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Time Magazine
5 days ago
- Politics
- Time Magazine
The History of the Demonizing Words Used Against Immigrants
The Trump Administration's attacks against immigrants may be unprecedented in its willingness to push legal boundaries, but the intense rhetoric used to justify its policy has a long track record. For more than a century, politicians and powerbrokers have used incendiary language to aggressively respond to threats abroad. They've labeled non-white natives who've challenged American interests overseas 'bandits,' 'savages,' or 'terrorists. ' Now, similar terms are being applied to perceived enemies at home, especially to describe undocumented migrants. There is a crucial utility to this framing. American leaders and commentators often portrayed international adversaries in unflattering and discursive brushstrokes. Using loaded descriptors not only intimate cultural distinctions that reinforced a sense of American superiority but also justified bending or breaking established rules of engagement against foes who were described as morally deficient. Today, the Trump Administration is using similar rhetorical tropes to defend its aggressive deportation efforts. One of the earliest examples of this phenomenon occurred in the Philippines. At the turn of the 20th century, Emilio Aguinaldo led an armed resistance against U.S. colonization, which started a conflict that would kill some 4,200 Americans and as many as 200,000 Filipinos. U.S. officials and chroniclers often depicted the rebels as 'savages' for using sneak attacks, booby traps, and torture—tactics supposedly considered beyond the pale of "civilized" warfare. Read More: Prohibition Exposes the Dangers of Trump's Immigration Rhetoric This depiction justified to the broader American public brutal acts of retaliation, including razing villages and employing the infamous 'water cure' to captives. American officials defended these actions by claiming that military personnel were merely reacting to the conditions around them. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge said, 'I think they have grown out of the conditions of warfare, of the war that was waged by the Filipinos themselves, a semi-civilized people.' Two decades later, the U.S. undertook a fight against Nicaragua's Augusto Sandino that bore similar hallmarks to the earlier Philippines campaign. In their resistance to the presence of U.S. Marines in their country, Sandinistas engaged in unconventional guerrilla tactics. Consequently, Americans commonly referred to Sandino as a 'bandit,' a term that casually dismissed his political grievances and positioned him outside the bounds of legitimate resistance. The label also suggested that the U.S. response to his resistance did not have to abide by legitimate methods of international law, either. This rationale enabled Marines to pursue Sandinistas with impunity, leading to allegations of civilian targeting, village razing, and indiscriminate airplane bombing. These tactics provoked little outrage from the American public in part because of how U.S. officials portrayed the Sandinistas. The specific terms 'bandit' and 'savage' fell from the lexicon over the latter half of the 20th century, but the U.S. continued to rhetorically respond in similar ways to foreign opponents who challenged what they considered to be U.S. imperial ventures, particularly in the Middle East. The charged climate after 9/11 provided a new set of inflamed terms to apply to such resistance. Those who contested the U.S. occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq were automatically conflated with al Qaeda as 'terrorists' or 'unlawful enemy combatants.' While these terms were different from those used in the early 20th century, they largely held the same meaning. They inferred that such men used illicit violence and thus were not entitled to any legal rights if captured. This understanding justified the indefinite detention of thousands of individuals, many of whom would be subject to euphemistically named 'enhanced interrogation techniques' that not only failed to produce much useful intelligence but undercut the U.S.'s longstanding position as a champion of human rights. For more than a century, demonizing opponents has been useful for delegitimizing threats and justifying exceptional actions in foreign lands. But as the threat of insurgents has receded abroad, the Trump administration has brought these tactics home. By casting undocumented migrants as those who are in Trump's words 'poisoning the blood of our country,' it is turning domestic people into foreigners undeserving of civil treatment. Read More: How Schools Are Navigating Trump's Immigration Policies The case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, the Salvadoran man deported in March despite a court order protecting him from removal, has epitomized this approach. For three months, the Trump Administration stalled on adhering to a court decision to 'facilitate' his release, using loaded terms to suggest the law should not apply to Abrego Garcia. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, for example, referred to him as a 'gang banger,' alluding to alleged ties to the gang MS-13. In a press conference with Trump, El Salvador President Nayib Bukele called Abrego Garcia a 'terrorist.' Moreover, masked ICE agents have arrested tens of thousands of people—often under the pretense of preventing terrorism and gang activity without demonstrating substantive evidence. Venezuelan migrants, for instance, have been singled out on the suspicion they belong to Tren de Aragua, a Venezuelan gang. The Trump Administration has speciously invoked the Alien Enemies Act of 1798—a long dormant and wildly unpopular law in its day—to deny them court hearings and to facilitate deportation. In some instances, they were sent to El Salvador's notorious CECOT prison with virtually no due process. Meanwhile, international students, like Mahmoud Khalil and Rümeysa Öztürk were detained and their pro-Palestinian activism was conflated with support for the terror group Hamas. Both Khalil and Öztürk were eventually released. The history of American officials using this language to justify foreign policy decisions shows that it is not merely an anodyne attempt to describe people. Rather, the use of terms like "terrorist" or "gang banger" has an important utility in framing perceived threats and thus rationalizing the deployment of extraordinary tactics against them. What had once been used effectively to support military action overseas is now being applied to combat undesirable populations at home. Michael E. Neagle is professor of history, director of history & political science, and co-chair of the terrorism studies program at Nichols College and author of the forthcoming book, Chasing Bandits: America's Long War on Terror. Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Learn more about Made by History at TIME here. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.
