Violeta Chamorro, who brought peace to Nicaragua, dead at 95
Chamorro, who ruled the poor Central American country from 1990 to 1997, "died in peace, surrounded by the affection and love of her children," said a statement issued by her four children.
As president, Chamorro managed to bring to an end a civil war that had raged for much of the 1980s as US-backed rebels known as the "Contras" fought the leftist Sandinista government. That conflict made Nicaragua one of the big proxy battlegrounds of the Cold War.
Chamorro put her country on the path to democracy in the difficult years following the Sandinista revolution of 1979, which had toppled the US-backed right-wing regime of Anastasio Somoza.
In a country known for macho culture, Chamorro had a maternal style and was known for her patience and a desire for reconciliation.
When she won the 1990 election at the head of a broad coalition, she defeated Daniel Ortega, the Sandinista guerrilla leader and icon who is now president again. Ortega has been in power for 17 years and is widely criticized by governments and rights groups as having crushed personal freedoms, all political opposition and judicial independence with autocratic rule.
Chamorro "represented a contribution for the peace necessary in our country," Ortega and his wife Rosario Murillo, who has the title of co-president, said in a statement.
The former leader died in Costa Rica, where she moved in 2023, to be close to her children, three of whom are living here in exile because of their opposition to Ortega.
Chamorro -- Nicaraguans referred to her affectionately as "Dona Violeta" — had been living far removed from public life for decades. In her later years, she suffered from Alzheimer's disease.
"Her legacy is unquestionable," said Felix Madariaga, a Nicaraguan academic and political activist living in exile in the US.
"She led the transition from war to peace, healing a country destroyed by war. The contrast with Ortega is clear and deep," said Madariaga.
Chamorro was the widow of Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, who came from one of Nicaragua's most prominent families. As owner and chief editor of the newspaper La Prensa, he was killed in 1978 in an attack blamed on the regime of Anastasio Somoza.
His death propelled Chamorro to take over the newspaper and, eventually, to get into politics.
After the Sandinistas seized power in 1979, she became the only female member of a national reconstruction government.
But she quit that junta in 1980, believing the Sandinistas were moving too far to the left and into the sphere of communist Cuba.
Chamorro became prominent in the opposition to the Sandinistas as they fought the 'Contra' rebels financed by the United States under Ronald Reagan.
In 1990, she stunned the country by winning the presidency — and beating Ortega — as leader of a coalition of 14 parties.
During the campaign, she was known for wearing white and had to use a wheelchair because of a knee injury.
In her memoirs, Chamorro said she won because she gained the trust of war-weary Nicaraguans as she spoke in simple language "typical of a homemaker and a mother." "In the macho culture of my country, few people believed that I, a woman, and what is more, handicapped, had the strength, energy and will" to beat Ortega, she wrote.
