Latest news with #SacramentoKings
Newsweek
13 hours ago
- Sport
- Newsweek
Domantas Sabonis Linked to Surprise East Team in Offseason Buzz
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. The Sacramento Kings have had two tough back-to-back seasons after their stellar 2022-23 season. That season, the Kings landed with the No. 3 seed in the West and were eliminated in the first round of the playoffs. The expectation after that stellar season was that the Kings were ready to make the next step nd establish themselves as the Western Conference powerhouse. Instead, they were unable to replicate that success and are now stuck in the middle. The Kings finished the season with a 40-42 record and dropped the Play-In Tournament game in front of their home fans. Now, the Kings are stuck in the middle and with that comes some potential moves they could make this summer. One player whom they could shop is their best player and All-Star big man, Domantas Sabonis. Domantas Sabonis #10 of the Sacramento Kings looks on during player introductions ahead of playing the Toronto Raptors in their basketball game at the Scotiabank Arena on March 20, 2024 in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Domantas Sabonis #10 of the Sacramento Kings looks on during player introductions ahead of playing the Toronto Raptors in their basketball game at the Scotiabank Arena on March 20, 2024 in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Photo bySabonis has been on the trading block for some time, and with the offseason approaching, he will be linked to many teams. One team that could emerge as a possible suitor is the Toronto Raptors. NBA analyst and writer Jake Weinbach listed the Raptors as a team that could make a swing at Sabonis. "The Raptors are one team to keep an eye on in a potential pursuit for Domantas Sabonis if the Kings decide to shift in a different direction. "Toronto should explore all kinds of different avenues to upgrade the roster with playoff contention in mind next season," wrote Weinbach. The Raptors are one team to keep an eye on in a potential pursuit for Domantas Sabonis if the Kings decide to shift in a different direction. Toronto should explore all kinds of different avenues to upgrade the roster with playoff contention in mind next season. — Jake Weinbach (@JWeinbachNBA) June 2, 2025 The Raptors are a team that has struggled to get back into contention since winning the 2019 title. Although they have a handful of solid players on their roster, it's clear that there is a ceiling with this current group. Toronto has quietly built an impressive collection of trade assets, blending promising young talent with considerable draft capital. With several first-round picks — including protected selections and potential swaps — the Raptors are in a strong position to make serious moves on the trade front. Key players potentially available in a deal include Gradey Dick, Ochai Agbaji, Ja'Kobe Walter, RJ Barrett, and Immanuel Quickley. Add to that their full slate of future first-round picks — highlighted by the No. 9 overall pick in this year's draft — and Toronto has the flexibility to put together a compelling offer for a star-caliber player. Sabonis is coming off a stellar season, during which he averaged 19.1 points per game, 13.9 rebounds, 6.0 assists, and 0.7 steals while shooting 59 percent from the field and 41.7 percent from three-point range on 2.2 attempts per game. More NBA news: Thunder Have Chance to Match Michael Jordan's Bulls in Historic NBA Feat Big Announcement Made on Head Coaching Search Best Landing Spots For Timberwolves' Naz Reid Amid Free Agency Rumors For more Kings and general NBA news, head over to Newsweek Sports.
Yahoo
a day ago
- Business
- Yahoo
After half a century, California legislators on the verge of overhauling a landmark environmental law
When a landmark state environmental law threatened to halt enrollment at UC Berkeley, legislators stepped in and wrote an exemption. When the Sacramento Kings were about to leave town, lawmakers brushed the environmental rules aside for the team's new arena. When the law stymied the renovation of the state Capitol, they acted once again. Lawmakers' willingness to poke holes in the California Environmental Quality Act for specific projects without overhauling the law in general has led commentators to describe the changes as 'Swiss cheese CEQA.' Now, after years of nibbling at it, Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Legislature are going in with the knives. Two proposals have advanced rapidly through the Legislature: one to wipe away the law for most urban housing developments, the other to weaken the rules for most everything else. Legal experts say the efforts would be the most profound changes to CEQA in generations. Newsom not only endorsed the bills last month, but also put them on a fast track to approval by proposing their passage as part of the state budget, which bypasses normal committee hearings and means they could become law within weeks. 