Latest news with #RecepTayyipErdoğan
Saudi Gazette
2 days ago
- Business
- Saudi Gazette
Islamic economy originated in Madinah, says Abdullah Saleh Kamel at Istanbul summit attended by Erdoğan
Saudi Gazette report ISTANBUL — The second Global Islamic Economy Summit kicked off in Istanbul on Friday in the presence of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Organized by the Al Baraka Forum for Islamic Economy, the summit runs until Sunday and gathers a distinguished group of policymakers, economists, and thought leaders from around the world. During the opening session, Abdullah Saleh Kamel, Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Al Baraka Forum, emphasized that the foundations of the modern Islamic economy were laid in Madinah, and that Saudi Arabia played a key role early on in institutionalizing this values-driven model based on Islamic principles and social noted that the first sessions of the Al Baraka Forum were held in Madinah over 50 years ago, marking the beginning of an integrated Islamic economic called for Saudi Arabia to further its strategic leadership in this space amid the accelerating shifts in the global economic also highlighted the importance of investing in Islamic finance tools such as zakat, waqf, sukuk, and qard hasan (benevolent loans), which he said now represent realistic solutions for addressing development crises and promoting social and financial Al Baraka Forum for Islamic Economy is an independent, non-profit intellectual platform aimed at developing an economic model based on Islamic holds annual international gatherings that bring together economic and intellectual leaders to enrich Islamic economic research and knowledge frameworks.
News18
2 days ago
- Business
- News18
Erdogan's Gamble: Why Siding With Pakistan Is A Losing Bet Against Modi's India
Last Updated: Turkey's political alignment with Pakistan contrasts sharply with its economic interests with India The geopolitical landscape is witnessing increasing strain between India and Turkey, driven by Ankara's persistent alignment with Pakistan. While historical ties once facilitated cooperation, Turkey's vocal support for Islamabad, coupled with the use of Turkish drones by Pakistan in cross-border attacks, has severely deteriorated bilateral relations. Ankara's strategy, aimed at bolstering its influence in the Islamic world, is an ill-advised gamble. Continued economic engagement with India would be far more advantageous than its current political posturing. However, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan seems bent on destroying ties, especially those hard-won and easily lost. Ankara's aligned stance and military complicity Erdoğan has unequivocally sided with Pakistan, particularly after India's counter-terror action, Operation Sindoor. Ankara openly condemned New Delhi's military actions, labelling them provocative and a potential trigger for wider conflict. This stance is not new; Turkey has consistently supported Pakistan's position on Kashmir, with Erdoğan affirming solidarity with the 'Kashmiri brothers" in February 2025 and seeking to raise the issue globally. advetisement Such diplomatic assertiveness has emboldened Pakistan, allowing it to circumvent international scrutiny of its terror-sponsoring activities. Turkey's support has also led Pakistan to raise the Kashmir issue unnecessarily in forums such as the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, albeit unsuccessfully. Furthermore, this support has a military dimension. Turkish C-130 Hercules transport planes deliver military cargo to Pakistan, alongside the docking of Turkish naval vessels in Karachi. More critically, preliminary findings identified Turkish-manufactured Asisguard Songar models, or similar Turkish-origin drones, as those used by Pakistan in cross-border strikes during heightened tensions. Direct military support, along with diplomatic backing, demonstrates the depth of this partnership. Consequently, Turkey has become Pakistan's second-largest arms supplier after China, marked by collaborative military projects and joint exercises. India's strategic recalibration and countermeasures India has not remained passive. New Delhi has embarked on a strategic recalibration, deepening ties with countries that are either Ankara's regional rivals or those with which it has strained relations. This includes strengthening defence and intelligence-sharing mechanisms with nations like Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and France. Its proactive policy in West Asia, seeking robust strategic ties with key Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) players such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE, also serves as a counterbalance to Turkish expansionism and its aspirations for leadership in the Islamic world. Furthermore, India views the Turkey-Pakistan axis not merely as a military threat but also as a challenge in narrative warfare and diplomatic influence. Both Ankara and Islamabad are investing in state-backed media outlets and social media campaigns to internationalise issues that India considers internal, specifically Kashmir. In response, India is enhancing its indigenous defence capabilities under the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative, aiming for strategic autonomy and reducing vulnerabilities to shifting geopolitical allegiances. The growing call within India for a boycott of Turkish goods and tourism reflects public anger and provides a direct economic lever against Turkey's perceived support for terrorism. The diminishing economic returns for Ankara Critically, Turkey's political alignment with Pakistan contrasts sharply with its economic interests with India. Data from the Directorate General of Commercial Intelligence and Statistics (DGCIS) reveals that India has consistently maintained a significant trade surplus with Turkey. Advertisement In FY22-23, India's trade surplus with Turkey stood at $5.4 billion, which, while still substantial, reduced to $2.9 billion in FY23-24. From April to February in FY24-25, exports to Turkey were $5.2 billion, and imports stood at $2.84 billion, a surplus of approximately $2.7 billion—an economic relationship heavily skewed against Ankara. The economic repercussions of Turkey's political choices are becoming increasingly evident. India's overall merchandise trade with Turkey contracted to approximately 63% of FY22-23 levels by FY24-25. This decline, predating the most recent surge in tensions, reflects Turkey's souring relations with India amid