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Korea Herald
19 hours ago
- Korea Herald
Nowhere to turn but toward future: Seoul and Tokyo 80 years after liberation
Calls grow for fresh Korea-Japan declaration to tackle shared challenges absent from 1998 agreement Eighty years after the end of Japan's 35-year colonial rule, South Korea and Japan remain locked in an uneasy duet — pulled together by the inescapable demands of geopolitics, yet held apart by the deep, unhealed wounds left by Japan's occupation of the Korean Peninsula. As Korea marks its 80th National Liberation Day on Friday, the question has never felt more urgent. Can Seoul and Tokyo — tethered by geography and facing many shared challenges — forge a genuinely future-oriented partnership despite historical disputes so deeply ingrained that they have outlived generations? The stakes are raised by the rapidly shifting global order under US President Donald Trump's 'America First' foreign policy. Washington is recalibrating its alliances with both South Korea and Japan, pivoting toward the China threat in the Indo-Pacific region. As the region's strategic map is redrawn, Seoul and Tokyo are left with fewer and fewer exits from each other's orbit. 'Future-oriented relations are not about people-to-people exchanges or building mutual trust. Rather, they require a fundamental discussion of how Korea and Japan must inevitably cooperate to survive in a profoundly transformed global environment,' Yang Kee-ho, professor of Japanese studies at Sungkonghoe University, told The Korea Herald. 'This is the moment when Korea and Japan must envision a new phase of cooperation.' The list of pressures is long: the intensifying US-China strategic competition, Trump's go-it-alone diplomacy, and for Seoul, the challenge of navigating Washington's push to 'modernize' the alliance and grant greater strategic flexibility to US Forces Korea. Add to that North Korea's advancing nuclear and missile programs, and Beijing's ambitions — from dominating global high-tech manufacturing through its 'Made in China 2025' initiative to becoming a 'fully developed, rich, and powerful' nation by 2049. 'Such developments carry a considerable risk of disrupting the status quo in Northeast Asia, which is why it is necessary to build sufficient, shared deterrence through joint discussions,' said Yang, highlighting the need for coordination between Seoul and Tokyo. South Korea and Japan have cogent reasons to work in tandem for better outcomes for both countries in the face of parallel challenges, including 'mounting Trump-origin risks' such as tariff negotiations with the US, said Choi Eun-mi, a research fellow at the Center for Regional Studies at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies. 'The merits of Korea-Japan cooperation, in my view, are very significant in that regard,' Choi said. 'At present, cooperation between Korea and Japan has become nothing short of indispensable, both domestically and internationally.' Symbolically, President Lee Jae Myung is set to visit Tokyo from Aug. 23 to 24 for a summit with Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba before heading to Washington for his first in-person meeting with Trump. Foreign Minister Cho Hyun also opted for Tokyo for his first overseas trip before flying to Washington. Korea-Japan cooperation is also imperative, given the breadth of shared future-oriented challenges. 'Between Korea and Japan, there are numerous common challenges,' Lim Eun-jung, professor in the Division of International Studies at Kongju National University, told The Korea Herald. 'Population decline, a super-aged society, labor shortages, regional extinction, industrial transformation, cybersecurity, the utilization of AI and the proliferation of humanoid robots, and energy security are all areas that show the structural similarities of the two countries.' Closer, yet still divided Even as pressing shared challenges bring Seoul and Tokyo closer, major obstacles, including potential discrepancies in their foreign policy approaches to China and North Korea, still stand. 'In dealing with North Korea, South Korea favors dialogue, while Japan has traditionally prioritized sanctions over engagement,' said Lee Ki-tae, director of the Center for Diplomatic Strategy at the Sejong Institute, discussing the Lee Jae Myung administration's inter-Korean policy. 'That said, the Ishiba administration appears to place somewhat greater weight on dialogue, aligning its stance more closely with ours and reducing the potential for friction.' Lee, however, noted, 'On China policy, Japan remains firmly in step with the US, whereas South Korea prefers not to be drawn into (the US-China competition) — a subtle divergence in perception.' Historical disputes, which are ingrained in the 1965 Treaty on Basic Relations that formally normalized diplomatic relations between South Korea and Japan, remain intact as a major obstacle. Despite the general positive assessment of the Lee administration's Japan policy in its early stages, experts point out that the current tendency of both the Lee and Ishiba administrations to leave historical disputes off the agenda also poses a significant hurdle. 