massive interest in Africa. Some 30 African governments have acquired drones, according to data cross-referenced by AFP from the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) "Military Balance" and the Center for a New American Security's Drone Proliferation Dataset. For decades, wars in Africa had been fought on land, conducted primarily by light and mobile infantry units. "Drones offer sub-Saharan African militaries more affordable and flexible access to air power, which has been out of reach until now due to its cost and operational complexity," said Djenabou Cisse, a west African security specialist at the Foundation for Strategic Research. Countries like China, Turkey and Iran have the advantage of selling drones "without attaching any political conditionality related to respect for human rights", she added. Among African military commands, the most popular is undoubtedly the Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drone, which, along with its big brother, the Akinci, has dethroned the Chinese Wing Loong in recent years. The TB2 made a notable appearance in 2019 in Libya, the first African theatre of drone warfare, between the Ankara-backed Government of National Accord and its eastern rival, Marshal Haftar, equipped with Chinese weapons supplied by the United Arab Emirates. The following year, its deployment in the Karabakh region during the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and then in Ukraine starting in 2022, boosted its popularity. Orders soared and waiting lists grew. While contract details are kept secret, experts consulted by AFP estimate that a "system" of three drones costs nearly $6 million -- significantly less than the several tens of millions for a fighter jet or combat helicopter. This offsets its rather average performance, with a range limited to 150 kilometres (75 miles). The TB2 is produced by private company Baykar, headed by the son-in-law of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. It "is now an integral part of Turkey's foreign policy, whose strategy is to export its military products worldwide," said Batu Coskun, a researcher at the Sediq Institute in Tripoli. The growing footprint of Turkish drones in Africa is partly due to the fact that unlike the West, Ankara is free from the cumbersome export control procedures for military equipment. "It's essentially at the president's discretion," he said. Turkish military cooperation After severing ties with former colonial ruler France, the military regimes of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have turned to Turkish drones to attack jihadist fighters as well as separatists. In December last year, the Malian army eliminated a leader and several members of the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA), a pro-independence coalition, in a drone attack. In November 2023, drones played a decisive role in the recapture of the northern Malian city of Kidal from predominantly Tuareg rebels. A senior Malian officer praised the "discretion" of Turkish military cooperation. "When you pay for military equipment in the West, it has to go through political agreements, negotiations," he said, speaking on condition of anonymity. "With Turkey, we have a speed that we don't have elsewhere, not even in Russia or China," two countries that also supply military equipment, he added. According to a young Malian surveillance drone pilot, who also wished to remain anonymous, the Turkish aircraft "are easy to pilot, which means we don't need a long training period". In Chad, four Turkish drones have replaced French fighter jets at the forward bases they occupied until N'Djamena ended its military cooperation agreements with France at the end of 2024. The latter had repeatedly provided air support to help the Chadian government halt the advance of rebels threatening the capital. The capital N'Djamena is equipped with only five Russian Sukhoi aircraft and as many ageing Mi-24 helicopters. Contrary to Franco-Chadian relations, "there is no military cooperation agreement (between N'Djamena and Ankara) but a trade agreement that allows us to acquire military equipment", a Chadian officer told AFP. Turks are present to provide technical assistance and the former French bases are "entirely in the hands of the Chadian military", the same source added. This flexible cooperation on drones clearly illustrates the desire of some African leaders to "assert their sovereignty and greater strategic autonomy". said researcher Djenabou Cisse. 'Extreme fear' On the ground, however, the tactical and strategic gains from the use of drones do not always materialise, several experts said. "Drones alone cannot defeat an adversary," Cisse said, adding: "We saw this in Libya, where both sides had sophisticated drones, and more recently in Sudan, where each side uses drones, but with very unequal capabilities." "Not only have these countries failed to fully stabilise but conflicts have often become entrenched or even escalated," the researcher added. Drones are proving especially decisive in open terrain, when the enemy is unable to disperse and hide as is the case with jihadists in the Sahel, according to a detailed study by the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP). In Ethiopia, they helped turn the tide of the conflict in Tigray at a key moment, giving a decisive advantage to federal forces without, however, securing a definitive victory. In the summer of 2021, a large column of Tigray rebel forces, which reached within 200 kilometres of Addis Ababa and threatened to seize the capital, was stopped by the arsenal of drones deployed by the government. Analysis of satellite images by Dutch peace organisation PAX at several Ethiopian air bases confirmed the presence of TB2s and, more recently, the Akinci, as well as Chinese Wing Loongs and Iranian Mohajer-6s. These drones have "significantly increased the Ethiopian army's intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities, as they can prowl for nearly 24 hours, track enemy movements, identify their positions, provide targeting information or directly strike targets," Wim Zwijnenburg, a drone specialist for PAX, told AFP. While the fighting subsequently focused primarily on Tigray, it continued into 2022 and high tensions remain in the region despite the conclusion of a fragile peace agreement, while other hotbeds of violent insurrection have spread to Amhara and Oromia. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, winner of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize for his peace efforts with neighbouring Eritrea, is now regularly accused of indiscriminate abuses against the population. "The drones continued to target civilians despite the presence of sophisticated sensor systems, high-definition cameras and night vision," supposedly allowing for better threat identification, said Zwijnenburg, deploring "a lack of operator training or, in the worst case, a deliberate decision". In Gedeb, the small Amhara town targeted during Passover, residents contacted by AFP said there had been no fighting in the area in the run-up to the attack. They live in constant fear now.