Korea Herald
15-06-2025
- Politics
- Korea Herald
Violeta Chamorro, who brought peace to Nicaragua, dead at 95
Violeta Chamorro, who brought peace to Nicaragua after years of war and was the first woman elected president in the Americas, died Saturday at the age of 95, her family said. Chamorro, who ruled the poor Central American country from 1990 to 1997, "died in peace, surrounded by the affection and love of her children," said a statement issued by her four children. As president, Chamorro managed to bring to an end a civil war that had raged for much of the 1980s as US-backed rebels known as the "Contras" fought the leftist Sandinista government. That conflict made Nicaragua one of the big proxy battlegrounds of the Cold War. Chamorro put her country on the path to democracy in the difficult years following the Sandinista revolution of 1979, which had toppled the US-backed right-wing regime of Anastasio Somoza. In a country known for macho culture, Chamorro had a maternal style and was known for her patience and a desire for reconciliation. When she won the 1990 election at the head of a broad coalition, she defeated Daniel Ortega, the Sandinista guerrilla leader and icon who is now president again. Ortega has been in power for 17 years and is widely criticized by governments and rights groups as having crushed personal freedoms, all political opposition and judicial independence with autocratic rule. Chamorro "represented a contribution for the peace necessary in our country," Ortega and his wife Rosario Murillo, who has the title of co-president, said in a statement. The former leader died in Costa Rica, where she moved in 2023, to be close to her children, three of whom are living here in exile because of their opposition to Ortega. Chamorro -- Nicaraguans referred to her affectionately as "Dona Violeta" — had been living far removed from public life for decades. In her later years, she suffered from Alzheimer's disease. "Her legacy is unquestionable," said Felix Madariaga, a Nicaraguan academic and political activist living in exile in the US. "She led the transition from war to peace, healing a country destroyed by war. The contrast with Ortega is clear and deep," said Madariaga. Chamorro was the widow of Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, who came from one of Nicaragua's most prominent families. As owner and chief editor of the newspaper La Prensa, he was killed in 1978 in an attack blamed on the regime of Anastasio Somoza. His death propelled Chamorro to take over the newspaper and, eventually, to get into politics. After the Sandinistas seized power in 1979, she became the only female member of a national reconstruction government. But she quit that junta in 1980, believing the Sandinistas were moving too far to the left and into the sphere of communist Cuba. Chamorro became prominent in the opposition to the Sandinistas as they fought the 'Contra' rebels financed by the United States under Ronald Reagan. In 1990, she stunned the country by winning the presidency — and beating Ortega — as leader of a coalition of 14 parties. During the campaign, she was known for wearing white and had to use a wheelchair because of a knee injury. In her memoirs, Chamorro said she won because she gained the trust of war-weary Nicaraguans as she spoke in simple language "typical of a homemaker and a mother." "In the macho culture of my country, few people believed that I, a woman, and what is more, handicapped, had the strength, energy and will" to beat Ortega, she wrote.
France 24
14-06-2025
- Politics
- France 24
Violeta Chamorro, who brought peace to Nicaragua, dead at 95
Chamorro, who ruled the poor Central American country from 1990 to 1997, "died in peace, surrounded by the affection and love of her children," said a statement issued by her four children. As president, Chamorro managed to bring to an end a civil war that had raged for much of the 1980s as US-backed rebels known as the 'Contras' fought the leftist Sandinista government. That conflict made Nicaragua one of the big proxy battlegrounds of the Cold War. Chamorro put her country on the path to democracy in the difficult years following the Sandinista revolution of 1979, which had toppled the US-backed right-wing regime of Anastasio Somoza. In a country known for macho culture, Chamorro had a maternal style and was known for her patience and a desire for reconciliation. When she won the 1990 election at the head of a broad coalition, she defeated Daniel Ortega, the Sandinista guerrilla leader and icon who is now president again. Ortega has been in power for 17 years and is widely criticized by governments and rights groups as having crushed personal freedoms, all political opposition and judicial independence with autocratic rule. Chamorro "represented a contribution for the peace necessary in our country," Ortega and his wife Rosario Murillo, who has the title of co-president, said in a statement. The former leader died in Costa Rica, where she moved in 2023, to be close to her children, three of whom are living here in exile because of their opposition to Ortega. Chamorro -- Nicaraguans referred to her affectionately as "Dona Violeta" -- had been living far removed from public life for decades. In her later years, she suffered from Alzheimer's disease. "Her legacy is unquestionable," said Felix Madariaga, a Nicaraguan academic and political activist living in exile in the United States. "She led the transition from war to peace, healing a country destroyed by war. The contrast with Ortega is clear and deep," said Madariaga. 'Typical of a homemaker' Chamorro was the widow of Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, who came from one of Nicaragua's most prominent families. As owner and chief editor of the newspaper La Prensa, he was killed in 1978 in an attack blamed on the regime of Anastasio Somoza. His death propelled Chamorro to take over the newspaper and, eventually, to get into politics. After the Sandinistas seized power in 1979, she became the only female member of a national reconstruction government. But she quit that junta in 1980, believing the Sandinistas were moving too far to the left and into the sphere of communist Cuba. Chamorro became prominent in the opposition to the Sandinistas as they fought the 'Contra' rebels financed by the United States under Ronald Reagan. In 1990, she stunned the country by winning the presidency -- and beating Ortega -- as leader of a coalition of 14 parties. During the campaign, she was known for wearing white and had to use a wheelchair because of a knee injury. In her memoirs, Chamorro said she won because she gained the trust of war-weary Nicaraguans as she spoke in simple language "typical of a homemaker and a mother." "In the macho culture of my country, few people believed that I, a woman, and what is more, handicapped, had the strength, energy and will" to beat Ortega, she wrote.