'This is the biggest opportunity to do something big and bold, and the only impediment is us,' Newsom said when announcing his support for the legislation. Read more: 'The law that swallowed California': Why the much-derided CEQA is so hard to change Nearly the entire 55-year history of the California Environmental Quality Act has featured dueling narratives about its effects. On its face the law is simple: It requires proponents to disclose and, if possible, lessen the environmental effects of a project. In practice, this has led to tomes of environmental impact reports, including volumes of soil testing and traffic modeling studies, and sometimes years of disputes in court. Many credit CEQA for helping preserve the state's scenic vistas and waterways while others decry its ability to thwart housing and infrastructure projects, including the long-delayed and budget-busting high-speed rail. On the latter point, evidence supports both sides of the argument. One study by UC Berkeley law professors found that fewer than 3% of housing projects in many big cities across the state over a three-year period faced any litigation. But some contend that the threat of a lawsuit is enough to chill development, and examples continue to pile up of CEQA stalling construction of homeless shelters, a food bank and child-care center. What's clear is that CEQA has become embedded as a key point of leverage in California's development process. Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass once recalled that when she worked as a community organizer in the 1990s, Westside land-use attorneys who were successful in stopping development in their communities taught her how to use CEQA to block liquor stores in South L.A. Organized labor learned to use the law to its advantage and became one of its most ardent supporters, alongside environmentalists — major constituencies within Democratic politics in the state. Besides carve-outs for individual projects in recent years, lawmakers have passed CEQA streamlining for certain kinds of housing and other developments. These fast-track measures can be used only if proponents agree to pay higher wages to construction workers or set aside a portion of the project for low-income housing on land considered the least environmentally sensitive. Read more: Homeless shelter opponents are using this environmental law in bid to block new housing Labor groups' argument is simple, said Pete Rodriguez, vice president-Western District of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners: CEQA exemptions save time and money for developers, so some benefit should go to workers. 'When you expedite the process and you let a developer get the TSA pass, for example, to get quicker through the line at the airport, there should be labor standards attached to that as well,' Rodriguez said at a Los Angeles Business Council panel in April. The two bills now under debate — Assembly Bill 609 by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland) and Senate Bill 607 by Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) — break with that tradition. They propose broad CEQA changes without any labor or other requirements. Wicks' bill would exempt most urban housing developments from CEQA. Wiener's legislation, among other provisions, would in effect lessen the number of projects, housing and otherwise, that would need to complete a full environmental review, narrowing the law's scope. 'Both are much, much more far-reaching than anything that has been proposed in living memory to deal with CEQA,' said Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor who tracks state environmental and housing legislation. The legislation wouldn't have much of an effect on rebuilding after L.A.'s wildfires, as single-family home construction is exempt and Newsom already waived other parts of the law by executive order. The environment inside and outside the Legislature has become friendlier to more aggressive proposals. "Abundance," a recent book co-written by New York Times opinion writer Ezra Klein, makes the case that CEQA and other laws supported by Democrats have hamstrung the ability to build housing and critical infrastructure projects, citing specifically California's affordability crisis and challenges with high-speed rail, in ways that have stifled the American Dream and the party's political fortunes. The idea has become a cause celebre in certain circles. Newsom invited Klein onto his podcast. This spring, Klein met with Wicks and Wiener and other lawmakers, including Robert Rivas (D-Hollister) and Mike McGuire (D-Healdsburg), the leaders of the state Assembly and Senate, respectively. Wicks and Wiener are veteran legislators and former chairs of legislative housing committees who have written much of the prior CEQA streamlining legislation. Even though it took bruising battles to pass previous bills, the resulting production hasn't come close to resolving the state's shortage, Wicks said. 'We need housing on a massive scale,' Wicks said. To opponents of the bills, including dozens of environmental and labor groups, the effort misplaces the source of building woes and instead would restrict one of the few ways community groups can shape development. Asha Sharma, state policy manager for Leadership Counsel for Justice & Accountability, said her organization uses CEQA to reduce the polluting effects of projects in neighborhoods already overburdened by environmental problems. The proposed changes would empower public agencies and developers at the expense of those who would be affected by their decisions, she said. 'What folks aren't realizing is that along with the environmental regulations comes a lot of public transparency and public engagement,' said Sharma, whose group advocates for low-income Californians in rural areas. 'When you're rolling back CEQA, you're rolling back that too.' Because of the hefty push behind the legislation, Sharma expects the bills will be approved in some form. But it remains uncertain how they might change. Newsom, the two lawmakers and legislative leaders are negotiating amendments. Read more: Newsom suspends landmark environmental laws to ease rebuilding in wildfire zones Wicks said her bill will not require developers to reserve part of their projects for low-income housing to receive a CEQA exemption; cities can mandate that on their own, she said. Wicks indicated, however, that labor standards could be part of a final deal, saying she's "had some conversations in that regard." Wiener's bill was gutted in a legislative fiscal committee last month, with lawmakers saying they wanted to meet infrastructure and affordability needs 'without compromising environmental protections.' Afterward, Wiener and McGuire, the Senate leader, released a joint statement declaring their intent to pass a version of the legislation as part of the budget, as the governor had proposed. Wiener remained committed to the principles in his initial bill. 