News18
17-07-2025
- Politics
- News18
Faith As Sedition: China's National Security Law Targets Religious Freedom
Last Updated: As China intensifies its suppression of both the spiritual and moral autonomy of its citizens, the international community cannot afford to remain indifferent or silent. In 2016, Chinese President Xi Jinping delivered a notable speech advocating for the 'Sinicisation' of religions in China, essentially demanding that religious leaders and institutions strictly conform to state or party ideology—namely, socialism. Since then, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has implemented a wide array of legislative, bureaucratic, ideological, and technological measures to ensure that all forms of religious expression fall under its political control. Those failing to comply have faced persecution and prosecution. Recently, the CCP introduced regulations, effective from 1 May, which bar foreign missionaries from preaching or establishing religious organisations without explicit party approval. This development is part of a broader trend in Chinese governance, wherein any foreign involvement in religious matters—or domestic religious activities not aligned with party ideology—is framed as a national security threat, thereby leveraging nationalism to justify religious repression. According to an official white paper published in 2019, China had approximately 200 million religious adherents. The majority were Tibetan Buddhists, with 20 million Muslims, 38 million Protestant Christians, and 6 million Catholic Christians. The CCP's repressive policies towards Tibetan Buddhists and Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang are extensively documented, with some United Nations member states describing the latter as 'crimes against humanity'. The People's Republic of China's pervasive surveillance, the imposition of forced labour camps and ideological indoctrination centres disguised as 'vocational training schools', widespread imprisonment and torture, demographic manipulation, destruction of religious sites, and systematic cultural erasure have all attracted significant international criticism. Nevertheless, what is often overlooked by global human rights organisations is the more subtle deployment of legal mechanisms by the state to undermine and criminalise independent religious practices, all under the pretext of nationalist rhetoric. Article 36 of China's constitution guarantees citizens the right to freedom of religious belief, yet it tempers this by specifying that the state will safeguard only 'normal religious activities' and will not permit 'foreign forces' to exert influence over religious affairs. In 2015, the government enacted the National Security Law (NSL), similarly ambiguous in its language, which covered a broad spectrum of areas and required officials, corporations, organisations, and private individuals to collaborate with the CCP on 'national security' issues. The suite of legislation under this framework redefined national security to encompass not just military concerns but also economic, social, and cultural dimensions. The law's sweeping suspicion of foreign connections, especially regarding religious and cultural activities, legitimises state-led repression of religious groups considered untrustworthy by the party. This securitised approach, which interprets genuine spiritual beliefs and associations as acts of political subversion, poses a significant threat to communities such as Christian churches—often dependent on international networks for guidance and support—and the Uyghurs, whose spiritual and cultural links to Central Asia span centuries. A series of directives issued since the NSL's adoption in 2015 and Xi Jinping's advocacy for the 'Sinicisation of religion' have institutionalised rigorous and closely monitored adherence of religious practices to CCP doctrine. Significantly, in 2018, the National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) consolidated the oversight of several agencies responsible for religious affairs into more centralised entities. For example, the Three-Self Patriotic Movement, the China Christian Council, and the State Administration for Religious Affairs—which had previously somewhat mitigated the state's absolute control over Christian activities—were placed under the authority of the United Front Work Department. In 2020, the National Security Law was extended to Hong Kong, a region previously insulated from the CCP's 'Sinicisation' policies due to the protections afforded by the Basic Law and the 'one country, two systems' framework. Over the subsequent five years, Hong Kong has experienced a concerted suppression of independent religious activities, including the raiding of churches, harassment of clergy, and the seizure of religious materials. The year the legislation was imposed on Hong Kong, authorities targeted the Good Neighbour North District Church for its support of pro-democracy demonstrators, conducting a raid and freezing the bank accounts of the church's charitable arm, its pastor, and his spouse. Likewise, in 2022, Catholic Bishop Emeritus Cardinal Joseph Zen was detained under the National Security Law, accused of 'collusion with foreign forces' due to his role as trustee of the 612 Humanitarian Relief Fund. This Fund provided financial assistance for the legal and medical needs of individuals involved in the widespread 2019 pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong. Cardinal Zen had also openly criticised a 2018 agreement between the Vatican and China, which purportedly allows the Pope to select bishops for China's Roman Catholic churches from a list proposed by Chinese authorities. Additionally, as a result of the pressure exerted by the National Security Law, many churches in Hong Kong discontinued the annual memorial mass for those killed during the post-Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989. The Chinese Communist Party's anxiety regarding autonomous religious activities is closely linked to the emergence of a politically reformist segment within society, which has gradually expanded since Deng Xiaoping initiated economic liberalisation. As China embraced foreign investment and market-driven principles, a growing number of Chinese workers, entrepreneurs, academics, and students who studied overseas began to adopt alternative perspectives and challenge the CCP's ideological dominance. Religion, serving both as a vehicle for mass mobilisation and as a symbol of the party's pervasive control over Chinese society, inevitably mirrored these shifts. Consequently, the CCP came to perceive religion as a fundamental threat requiring immediate containment. As a result, the party's campaign to 'Sinicise religion'—enforced through a combination of legal-administrative mechanisms and rhetoric equating faith with subversion and external interference—has transformed religious practice into a demonstration of allegiance to the state rather than a matter of personal conviction. Under the pretext of national security, any activity the CCP deems to challenge its unassailable authority is deliberately misrepresented and harshly repressed. In doing so, the state not only criminalises individual expression and dissent but also systematically undermines the rich histories, cultures, and spiritual traditions that religious communities nurture. As China intensifies its suppression of both the spiritual and moral autonomy of its citizens, the international community cannot afford to remain indifferent or silent. Global action is imperative before these vulnerable communities are eradicated by the Chinese authorities. The writer is an author and a columnist. His X handle is @ArunAnandLive. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : China Religious freedom sedition view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: June 19, 2025, 15:43 IST News opinion Right Word | Faith As Sedition: China's National Security Law Targets Religious Freedom Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.