Yahoo
14-06-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Violeta Chamorro, who brought peace to Nicaragua, dead at 95
Violeta Chamorro, who brought peace to Nicaragua after decades of war and was the first woman elected president in the Americas, died Saturday at the age of 95, her family said. Chamorro, who ruled the poor Central American country from 1990 to 1997, "died in peace, surrounded by the affection and love of her children," said a statement issued by her four children. As president, Chamorro managed to bring to an end a civil war that had raged for much of the 1980s as US-backed rebels known as the 'Contras' fought the leftist Sandinista government. That conflict made Nicaragua one of the big proxy battlegrounds of the Cold War. Chamorro put her country on the path to democracy in the difficult years following the Sandinista revolution of 1979, which had toppled the US-backed right-wing regime of Anastasio Somoza. In a country known for macho culture, Chamorro had a maternal style and was known for her patience and a desire for reconciliation. When she won the 1990 election at the head of a broad coalition, she defeated Daniel Ortega, the Sandinista guerrilla leader and icon who is now president again. Ortega has been in power for 17 years and is widely criticized by governments and rights groups as having crushed personal freedoms, all political opposition and judicial independence with autocratic rule. Chamorro died in Costa Rica, where she moved in 2023, to be close to her children, three of whom are living here in exile because of their opposition to Ortega. Chamorro -- Nicaraguans referred to her affectionately as "Dona Violeta" -- had been living far removed from public life for decades. In her later years, she suffered from Alzheimer's disease. "Her legacy is unquestionable," said Felix Madariaga, a Nicaraguan academic and political activist living in exile in the United States. - 'Typical of a homemaker' - "She led the transition from war to peace, healing a country destroyed by war. The contrast with Ortega is clear and deep," said Madariaga. Chamorro was the widow of Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, who came from one of Nicaragua's most prominent families. As owner and chief editor of the newspaper La Prensa, he was killed in 1978 in an attack blamed on the regime of Anastasio Somoza. His death propelled Chamorro to take over the newspaper and, eventually, to get into politics. After the Sandinistas seized power in 1979, she became the only female member of a national reconstruction government. But she quit that junta in 1980, believing the Sandinistas were moving too far to the left and into the sphere of communist Cuba. Chamorro became prominent in the opposition to the Sandinistas as they fought the 'Contra' rebels financed by the United States under Ronald Reagan. In 1990, she stunned the country by winning the presidency -- and beating Ortega -- as leader of a coalition of 14 parties. During the campaign, she was known for wearing white and had to use a wheelchair because of a knee injury. In her memoirs, Chamorro said she won because she gained the trust of war-weary Nicaraguans as she spoke in simple language "typical of a homemaker and a mother." "In the macho culture of my country, few people believed that I, a woman, and what is more, handicapped, had the strength, energy and will" to beat Ortega, she wrote. "But if the Berlin Wall fell, why not the Sandinistas?" bur/mis/dw/sst
South China Morning Post
14-06-2025
- Politics
- South China Morning Post
Violeta Chamorro, who brought peace to Nicaragua, dead at 95
Violeta Chamorro, who brought peace to Nicaragua after decades of war and was the first woman elected president in the Americas, died on Saturday at the age of 95, her family said. Chamorro, who led the Central American country from 1990 to 1997, 'died in peace, surrounded by the affection and love of her children,' said a statement issued by her four children. As president, Chamorro managed to bring to an end a civil war that had raged for much of the 1980s as US-backed rebels known as the 'Contras' fought the leftist Sandinista government. That conflict made Nicaragua one of the big proxy battlegrounds of the Cold War. Chamorro put her country on the path to democracy in the difficult years following the Sandinista revolution of 1979, which had toppled the US-backed right-wing regime of Anastasio Somoza. In a country known for macho culture, Chamorro had a maternal style and was known for her patience and a desire for reconciliation.