'What I can say is that I'm highly optimistic that we will pass strong changes to CEQA that will make it easier and faster to deliver all of the good things that make Californians' lives better and more affordable,' Wiener said. Should the language in the final deal be anything like what's been discussed, the changes to CEQA would be substantial, said Ethan Elkind, director of the climate program at UC Berkeley's Center for Law, Energy & the Environment. Still, he said the law's effects on housing development were overblown. Many other issues, such as local zoning restrictions, lack of funding and misaligned tax incentives, play a much larger role in limiting construction long before projects can even get to the point where CEQA becomes a concern, he said. 'CEQA is the last resort of a NIMBY,' said Elkind, referring to residents who try to block housing near them. 'It's almost like we're working backwards here.' Wicks agreed that the Legislature would have to do more to strip away regulations that make it harder to build housing. But she argued that the CEQA changes would take away a major barrier: the uncertainty developers face from legal threats. Passing major CEQA reforms would demonstrate lawmakers' willingness to tackle some of the state's toughest challenges, she said. 'It sends a signal to the world that we're ready to build,' Wicks said. Sign up for Essential California for news, features and recommendations from the L.A. Times and beyond in your inbox six days a week. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.
Los Angeles Times
a day ago
- Politics
- Los Angeles Times
After half a century, California legislators on the verge of overhauling a landmark environmental law
When a landmark state environmental law threatened to halt enrollment at UC Berkeley, legislators stepped in and wrote an exemption. When the Sacramento Kings were about to leave town, lawmakers brushed the environmental rules aside for the team's new arena. When the law stymied the renovation of the state Capitol, they acted once again. Lawmakers' willingness to poke holes in the California Environmental Quality Act for specific projects without overhauling the law in general has led commentators to describe the changes as 'Swiss cheese CEQA.' Now, after years of nibbling at it, Gov. Gavin Newsom and the Legislature are going in with the knives. Two proposals have advanced rapidly through the Legislature: one to wipe away the law for most urban housing developments, the other to weaken the rules for most everything else. Legal experts say the efforts would be the most profound changes to CEQA in generations. Newsom not only endorsed the bills last month, but also put them on a fast track to approval by proposing their passage as part of the state budget, which bypasses normal committee hearings and means they could become law within weeks. 'This is the biggest opportunity to do something big and bold, and the only impediment is us,' Newsom said when announcing his support for the legislation. Nearly the entire 55-year history of the California Environmental Quality Act has featured dueling narratives about its effects. On its face the law is simple: It requires proponents to disclose and, if possible, lessen the environmental effects of a project. In practice, this has led to tomes of environmental impact reports, including volumes of soil testing and traffic modeling studies, and sometimes years of disputes in court. Many credit CEQA for helping preserve the state's scenic vistas and waterways while others decry its ability to thwart housing and infrastructure projects, including the long-delayed and budget-busting high-speed rail. On the latter point, evidence supports both sides of the argument. One study by UC Berkeley law professors found that fewer than 3% of housing projects in many big cities across the state over a three-year period faced any litigation. But some contend that the threat of a lawsuit is enough to chill development, and examples continue to pile up of CEQA stalling construction of homeless shelters, a food bank and child-care center. What's clear is that CEQA has become embedded as a key point of leverage in California's development process. Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass once recalled that when she worked as a community organizer in the 1990s, Westside land-use attorneys who were successful in stopping development in their communities taught her how to use CEQA to block liquor stores in South L.A. Organized labor learned to use the law to its advantage and became one of its most ardent supporters, alongside environmentalists — major constituencies within Democratic politics in the state. Besides carve-outs for individual projects in recent years, lawmakers have passed CEQA streamlining for certain kinds of housing and other developments. These fast-track measures can be used only if proponents agree to pay higher wages to construction workers or set aside a portion of the project for low-income housing on land considered the least environmentally sensitive. Labor groups' argument is simple, said Pete Rodriguez, vice president-Western District of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners: CEQA exemptions save time and money for developers, so some benefit should go to workers. 