'The overall start has been good. Given how difficult things are right now for both Korea and Japan, avoiding conflict is important, so the direction itself has been well set,' Yang said. 'However, the current situation is a disguised peace or a postponed conflict.' Yang pointed out that the Lee administration's 'pragmatic diplomacy' cannot replace a guiding principle for historical disputes, urging Seoul to go beyond pragmatism by establishing clear rules for dealing with and managing these issues with Japan. Without such principles in place, Yang warned, Seoul and Tokyo risk letting conflicts accumulate. In that scenario, the ruling Democratic Party of Korea could be tempted to bash Japan to boost support for the party or President Lee, repeating a familiar vicious cycle. History still under the surface Echoing those concerns, Choi underscored that Seoul and Tokyo 'need to discuss how they will live with and manage historical issues, given that they are difficult to resolve, impossible to simply erase, and, in truth, extremely hard to settle completely.' 'Yet that discussion is entirely absent, which is regrettable. It's not that we've solved this issue and therefore no longer talk about it — it clearly remains beneath the surface, but it's just not showing right now,' Choi explained. 'Japan doesn't want to bring it up, and Korea isn't talking about it either, which means the issue could resurface at any time. I'm not sure if I should call it a 'risk,' but I would describe it as one factor that makes cooperation more difficult.' Lee Ki-tae pointed out that sustainable ties require political will. 'It is most important for the leadership in both countries to demonstrate the will not to exploit negative public sentiment toward each other for domestic political purposes,' he said. Lee also underlined the significance of Seoul and Tokyo in forging public discourse on the indispensability of bilateral cooperation. 'Beyond that, the leadership must recognize that Korea-Japan cooperation is, in a sense, essential for the survival of both countries, and they should communicate this effectively to their citizens,' Lee added. 'It is also important to explain clearly to the public that cooperation between Korea and Japan contributes to addressing issues on the Korean Peninsula, as well as to peace and stability in the broader Northeast Asian region.' In particular, Seoul and Tokyo should avoid repeating the past mistake of allowing historical disputes to spill over and hamper economic and security cooperation, as happened during the overlapping period of the Moon Jae-in administration and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's second term. 'I'd like to single out the Moon-Abe period as an important turning point because, no matter how much Korea-Japan relations were tied up in historical issues, there had always been certain lines neither side would cross,' Lim said, when asked about the most important turning point in bilateral relations over the 80 years since liberation and its significance. 'During the Moon and Abe administrations, however, those lines collapsed, sending the relationship into a downward spiral.' Tensions peaked in 2019 when South Korea's Supreme Court ordered Japanese companies to compensate the Korean victims of wartime forced labor. In response, the Abe administration restricted exports of three key semiconductor materials in July and removed South Korea from its list of preferred trading partners the following month. These actions led to a nationwide boycott in South Korea of Japanese goods and travel to Japan. That November, the Moon administration conditionally delayed its decision to end the GSOMIA military intelligence-sharing pact with Japan, effectively suspending its operation, while a radar lock-on dispute the following month further strained defense cooperation and exchanges between the two countries. This period also saw growing economic security concerns, driven by the first Trump administration's 'America First' policies and supply chain disruptions caused by the pandemic. 'Yet, paradoxically, this period also made us realize anew that Korea and Japan are bound together — economically, socially and culturally — in ways that are profoundly close,' Lim said. 'Never again should historical issues be allowed to damage cooperation not only in the economic sphere, but also in the realm of security.' Time for a new joint declaration For many in Seoul, the benchmark for a diplomatic reset remains the 1998 Kim Dae-jung-Obuchi Declaration, formally titled the Korea-Japan Joint Declaration: A New Partnership Toward the Twenty-first Century. In the declaration, Seoul and Tokyo set out a roadmap for future-oriented cooperation, including principles for collaboration across sectors such as security, the economy, policy, people-to-people and cultural exchanges and global issues. It also included Japanese Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi's expression of 'deep remorse and heartfelt apology' for Korea's colonization. The time has come to forge a new joint declaration. 