Ankara's outbursts on Kashmir. Following widespread calls across India for a boycott of Turkish goods and tourism, major travel companies such as EaseMyTrip and Ixigo have advised against or suspended bookings to Turkey. Cleartrip reported a 260% rise in cancellations to Turkey within a single week. While India's imports from Turkey—including mineral oil, gold, and marble—represent a minuscule portion of its total inbound shipments, the overall trade volume, particularly India's substantial exports of mineral fuels, auto parts, and pharmaceuticals, demonstrates that continued economic ties are far more beneficial to Turkey than its current confrontational political alignment. advetisement Conclusion Erdoğan's gamble of siding with Pakistan against India is fundamentally flawed. While it may serve his domestic political agenda and aspirations for regional leadership, it comes at a significant cost to Turkey's economic interests. top videos View All India is a rapidly growing economic power with a massive market and significant geopolitical weight. It has demonstrated its resolve to counter hostile alignments through diplomatic recalibration, fiscal measures, and a robust defence posture. Turkey's trade deficit with India, coupled with the immediate and tangible impact of Indian boycott calls, shows that a continued confrontational stance offers minimal returns. For Ankara, abandoning its flawed foreign policy necessitates a pragmatic re-evaluation of its priorities. Economic prosperity through balanced relationships may ultimately yield greater dividends than a strategically ill-advised political alliance. About the Author Sohil Sinha tags : defence erdogan Kashmir Operation Sindoor pakistan trade turkey Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: May 30, 2025, 20:38 IST News opinion Opinion | Erdogan's Gamble: Why Siding With Pakistan Is A Losing Bet Against Modi's India
Winnipeg Free Press
2 days ago
- Politics
- Winnipeg Free Press
The world is closing its doors
Opinion Straws in the wind: recently I ran across a post by the CEO of a countrywide professional association in Canada. People like him are used to hopping across the U.S. border for various meetings several times a month, but he was remarking on what people had been talking about at the association's recent annual conference in a big Canadian city. What his post said was: 'Consensus here is that it's risky to travel to (U.S. flag emoji) but if you have to go, bring a burner phone. Have a plan in case you get detained. Watch what you say. Who you meet.' And I thought 'Yeah. Me too.' I'm a journalist so I will still go to the U.S. if I absolutely have to, but not for pleasure, not for paid lectures and things, and yes, please on the burner phone. Back when I started out in this trade half the world was off limits, especially for freelance journalists. The Cold War reached a second peak in the early '80s and you couldn't go to the Soviet Union unless you had a big media organisation negotiating for you. Even then it took months for a visa, and you were followed everywhere. The communist-ruled 'satellite' countries in Eastern Europe were a little easier, and China was letting tourists into some parts of the country (but not stray journalists). Albania, North Korea and Iran were completely closed, and most of southeast Asia and much of Central and South America were ruled by military dictators who ran death squads. Then non-violent democratic revolutions began all over the 'third world,' the communist regimes of Eastern Europe collapsed, and the old Soviet Union itself followed suit. Soon almost the whole world opened up. It was a nice ride while it lasted, but then the whole process went into reverse. You won't feel the effects much if you travel as a tourist or even do business abroad, but journalists (including foreign journalists) are the canaries in the coal mine on this and I'm certainly feeling the change. The number of countries I won't go to any more is growing every year. It started, weirdly enough, with Turkey, a place I thought I knew well. I've lived there, I speak the language (or at least I used to), and I even thought President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was a welcome change from a militantly secular government that ignored the rights of the pious half of the population. Then the editor of the newspaper that ran this column in Turkey was jailed, the publisher went into exile, and the new regime turned the paper into a government propaganda outlet. I know there's a fat file on me somewhere in Ankara and I've seen the inside of a Turkish jail (as a visitor), so I don't go there any more. Twenty years now. Next was Russia, where I had been practically commuting in the early 90s. Vladimir Putin was elected in 1999 and it was still all right for a while, but by 2005 he was killing opposition leaders and I started reporting from afar. Note, by the way, that these changes were happening after more or less free elections — although they tended to be the last fair elections. Then came a round of non-violent pro-democracy uprisings in the Middle East, most of them drowned in blood. That set off a whole cluster of civil wars, and the whole region became very hard to work in. It still is. Next was China, where they arrested, tried and jailed two random Canadian businessmen in 2018, really as hostages to exchange for a Chinese citizen in Canada whom they wanted back. It wasn't aimed specifically at journalists and the victims were freed after a thousand days in prison, but I and many other people took it as a signal to do your Chinese business from afar. However, I never thought that I would be adding the United States to the list. Even during Donald Trump's first term foreign journalists were no more at risk of arbitrary imprisonment than the average American citizen, and nobody followed you around or listened to your phone calls. (Well, no more than they listen to everybody else's calls.) Now, quite suddenly, the United States has become just another great power where foreigners watch what they say, try to minimize contacts with official bodies, or just stay away. The thought even occurs that, as in so many other cases, there will still be elections but we will know the outcome in advance. It sounds almost hysterical to talk like this and many non-journalist travelers won't even notice it, but the world is closing down again. I have no idea if and when it will reopen. Gwynne Dyer's new book is Intervention Earth: Life-Saving Ideas from the World's Climate Engineers.