'When you expedite the process and you let a developer get the TSA pass, for example, to get quicker through the line at the airport, there should be labor standards attached to that as well,' Rodriguez said at a Los Angeles Business Council panel in April. The two bills now under debate — Assembly Bill 609 by Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland) and Senate Bill 607 by Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) — break with that tradition. They propose broad CEQA changes without any labor or other requirements. Wicks' bill would exempt most urban housing developments from CEQA. Wiener's legislation, among other provisions, would in effect lessen the number of projects, housing and otherwise, that would need to complete a full environmental review, narrowing the law's scope. 'Both are much, much more far-reaching than anything that has been proposed in living memory to deal with CEQA,' said Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor who tracks state environmental and housing legislation. The legislation wouldn't have much of an effect on rebuilding after L.A.'s wildfires, as single-family home construction is exempt and Newsom already waived other parts of the law by executive order. The environment inside and outside the Legislature has become friendlier to more aggressive proposals. 'Abundance,' a recent book co-written by New York Times opinion writer Ezra Klein, makes the case that CEQA and other laws supported by Democrats have hamstrung the ability to build housing and critical infrastructure projects, citing specifically California's affordability crisis and challenges with high-speed rail, in ways that have stifled the American Dream and the party's political fortunes. The idea has become a cause celebre in certain circles. Newsom invited Klein onto his podcast. This spring, Klein met with Wicks and Wiener and other lawmakers, including Robert Rivas (D-Hollister) and Mike McGuire (D-Healdsburg), the leaders of the state Assembly and Senate, respectively. Wicks and Wiener are veteran legislators and former chairs of legislative housing committees who have written much of the prior CEQA streamlining legislation. Even though it took bruising battles to pass previous bills, the resulting production hasn't come close to resolving the state's shortage, Wicks said. 'We need housing on a massive scale,' Wicks said. To opponents of the bills, including dozens of environmental and labor groups, the effort misplaces the source of building woes and instead would restrict one of the few ways community groups can shape development. Asha Sharma, state policy manager for Leadership Counsel for Justice & Accountability, said her organization uses CEQA to reduce the polluting effects of projects in neighborhoods already overburdened by environmental problems. The proposed changes would empower public agencies and developers at the expense of those who would be affected by their decisions, she said. 'What folks aren't realizing is that along with the environmental regulations comes a lot of public transparency and public engagement,' said Sharma, whose group advocates for low-income Californians in rural areas. 'When you're rolling back CEQA, you're rolling back that too.' Because of the hefty push behind the legislation, Sharma expects the bills will be approved in some form. But it remains uncertain how they might change. Newsom, the two lawmakers and legislative leaders are negotiating amendments. Wicks said her bill will not require developers to reserve part of their projects for low-income housing to receive a CEQA exemption; cities can mandate that on their own, she said. Wicks indicated, however, that labor standards could be part of a final deal, saying she's 'had some conversations in that regard.' Wiener's bill was gutted in a legislative fiscal committee last month, with lawmakers saying they wanted to meet infrastructure and affordability needs 'without compromising environmental protections.' Afterward, Wiener and McGuire, the Senate leader, released a joint statement declaring their intent to pass a version of the legislation as part of the budget, as the governor had proposed. Wiener remained committed to the principles in his initial bill. 'What I can say is that I'm highly optimistic that we will pass strong changes to CEQA that will make it easier and faster to deliver all of the good things that make Californians' lives better and more affordable,' Wiener said. Should the language in the final deal be anything like what's been discussed, the changes to CEQA would be substantial, said Ethan Elkind, director of the climate program at UC Berkeley's Center for Law, Energy & the Environment. Still, he said the law's effects on housing development were overblown. Many other issues, such as local zoning restrictions, lack of funding and misaligned tax incentives, play a much larger role in limiting construction long before projects can even get to the point where CEQA becomes a concern, he said. 'CEQA is the last resort of a NIMBY,' said Elkind, referring to residents who try to block housing near them. 'It's almost like we're working backwards here.' Wicks agreed that the Legislature would have to do more to strip away regulations that make it harder to build housing. But she argued that the CEQA changes would take away a major barrier: the uncertainty developers face from legal threats. Passing major CEQA reforms would demonstrate lawmakers' willingness to tackle some of the state's toughest challenges, she said. 'It sends a signal to the world that we're ready to build,' Wicks said.