The Hill
02-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
Lawsuit challenges Texas law requiring 10 Commandments in classrooms
Two lawsuits have been filed against a Texas law requiring the Ten Commandments to be displayed in public school classrooms. On Wednesday, 16 Texas families filed a lawsuit challenging a new state law that requires the Ten Commandments in all public school classrooms, alleging a violation of the separation of church and state. The lawsuit, filed in the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Texas, also argued the law violated the First Amendment and right to free religious exercise. The law requires posters to be hung in a 'conspicuous place' in the classroom and that the commandments are 'in a size and typeface that is legible to a person with average vision from anywhere in the room.' It also requires the commandments followed by Protestant Christians to be displayed. 'As a rabbi and public-school parent, I am deeply concerned that S.B. 10 will impose another faith's scripture on students for nearly every hour of the school day,' said plaintiff Rabbi Mara Nathan. 'While our Jewish faith treats the Ten Commandments as sacred, the version mandated under this law does not match the text followed by our family, and the school displays will conflict with the religious beliefs and values we seek to instill in our child.' The lawsuit is made up of Christian, Jewish, Hindu and nonreligious families represented by the Americans United for Separation of Church and State, the American Civil Liberties Union of Texas, the American Civil Liberties Union, the Freedom From Religion Foundation and Simpson Thacher & Bartlett LLP. The Hill has reached out to the governor's office for comment. This is the second lawsuit filed against the law, following another in June filed by a group of faith leaders that also alleged First Amendment violations. The legal battles will likely follow a similar issue in Arkansas, after a law was passed requiring the Ten Commandments to be displayed in public school classrooms. A federal appeals court recently upheld a lower court ruling to block the Arkansas law, setting up a potential battle at the Supreme Court.
Yahoo
01-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
How faith groups feel about the ethics of the Trump administration
As President Donald Trump marked the 100th day of his second term in the White House this week, the country reflected on the political turbulence of the past three months and the economic uncertainty that lies ahead. Several polls fielded in April found that Trump remains a polarizing figure, including in red states and in major Christian groups. A Deseret News/Hinckley Institute of Politics survey conducted in mid-April by HarrisX showed that the share of registered voters in Utah who strongly approve of Trump's job performance (30%) is the same as the share who strongly disapprove (30%). A new poll from Pew Research Center highlighted a similar divide among U.S. Christians. For example, the survey showed that Protestant Christians in the U.S. can be nearly equally divided by their approval ratings for Trump, with 48% saying they disapprove of the way he's handling his job as president and 50% saying they approve. U.S. Catholics lean more toward disapproval. Nearly 6 in 10 (58%) of members of this faith group are unhappy with Trump's work so far, while 42% of Catholics approve. In addition to asking about Trump's performance, Pew asked about the ethics of his administration. The survey found that just 37% of U.S. adults rate the administration's ethical standards as either excellent (16%) or good (21%). Among religious respondents, white evangelical Protestants stand out for their belief that the Trump administration is guided by strong ethical principles. 'Around seven-in-ten White evangelicals rate the ethics of top Trump administration officials as good (35%) or excellent (34%),' Pew reported. Among mainline Protestants and Catholics, those who rate the administration's ethics as fair or poor outnumber those who gave a more positive assessment. That's even more true if you zoom in on nonwhite Protestants and Catholics, Pew found. Just 9% of Black Protestants and 25% of Hispanic Catholics rate the ethics of the Trump administration as excellent or good. Pew's survey was fielded April 7-13 among 3,589 U.S. adults. The margin of error for the full sample is plus or minus 1.8 percentage points.