'The international situation in 1998, when it was created, is completely different from what it is now, so we need a vision for Korea-Japan cooperation that reflects the current circumstances,' she said. 'Among the action plans for 43 items included (in the declaration), there are some that were relevant then and still are today, but there are also topics that are no longer timely. So, we need an updated version that addresses how to deal with those aspects.' Choi cites the 'Trump risk' as a clear example. 'It's not just because of the Trump administration, but because the international environment has become very unstable,' Choi said. 'For instance, if US involvement is reduced, how will regional security be maintained? We need to discuss how Korea and Japan can cooperate in that context.' Choi noted that a forward-looking approach should extend beyond economic and historical matters that were absent or only lightly addressed in the 1998 declaration. For instance, the 1998 declaration did not mention supply chains, AI or 5G, which are now central to both bilateral and global agendas. The joint declaration also left out specific historical topics, like the memorial service at the Sado gold mine, where Koreans were subjected to forced labor during World War II. Choi underscored that these issues should be included in a new framework, along with plans for handling future challenges. Lee concurred on the need to forge a new joint declaration in light of the shift in the balance between Seoul and Tokyo since then. 'At that time, in 1998, we were still — I wouldn't say far behind Japan, but in a somewhat lower position — and that perspective was reflected in much of the content,' Lee said. 'If that declaration was made in the context of Japan helping Korea, today the two countries are truly on an equal footing. In this context, we need a new version of the Korea-Japan Partnership Declaration that considers how the two countries, as equals, should cooperate.' Seizing the Ishiba opportunity Nam Ki-jeong, professor at the Institute for Japanese Studies at Seoul National University, views the current Ishiba administration in Tokyo as part of a rare alignment of circumstances that could offer the Lee administration a valuable opening. 'The Ishiba Cabinet has the potential to last a bit longer,' he said. 'While it's possible that it could end in a very short period, if we carefully devise and execute a strategy in coordination with the Ishiba Cabinet and those around it, we can advance Korea-Japan relations during the time that the Cabinet is in place.' Even if the political situation changes, Nam argues, the groundwork laid now could bring long-term benefits. If the ruling Liberal Democratic Party were to shift further to the right after the Ishiba Cabinet, for example, under figures like former economic security minister Sanae Takaichi, the existing groundwork could help keep a more hardline government in check. On the other hand, if the LDP were to hold longer to the relatively liberal approach established by Ishiba, Seoul and Tokyo could have a better chance of improving their relationship beyond its current state. 'Right now, Korea-Japan relations enjoy an exceptionally favorable combination of administrations. When such a combination emerges, we must think on our side about how to make the most of the opportunity,' Nam said. 'Producing tangible results while Ishiba is in office is crucial at this moment.'
Korea Herald
19 hours ago
- Korea Herald
From ashes of war to arsenal of world: South Korea's defense industry boom
As top 10 arms exporter, Seoul's modern weapons soar globally, but guarding tech, talent remains challenge It was 72 years ago that the bloody 1950–53 Korean War ended with an armistice. Today, the once-war-ravaged nation stands among the world's leading arms exporters, its factories turning out advanced tanks, artillery systems and fighter jets destined for battlefields far beyond the Korean Peninsula. South Korea's arms industry is riding a wave of global demand, but the current geopolitical climate brings both opportunity and risk. Its weapons are in high demand for their advanced technology and fast delivery, yet the country must tread carefully, as shifting alliances and regional tensions complicate the path forward. Turning crisis into opportunity South Korea, in recent years, has often been listed among the world's top 10 arms exporters, in the ranks with the United States, Russia and China. It was No. 10 among global arms exporters, with a 2.2 percent share of the market in the 2020-2024 period, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. The South Korean government is now setting its sights on breaking into the ranks of the world's top four arms exporters. 