Time of India
3 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Drama In Azerbaijan: Pak PM Asks Asim Munir To Stand Up, Then Admits India's BrahMos Bombed Airbases
Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has made a startling admission regarding India's BrahMos missile strike on Pakistani military bases in front of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The revelation was made by Pak PM in Azerbaijan. Sharif's acknowledgment came after India's powerful strikes targeting terrorist bases and Pakistani military installations. Read More
Indian Express
3 days ago
- Business
- Indian Express
India must underline for Türkiye the strategic costs of supporting Pakistan
Written by Mujib Alam Türkiye's unequivocal support for Pakistan during India's Operation Sindoor, launched in retaliation for the terrorist attack in Pahalgam on April 22, marked a clear departure from Ankara's careful diplomatic balancing in the past. Historically, Türkiye has supported Pakistan during previous Indo-Pak conflicts, but recent events signal a new and explicit shift, raising critical questions for India's strategic response. Following Operation Sindoor, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan openly condemned India's military actions inside Pakistani territory, labelling them 'provocative' and a potential trigger for wider conflict. Turkish military deployments, such as the docking of an Ada-class anti-submarine corvette at Karachi and the landing of a Turkish C-130 Hercules aircraft reportedly carrying military supplies, clearly demonstrated Ankara's support for Islamabad. Despite Turkish denials, Pakistan's use of Turkish-made Songar drones during the hostilities underscored the military depth of this partnership. Türkiye's strategic embrace of Pakistan is neither sudden nor temporary. It reflects Erdogan's broader vision of alliances rooted more in cultural and religious affinity than economic pragmatism, evident from Türkiye's deliberate decision to back Pakistan despite risking relations with a larger and stronger economy. Global geopolitical shifts further reinforce this partnership. Deep historical, ideological, and strategic ties, dating back to the Cold War when both Türkiye and Pakistan were key US allies, underpin their current relationship. Both nations now face growing marginalisation from Western security frameworks. Türkiye's strained relations with NATO, aggravated by its acquisition of Russia's S-400 missile system and its subsequent exclusion from the F-35 fighter jet program, have forced Ankara to seek alternative partnerships. Similarly, Pakistan, historically dependent on US military aid, is now heavily reliant on China for defence technology. Thus, Ankara and Islamabad share a strategic predicament: Maintaining regional relevance amid diminishing Western support. Türkiye views Pakistan as its primary defence partner outside NATO, strengthening Ankara's geopolitical leverage in South Asia and counterbalancing Saudi and Emirati influence in the Muslim world. Conversely, Pakistan benefits significantly from Turkish defence technology and diplomatic backing due to its isolation from Western military suppliers. For India, the implications of the burgeoning Türkiye-Pakistan axis are substantial. Historically, India's diplomatic response to Turkish provocations has been cautious. Relations became notably strained between 2019 and 2022, with intense media confrontations following India's revocation of Jammu and Kashmir's special status. India's subsequent support for Armenia during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and deepened strategic ties with Türkiye's regional rivals including Greece, Cyprus, Israel, the UAE, and Iran clearly signalled New Delhi's displeasure. However, India's strategic response to Türkiye has largely been reactive. Calls to boycott Turkish goods after Operation Sindoor, while emotionally resonant, offer limited strategic advantage. India's approach must evolve from temporary reactions towards a coherent, sustainable policy. India should adopt a multipronged strategy. Firstly, diplomatic channels should clearly convey the economic and strategic costs Türkiye could incur by prioritising Pakistan. Secondly, India should strengthen bilateral ties within the Arab and broader Islamic world, particularly with influential states like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Indonesia, and Iran, to diplomatically isolate Türkiye's ambitions in South Asia. Thirdly, India must enhance its indigenous defence capabilities under the 'Atmanirbhar Bharat' initiative to ensure strategic autonomy. Expanding domestic defence production and fortifying regional alliances will mitigate vulnerabilities arising from shifting geopolitical allegiances. Lastly, India's regional strategy requires reassessment. India's withdrawal from forums like SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) allowed external powers including Türkiye, China, and the US to expand their regional influence. Reinvigorating regional cooperation mechanisms will help restore India's primacy and diminish strategic space for external actors. Türkiye's decision to openly side with Pakistan signals a long-term strategic shift in South Asia. Ankara's current security calculus, while seemingly beneficial in the short-term, risks alienating Türkiye from India's immense economic and strategic potential. India must respond decisively, crafting a proactive, multifaceted policy that safeguards its regional interests, reinforces strategic autonomy, and clearly communicates the costs of strategic hostility. In today's complex geopolitical landscape marked by shifting loyalties, strategic clarity is more crucial than ever. The writer is a Professor of Turkish Politics and Foreign Policy at the MMAJ-Academy of International Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi
