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Iraqi News
27 minutes ago
- Politics
- Iraqi News
Iraq stands firm on Popular Mobilization Bill despite US pushback
Baghdad – A bill in Iraq that would further formalise the role — and perhaps, the autonomy — of a powerful coalition of pro-Iran former paramilitaries has sparked a heated debate, fanned in part by US pressure. Few details of the bill that could decide the future of the Hashd al-Shaabi, also referred as Popular Mobilization Forces or PMF, alliance have been made public. Formed in 2014 when Iraqis were urged to take up arms against the jihadists of the Islamic State group, the Hashd is a powerful force with major military and political clout. The bill aims at regulating and restructuring the alliance of a myriad of armed groups, which together have more than 200,000 fighters and employees. Not mincing words, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said the proposed legislation 'would institutionalise Iranian influence and armed terrorist groups undermining Iraq's sovereignty'. An Iraqi government official, speaking to AFP on condition of anonymity, said opponents of the bill say it 'seems to establish something similar to the Revolutionary Guards' in Iran — a powerful military force imbued with the Islamic republic's ideology. The aim, according to political scientist Renad Mansour, is to integrate the Hashd 'even more into the state'. 'Some argue that this is an important first step, because it's better to have them in this system than outside the system, where they could be spoilers,' said Mansour, a senior research fellow at Chatham House think tank. But others, he added, 'argue that this is a further way for the Hashd to consolidate its power', giving the alliance 'access to greater funds, greater intelligence, and other kind of equipment and technology'. The debate around the bill comes at a time of heightened regional tensions and upheavals, as the Gaza war reverberates across the Middle East. Iranian allies and proxies have been weakened in wars with Israel, which has Washington's backing. In Lebanon, Tehran-backed group Hezbollah faces a government push to disarm it by the end of the year. In recent years, the Iraqi armed factions have seen their clout grow, with some gaining seats in parliament and in government, even as several group leaders — including the Hashd's top commander — have been subjected to US sanctions. In 2022 the coalition was granted a public works enterprise, Al-Muhandis, with capital worth tens of millions of dollars. Responding to Washington's concerns, Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani has defended the proposed bill as 'part of the government's broader security reform agenda'. The Hashd 'is an official Iraqi military institution operating under the authority of the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces', Sudani said. A 2016 law already affords the Hashd the status of a public body. But some factions face accusations of collecting government salaries for their fighters on the one hand, but acting entirely independently of the state on the other. Some of the factions within the Hashd are aligned with Baghdad, while others pledge their allegiance first and foremost to the Tehran-led 'Axis of Resistance'. The latter have in the past launched rockets and explosive-laden drones at US troops stationed in Iraq as part of an anti-jihadist coalition. Mansour said the Hashd was unlikely to morph into something that resembles Iran's Guards. It 'isn't a coherent institution', he said. 'It has many different groups, many different factions, many different leaders, and they're still fighting with each other.' Speaking on condition of anonymity, a source close to the armed factions told AFP that Shiite Muslim political parties seek a 'special law' that would guarantee the Hashd remains 'an independent military institution, on the same level as the interior or defence ministry'. Sunni Muslim and Kurdish politicians oppose any such move, and even among the Shiites there is no consensus, said the government official. Deputy parliament speaker Mohsen al-Mandalawi said the proposed legislation 'contributes to enhancing the combat capabilities' of the Hashd and to 'creating new formations concerned with developing this security institution', according to the official Iraq News Agency. If approved, it would pave the way for the creation of a special military academy and secure the Hashd's 'financial independence', according to a parliament report published by state media. According to the report, the Iraqi state council noted the 'bloating' of administrative structures, and opposed the creation of such an academy for the Hashd instead of using existing defence ministry facilities. But with legislative elections coming up in November, the former paramilitaries may seek to seize on the chance to gain institutional recognition. The Hashd 'needs something to reinvigorate its base', said Mansour. 'The more the Hashd is institutionalised, the more access it has to Iraq's wealthy state coffers,' he added. 'This could become another mechanism for patronage.'
Nahar Net
2 days ago
- Politics
- Nahar Net
Iraq divided over future of pro-Iran armed alliance
by Naharnet Newsdesk 08 August 2025, 14:53 A bill in Iraq that would further formalize the role -- and perhaps, the autonomy -- of a powerful coalition of pro-Iran former paramilitaries has sparked a heated debate, fanned in part by U.S. pressure. Few details of the bill that could decide the future of the Hashed al-Shaabi alliance have been made public. Formed in 2014 when Iraqis were urged to take up arms against the jihadists of the Islamic State group, the Hashed is a powerful force with major military and political clout. The bill aims at regulating and restructuring the alliance of a myriad of armed groups, which together have more than 200,000 fighters and employees. Not mincing words, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said the proposed legislation "would institutionalize Iranian influence and armed terrorist groups undermining Iraq's sovereignty". An Iraqi government official, speaking to AFP on condition of anonymity, said opponents of the bill say it "seems to establish something similar to the Revolutionary Guards" in Iran -- a powerful military force imbued with the Islamic republic's ideology. The aim, according to political scientist Renad Mansour, is to integrate the Hashed "even more into the state". "Some argue that this is an important first step, because it's better to have them in this system than outside the system, where they could be spoilers," said Mansour, a senior research fellow at Chatham House think tank. But others, he added, "argue that this is a further way for the Hashed to consolidate its power", giving the alliance "access to greater funds, greater intelligence, and other kind of equipment and technology". - 'Not a coherent institution' - The debate around the bill comes at a time of heightened regional tensions and upheavals, as the Gaza war reverberates across the Middle East. Iranian allies and proxies have been weakened in wars with Israel, which has Washington's backing. In Lebanon, Tehran-backed group Hezbollah faces a government push to disarm it by the end of the year. In recent years, the Iraqi armed factions have seen their clout grow, with some gaining seats in parliament and in government, even as several group leaders -- including the Hashed's top commander -- have been subjected to US sanctions. In 2022 the coalition was granted a public works enterprise, Al-Muhandis, with capital worth tens of millions of dollars. Responding to Washington's concerns, Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani has defended the proposed bill as "part of the government's broader security reform agenda". The Hashed "is an official Iraqi military institution operating under the authority of the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces", Sudani said. A 2016 law already affords the Hashed the status of a public body. But some factions face accusations of collecting government salaries for their fighters on the one hand, but acting entirely independently of the state on the other. Some of the factions within the Hashed are aligned with Baghdad, while others pledge their allegiance first and foremost to the Tehran-led "Axis of Resistance". The latter have in the past launched rockets and explosive-laden drones at US troops stationed in Iraq as part of an anti-jihadist coalition. Mansour said the Hashed was unlikely to morph into something that resembles Iran's Guards. It "isn't a coherent institution", he said. "It has many different groups, many different factions, many different leaders, and they're still fighting with each other." - 'Patronage' - Speaking on condition of anonymity, a source close to the armed factions told AFP that Shiite Muslim political parties seek a "special law" that would guarantee the Hashed remains "an independent military institution, on the same level as the interior or defense ministry". Sunni Muslim and Kurdish politicians oppose any such move, and even among the Shiites there is no consensus, said the government official. Deputy parliament speaker Mohsen al-Mandalawi said the proposed legislation "contributes to enhancing the combat capabilities" of the Hashed and to "creating new formations concerned with developing this security institution", according to the official Iraq News Agency. If approved, it would pave the way for the creation of a special military academy and secure the Hashed's "financial independence", according to a parliament report published by state media. According to the report, the Iraqi state council noted the "bloating" of administrative structures, and opposed the creation of such an academy for the Hashed instead of using existing defense ministry facilities. But with legislative elections coming up in November, the former paramilitaries may seek to seize on the chance to gain institutional recognition. The Hashed "needs something to reinvigorate its base", said Mansour. "The more the Hashed is institutionalized, the more access it has to Iraq's wealthy state coffers," he added. "This could become another mechanism for patronage."
Arab News
2 days ago
- Politics
- Arab News
Iraq divided over future of pro-Iran armed alliance
BAGHDAD: A bill in Iraq that would further formalize the role — and perhaps, the autonomy — of a powerful coalition of pro-Iran former paramilitaries has sparked a heated debate, fanned in part by US pressure. Few details of the bill that could decide the future of the Hashed Al-Shaabi alliance have been made public. Formed in 2014 when Iraqis were urged to take up arms against the jihadists of the Daesh group, the Hashed is a powerful force with major military and political clout. The bill aims at regulating and restructuring the alliance of a myriad of armed groups, which together have more than 200,000 fighters and employees. Not mincing words, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said the proposed legislation 'would institutionalize Iranian influence and armed terrorist groups undermining Iraq's sovereignty.' An Iraqi government official, speaking to AFP on condition of anonymity, said opponents of the bill say it 'seems to establish something similar to the Revolutionary Guards' in Iran — a powerful military force imbued with the Islamic republic's ideology. The aim, according to political scientist Renad Mansour, is to integrate the Hashed 'even more into the state.' 'Some argue that this is an important first step, because it's better to have them in this system than outside the system, where they could be spoilers,' said Mansour, a senior research fellow at Chatham House think tank. But others, he added, 'argue that this is a further way for the Hashed to consolidate its power,' giving the alliance 'access to greater funds, greater intelligence, and other kind of equipment and technology.' The debate around the bill comes at a time of heightened regional tensions and upheavals, as the Gaza war reverberates across the Middle East. Iranian allies and proxies have been weakened in wars with Israel, which has Washington's backing. In Lebanon, Tehran-backed group Hezbollah faces a government push to disarm it by the end of the year. In recent years, the Iraqi armed factions have seen their clout grow, with some gaining seats in parliament and in government, even as several group leaders — including the Hashed's top commander — have been subjected to US sanctions. In 2022 the coalition was granted a public works enterprise, Al-Muhandis, with capital worth tens of millions of dollars. Responding to Washington's concerns, Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani has defended the proposed bill as 'part of the government's broader security reform agenda.' The Hashed 'is an official Iraqi military institution operating under the authority of the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces,' Sudani said. A 2016 law already affords the Hashed the status of a public body. But some factions face accusations of collecting government salaries for their fighters on the one hand, but acting entirely independently of the state on the other. Some of the factions within the Hashed are aligned with Baghdad, while others pledge their allegiance first and foremost to the Tehran-led 'Axis of Resistance.' The latter have in the past launched rockets and explosive-laden drones at US troops stationed in Iraq as part of an anti-jihadist coalition. Mansour said the Hashed was unlikely to morph into something that resembles Iran's Guards. It 'isn't a coherent institution,' he said. 'It has many different groups, many different factions, many different leaders, and they're still fighting with each other.' Speaking on condition of anonymity, a source close to the armed factions told AFP that Shiite Muslim political parties seek a 'special law' that would guarantee the Hashed remains 'an independent military institution, on the same level as the interior or defense ministry.' Sunni Muslim and Kurdish politicians oppose any such move, and even among the Shiites there is no consensus, said the government official. Deputy parliament speaker Mohsen Al-Mandalawi said the proposed legislation 'contributes to enhancing the combat capabilities' of the Hashed and to 'creating new formations concerned with developing this security institution,' according to the official Iraq News Agency. If approved, it would pave the way for the creation of a special military academy and secure the Hashed's 'financial independence,' according to a parliament report published by state media. According to the report, the Iraqi state council noted the 'bloating' of administrative structures, and opposed the creation of such an academy for the Hashed instead of using existing defense ministry facilities. But with legislative elections coming up in November, the former paramilitaries may seek to seize on the chance to gain institutional recognition. The Hashed 'needs something to reinvigorate its base,' said Mansour. 'The more the Hashed is institutionalized, the more access it has to Iraq's wealthy state coffers,' he added. 'This could become another mechanism for patronage.'
Iraq Business
27-06-2025
- Politics
- Iraq Business
Iraq's Fragile Stability "is Threatened by a Shifting ME Order"
By Dr Renad Mansour, for Chatham House. Any opinions expressed are those of the author(s), and do not necessarily reflect the views of Iraq Business News. Iraq's fragile stability is threatened by a shifting Middle Eastern order For the first time in recent memory, Iraq has found itself on the margins of a major Middle Eastern conflict rather than at its epicentre. Open conflict between Iran and Israel arrived during a rare window of relative stability and developmental progress. Yet, this moment of fragile calm is unlikely to endure. Iraq is on the brink of being drawn into what appears to be a transformative upheaval in the regional order. Click here to download the full report. Tags: Chatham House, Iran, Israel, Renad Mansour, United States
New York Post
19-06-2025
- Politics
- New York Post
Iran's ‘Axis of Resistance' are abandoning the Islamic Republic in its fight against Israel: ‘Time to keep your head down'
Iran's once-feared 'Axis of Resistance' has appeared to have turned its back on the Islamic Republic — leaving the theocracy high and dry as it fights for its survival and waning influence in the Middle East, according to experts. While Tehran has spent decades building up militias in Gaza, Lebanon, Yemen, Iraq and Syria, most of the groups have found themselves battered in recent years, making them unable and unwilling to take on the Jewish state and support Iran. Instead, the once-devoted Iranian proxies — which include Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthis and Shiite militias — are focused on their own survival. Some have even lost their faith in Iran's ability to protect them. 'For all of these networks right now, it's about survival. They all understand the wrath of these types of military campaigns,' Renad Mansour, a senior fellow and Iraq Initiative project director at the Chatham House think tank told the Wall Street Journal. 6 Iran has found itself increasingly isolated and with little allies to turn to amid the escalating battle with Israel. Getty Images 6 The Houthi-rebels in Yemen are one of the few groups publicly supporting Iran, but the terror group has accomplished little since the conflict began last week. AP 'Many of them question if this is the time for resistance or whether it's the time to keep your head down and try to stay out of this conflict,' he added. The ongoing war in Gaza has claimed about 20,000 Hamas fighters and destroyed the vast majority of its terror infrastructure, according to the Israeli military — with the group only launching a few missiles over the border following the start of the conflict with Iran. Hezbollah — which was once considered Iran's most powerful proxy — has been similarly crippled following last year's war campaign in Lebanon, which saw the Israel Defense Forces wipe out nearly all of the terror group's leaders, including founder Hassan Nasrallah. Israel's surprise pager attack last September, which killed dozens of Hezbollah militants and wounded thousands more, also left a lasting chilling effect, with Arab diplomats telling the WSJ that the group is prioritizing its recovery rather than jumping into another conflict. Some members of the paramilitary group also feel that Iran did little to protect them from the pager attack, with some Hezbollah figures going so far as to blame the intelligence failures in part on the Islamic Revolutionary Guard, the diplomats said. 6 Hamas is struggling to keep its hold on Gaza amid the renewed fighting and Israeli occupation. AP While Hezbollah had fired nearly daily missiles at Israel following the start of the war in Gaza, the group has yet to fire a single rocket after its patrons in Iran were attacked last week. Lebanese officials, who are maintaining the cease-fire between Israel and Hezbollah, have also warned the group to stay out of the conflict after Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam publicly stated on Monday that their nation will not be dragged into another war. Tehran also lost another of its major supporters late last year when Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad was ousted from office in a lightning revolution. 6 Hezbollah is still reeling from its own fight with Israel, with Lebanese officials warning the Iran-backed group from getting involved in another war. AP Assad's toppling marked a huge blow to Iran's influence in the Middle East, which was only further emphasized after reports emerged that Iran did not order its allied militias to help Assad, a long-time ally, and instead called on the groups to evacuate. Meanwhile, in Iraq, Iranian-backed Shiite militias have yet to target US military bases like they've done so in the past. The groups are allegedly wary of entering war now that several members of their leadership have entered the government and are enjoying a lucrative period under the country's oil-based economy, according to Arab diplomats with knowledge of the internal discussions. 6 Houthi supporters in Yemen's capital burn an Israeli and American flag. AP 'They've been sort of benefiting from Iraq's stability, in a way, and the high oil prices to develop economic empires,' said Mansour of the dozens of Iran-backed groups. Only a single group in Iraq, Kataeb Hezbollah, has issued a statement on the conflict, warning that it would only get involved if the US were to directly join the fray. The Yemen-based Houthi rebels have expressed support for Iran publicly, stating that they will target Israeli and US ships in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden over the missile attacks on Tehran. 6 Smoke clouds billow at Tehran's Shahran oil depot following an Israeli strike. via REUTERS The terror group has also fired missiles at Israel in response to the new conflict, with the rebels touting that future attacks will be held in direct coordination with Iran. Analysts, however, believe the show of force is only to maintain appearances. 'It's a Houthi-first policy,' Elisabeth Kendall, a Middle East expert and the head of the University of Cambridge's Girton College, told the WSJ. 'They're not going to put their own necks on the line for the supreme leader. They're going to figure out what's actually best for them,' she added. The Houthis' terror infrastructure has been decimated over the past year by repeated American and British airstrikes. The US attacks in March and April, which were the subject of the SignalGate controversy, left the Houthis missile and drone launch sites significantly degraded, according to US officials.