'South Korea has rapidly matured into one of the world's leading arms exporters, backed by a highly capable manufacturing base, proven platforms and a track record of delivering on time and at scale,' Yu Ji-hoon, a research fellow at the Korea Institute for Defense Analyses, told The Korea Herald. Yet it took decades of sustained effort to get this far. In 1971, the United States began withdrawing troops from South Korea, reducing the number of American soldiers stationed there, even as tensions with North Korea persisted in the decades after the Korean War. The withdrawal was carried out under the Richard Nixon administration, which pushed for allied nations to strengthen their own self-defense capabilities. This prompted South Korea to concentrate its efforts on developing and producing advanced weaponry to achieve self-reliance in defense. In 1973, the government launched a full-scale initiative to promote the heavy and chemical industries, a critical component in manufacturing weapons, according to the Korea Development Institute. The Russian arms repayment project, a unique post-Cold War arms-for-debt arrangement between Seoul and Moscow, which started in the late 1980s, was another driving force behind the South's defense industry. Instead of cash repayments, Russia repaid part of the debt with military equipment and related technology. Until the mid-2010s, South Korea's arms exports were largely concentrated in ammunition, naval vessels and some aerospace components. But its export portfolio has since started to diversify and expand. Provider of world-class weapons In South Korea's expanding arms export portfolio, the K2 tank, dubbed "Black Panther' and built by Hyundai Rotem, has been a flagship item. It first entered service with the military here in 2014. The K2 is South Korea's most advanced main battle tank, designed for speed, precision and adaptability on the mountainous Korean Peninsula. In recent years, it has drawn major international orders, most notably from Poland, as militaries seek modern armor to replace aging Cold War units. It is central to South Korea's largest-ever defense export deals, including the one with Poland, signed in 2022,in which Warsaw ordered 180 K2 Black Panther tanks from Hyundai Rotem in a $3.37 billion agreement. Deliveries began within months, far faster than European or American suppliers could offer. In 2025, Warsaw followed with a $6.5 billion contract for 180 upgraded K2PL tanks, to be produced in part in Poland. The two phases, part of a broader plan involving the manufacturing of up to 1,000 K2s, have made Seoul one of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's most important new arms partners and cemented South Korea's status as a major player in the global defense market. Other key weapons in the portfolio are the K239 Chunmoo Multiple Rocket Launcher System, K9 self-propelled howitzer, FA-50 fighter jets and Surion helicopters. Prominent deals made with global clients include K239 Chunmoo MLRS systems purchased by the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia in 2017 and 2022, respectively. South Korea on Thursday signed a $250 million agreement to supply Vietnam with 20 K9 self-propelled howitzers, marking the weapon's first deployment to a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations bloc. The K9 is already in service in countries such as Turkey and Egypt. Experts say South Korea's growing appeal lies in its weapons' balance of cost and capability — and in its ability to offer buyers comprehensive, tailor-made packages. 'South Korean-manufactured weapons, including the K9 self-propelled howitzer, offer proven performance, interoperability with Western systems and cost-effectiveness,' explained Yu, who is also a former professor of military strategy at the South Korea's Naval Academy. 'More importantly, Seoul has demonstrated willingness to localize production, transfer technology and support customers' domestic capability development.' South Korean arms-makers are increasingly structuring export deals to include technology transfers and licensed local production, allowing buyer nations to build part — or in some cases most — of the weapons on their soil. This approach not only sweetens contracts in competitive bidding, but it also aligns with many countries' desire to develop their domestic defense industries. This is reflected in Hyundai Rotem's Poland deal, as well as Hanwha Aerospace will establish joint production lines for the K9 howitzer and Chunmoo rocket system, with Romania and Poland, respectively. 'It's a key all-in-one package deal strategy played out by South Korean arms manufacturers — providing technology transfer, customized weapons and factories for the buyers,' Choi Gi-il, a professor of military studies at Sangji University, said via phone. Rosy future, lingering risks South Korea's arms exports fell to $9.5 billion last year after hitting a record high of $17.3 billion in 2022 and sliding to $13.5 billion in 2023, according to its arms procurement agency, the Defense Acquisition Program Administration. DAPA is cautiously eyeing a $23 billion goal for this year. The agency's ambitions may get a lift this year from favorable geopolitical winds, according to an expert. NATO allies have recently agreed to more than double their defense spending target from 2 percent of gross domestic product to 5 percent by 2035, creating a surge of demand for new equipment. Adding to the momentum, Seoul's latest cooperation with Washington in the shipbuilding sector, under a joint initiative known as 'Make American Shipbuilding Great Again,' is expected to further bolster South Korea's defense export prospects. Seoul has put forward sweeping proposals for joint shipbuilding projects with the US, a move that was reportedly pivotal in securing a tariff agreement with the administration of US President Donald Trump earlier this month. 'Overall, South Korea's defense industry is likely to get a lift this year from NATO's increase in defense spending target and Seoul's role in building American ships, as well as cooperation on maintenance, repair and overhaul projects for the sector,' Choi of Sangji University said. Choi added that South Korea's existing top clients are likely to continue to make steady purchases. 'Looking at global arms exports by region, the most prominent markets include Eastern European countries facing wartime conditions and Middle Eastern nations, where unstable security situations are driving demand,' he noted. However, the new momentum carries its own risks. 'The global trend right now resembles Trump's reshoring policy, aimed at bringing manufacturing and supply chains — particularly in strategic industries — back to the US,' said Choi. 'For South Korea, that could mean a new battle to protect its hard-won edge, guarding against the loss of technology and skilled personnel as it undertakes certain projects.' mkjung@
Korea Herald
20 hours ago
- Korea Herald
Hanwha's K9 Howitzers break new ground with Vietnam export
Korea's leading defense company Hanwha Aerospace exported its flagship K9 self-propelled howitzers to Vietnam, expanding its export markets to Southeast Asia. The deal also marks the company's entry into a country that maintains a socialist political system. According to industry sources Thursday, Korea signed a contract to supply 20 units of K9 howitzers to Vietnam for $245 million as part of a government-to-government agreement reached in July. The howitzers will be delivered from Hanwha through the Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency, a state-run trade support organization, by the end of 2025. With Vietnam's adoption, Hanwha Aerospace has now supplied the K9 to 11 countries. The howitzer is already in service in India, Australia, Romania, Poland, Finland, Turkey, Egypt, Estonia, Norway and Korea, with more than 1,300 units sold worldwide since its debut in 1999. Many buyers are US allies, particularly members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which value the system's compatibility with US and European-made weapons. This is the first time the K9 has been adopted by a country with longstanding ties to the Russian defense industry, rooted in historical cooperation during the Cold War. Vietnam sourced more than 80 percent of weapons from Russia between 2000 and 2023, according to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. However, Vietnam has shown interest in the K9 for years, attracted by its strong firepower and mobility at a relatively competitive price of around $12 million compared with similar-performance howitzers. In 2024, Major General Nguyen Hong Phong, commander of Vietnam's artillery corps, told Korea's Ministry of National Defense that the K9 could be deployed to Artillery Brigade 204 near Hanoi. His remarks were made during a visit to the brigade by then–Vice Minister Kim Seon-ho. That same year, Vietnamese personnel joined soldiers from six countries in the Korea Army International Course program to study the strategic operation of Korean artillery, including the K9 howitzer and K2 tank, both already in service or under consideration for purchase. 'Exports of weapon systems are generally made to allies or friendly nations, as they lead to high-level security cooperation such as interoperability and joint operations beyond the simple transfer of arms,' said Ban Kil-joo, director of the Center for Geopolitical Studies at the Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security. 'Vietnam is a communist country, which makes that level of security cooperation difficult. However, we have found that standalone weapon systems with low interoperability requirements, such as the K9, can still be exported.' Korea and Vietnam are planning to further collaborate in the defense industry. On Monday, President Lee Jae Myung and To Lam, the general secretary of Vietnam's Communist Party, released a joint statement saying that the two countries will resume the Korea–Vietnam Defense and Military Cooperation Committee — which had been inactive for 17 years — and strengthen connections between their defense companies. 'The export of K9 carries symbolic significance, as it reflects the overcoming of historical divisions between former adversaries in defense trade,' said Choi Ki-il, professor of military studies at Sangji University. 'It seems to be a starting point for Korea to pursue broader and more routine arms exports worldwide.'