Yahoo
a day ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Sacramento Kings' Best Move This NBA Offseason Ignores Obvious History
Sacramento Kings' Best Move This NBA Offseason Ignores Obvious History originally appeared on Athlon Sports. The Sacramento Kings, according to early offseason rumors, are expected to be one of the busier teams in the NBA this summer. Advertisement The Kings very clearly need to shore up their defense and add a point guard, and players like Jrue Holiday or Marcus Smart would solve both issues, although in a very competitive Western Conference, the Kings' best course of action would be to rebuild. Domantas Sabonis, with three years left on his contract, commands a lot of value, and DeMar DeRozan, Malik Monk, and Zach LaVine all hold some value. The Kings have eight first-round picks between 2026 and 2031, although they don't have one in 2025. While tanking, building through the draft, and finding direction through youth is the smart thing to do, the Kings are in a unique situation. Apr 7, 2019; Sacramento, CA, USA; Sacramento Kings center Willie Cauley-Stein (00) heads downcourt during the second quarter against the New Orleans Pelicans at Golden 1 Center.© Darren Yamashita-Imagn Images Kings' History Suggests a Rebuild Won't Work With the Kings, it's easy not to have faith. They have made the postseason only once since Barack Obama's first term, and their draft history doesn't exactly inspire faith. Advertisement The Kings, as expected, usually have an early draft pick, but their ability to hit on those selections leaves a lot to be desired. Such blunders include taking Marvin Bagley before Luka Doncic, Trae Young, or Shai Gilgeous-Alexander, taking Davion Mitchell over Alperen Sengun or Jalen Johnson, Willie Cauley-Stein over Devin Booker and Myles Turner, and Ben McLemore over Giannis Antetokounmpo. Maybe adding draft picks isn't the best thing to do, although fans can hope that new general manager Scott Perry can steer the ship in the right direction. Not so fast! Perry last served as GM for the New York Knicks for five drafts, picking players like Kevin Knox and Obi Toppin, who is solid, but not as good as Devin Vassell or Tyrese Haliburton, which is another can of worms that showcases the Kings' historical incompetence. Advertisement If a team with a proven track record of success found itself in the Kings' situation, there could be some faith in their ability to build through the draft, although Sacramento has failed at a truly remarkable rate. Check out the Inside the Kings homepage for more news, analysis, and must-read articles. Related: Sacramento Kings Make Coaching Decision on Friday Related: Proposed Mock Trade Sees Sacramento Kings Build Twin Towers Lineup This story was originally reported by Athlon Sports on Jun 1, 2025, where it first appeared.
Yahoo
a day ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Sacramento Kings Earn Unflattering Comparison Amid NBA Playoffs
Sacramento Kings Earn Unflattering Comparison Amid NBA Playoffs originally appeared on Athlon Sports. The Sacramento Kings, with a core of DeMar DeRozan, Zach LaVine, and Domantas Sabonis, are expected to make a push for a point guard this offseason to allow them to compete in the Western Conference. Advertisement It could be pointed out that the Kings had two elite point guards on the roster, De'Aaron Fox and Tyrese Haliburton. Had Sacramento kept either one of them, they likely would be playoff staples by now instead of a middling team without a first-round draft pick. The Kings aren't the only team that helped build a Finals-bound team, and they likely aren't the only franchise that wishes they could take everything back. Nov 3, 2021; Sacramento, California, USA; Sacramento Kings guard De'Aaron Fox (5) is congratulated by guard Tyrese Haliburton (0) after scoring a basket during the fourth quarter against the New Orleans Pelicans at Golden 1 Center.© Sergio Estrada-Imagn Images The Los Angeles Clippers traded for Paul George, sending Shai Gilgeous-Alexander and the draft rights to Jalen Williams to the Oklahoma City Thunder. This season, the Thunder did what the Clippers have never been able to do, and made the Finals directly on the backs of those two players. Advertisement The Toronto Raptors, as well, traded away their 2019 core, sending Pascal Siakam to the Pacers, who was eventually replaced by Brandon Ingram. Ingram and Siakam play the same position, but one is very clearly better than the other. "Toronto is one of those teams that is sitting there on the balls of its feet, which is interesting because it's kind of like hearing about Sacramento, because Sacramento is one of them too," said ESPN's Brian Windhorst. "I don't think that's breaking news. And the funny thing, of course, is that Sacramento wants a point guard." Being compared to the Clippers and their blunders and the Raptors, who have missed the playoffs for three seasons in a row, is not exactly high praise. Had the Kings, Clippers, and Raptors never made those trades, the NBA Finals picture likely would look a lot different. Advertisement Check out the Inside the Kings homepage for more news, analysis, and must-read articles. Related: Sacramento Kings' Best Move This NBA Offseason Ignores Obvious History Related: Celtics Stars Headline Kings' 'Dream' Trade Targets This Offseason This story was originally reported by Athlon Sports on Jun 2, 2025, where it first appeared.
