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A large gulf has now developed between Yessers and the SNP
A large gulf has now developed between Yessers and the SNP

The National

timea day ago

  • Politics
  • The National

A large gulf has now developed between Yessers and the SNP

Firstly, the SNP for some years have stopped putting over their case for independence and are focused on the Union parties. When you are focused on the other parties, you fail to get your message across to the electorate and the media don't pick up on your cause. The result is a loss of MPs and MSPs, which can result in the loss of control of government. READ MORE: Wee Ginger Dug: John Swinney needs to rethink his strategy over Scottish independence Secondly, Tuesday's article by James Dornan MSP left me wondering where he's been hiding, certainly these last few weeks but moreover during the last 11 years since the independence referendum in 2014 (Tell voters we will hold new indyref no matter what Westminster says, Jun 10). Since September 18 2014, we've had three first ministers and six prime ministers. Each first minister has pleaded the case for a Section 30 order on numerous occasions without success. The SNP even went to the Supreme Court to try and get something done but the answer is always 'NO!' I'm afraid to tell James that although his intentions are good, they stand as much chance as the snowball in hell. That doesn't mean that I disagree with the full article, or for that matter the sentiment of the piece. However, asking for a Section 30 is like watching a dog chase its tail. The only difference is that my dog usually catches his and it's much more fun to see. Yes, James, we need to put independence front and centre as you say in your article, and we've been telling the SNP that for some years now without success. So, I'm asking on behalf of the electorate: why isn't it happening? I also agree that the SNP should legislate for a second independence vote. But James, why wait until after the election and after a further request to the Prime Minister for a Section 30 has been refused? The best time to do it would be now, when there is about 54% support for it, as it would show us voters exactly where the SNP stand. Also, the petition from the Scottish Sovereignty Research Group for Scotland to be recognised as a non-self-governing country has been lodged with the United Nations. So what has the present SNP government to lose? READ MORE: Kelly Given: Independence needs more than John Swinney's safety-first politics At best the UN backs our claim. Then the worst that can happen is that Starmer says no and the UN overrules him and gives Scotland the power to hold a referendum anyway. Starmer can't go to the English Supreme Court and argue that we can't hold one without his say so, as the union of parliaments didn't happen so he and England have no legal authority. Above all that, if the Unionists get a majority at the next election then the first thing they would have to do is to revoke the referendum act, and by that time the UN may be telling Scotland how to proceed anyway. If the legislation is there, then who are we in the indy movement going to back at the next Holyrood election? The ball is in your court, James. Alexander Potts Kilmarnock FROM an enthusiastic supporter in Ireland, I offer this advice: work towards a majority of independence supporting seats at Holyrood, a majority of independence supporting local councils and a majority of Scottish Westminster seats. Then, having achieved that, go for UDI! Ye have nothing to lose and everything to gain! Pádraig De Búrca via

Two arrests over St Stephen's Day hit-and-run in which married couple were killed
Two arrests over St Stephen's Day hit-and-run in which married couple were killed

Irish Independent

time2 days ago

  • Irish Independent

Two arrests over St Stephen's Day hit-and-run in which married couple were killed

The two were arrested over the deaths of Anthony Hogg and Georgina Hogg-Moore, who died after the hit-and-run in Blanchardstown while they were out shopping on St Stephen's Day. Gardaí arrested two people on Wednesday morning in relation to the incident. 'A man, aged 40 years was arrested in connection with this investigation and he is currently detained under Section 30 Offences Against the State Act, 1939 at a Garda station in the Dublin,' gardaí said. 'A female, aged in her 30s was arrested and is currently detained under Section 4 of the Criminal Justice Act, 1984 at a Garda station in Dublin.'

Gove says second indyref will happen if Scots 'desire'
Gove says second indyref will happen if Scots 'desire'

The Herald Scotland

time18-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Herald Scotland

Gove says second indyref will happen if Scots 'desire'

READ MORE Asked for his assessment of the current state of the union, Mr Gove said he did not believe Scottish independence was on the agenda at present. 'But I do not think for a moment that anyone should assume any degree of complacency about the union,' he said. 'The union is a living thing. It is not a historical artefact, and every day politicians and society generally have to work—if we believe that we are better together—in order to demonstrate that.' Asked if he thought there would be a second referendum, Mr Gove said: 'I do not believe that it is necessary at the moment. I think if there is an overwhelming desire on the part of the Scottish people for one, then we would have to review the situation.' Pressed on how he would define that 'overwhelming desire', he said it would be for the UK Government to decide. Mr Gove was also asked about the refusal of successive Conservative governments — of which he was part — to grant a Section 30 order, which would devolve the powers for a second referendum to Holyrood. 'I did not think it was anti-democratic,' he said. 'I think it was the case that, with the referendum in 2014, people had made the point that it was a decision that was there for a generation. 'But more than that, as I have argued, there are urgent questions that need to be addressed—urgent questions about the economic regeneration of the whole country, and urgent questions about improving public services in Scotland—that, to me, are more important than some of these constitutional questions.' Kevin Nisbet scored twice for Aberdeen to snatch a point against Dundee United (Image: SNS) The soon-to-be Torry baron also drew a comparison between the Scottish Conservatives and Aberdeen Football Club. Polls suggest Russell Findlay's party could be pushed into fourth place at next year's Holyrood election, with Nigel Farage's Reform party set to overtake them as the principal opposition. Meanwhile, Aberdeen have endured a turbulent season, finishing fifth in the league but still heading to Hampden next week to face Celtic in the Scottish Cup final. 'I think if you have been in politics for a wee while, which I have, you know that the opinion poll numbers in between elections can fluctuate,' Mr Gove said. 'Within a few years, you saw the party under someone like Ruth Davidson as the dominant and rising force—the principal opposition in Scotland.' Asked whether Mr Findlay should be concerned, he replied: 'No, do not panic. If you are a fan of Aberdeen Football Club, you know that sometimes you will have a very good run, sometimes you will have a very difficult run, but in the end, you might end up in the top two come the Scottish Cup final. 'So the important thing to do is not to change the manager, but to stick together as a team and show the fighting spirit necessary to battle through.' When it was put to him Aberdeen could end the season without any silverware, Mr Gove replied: 'Well, they had a much, much more difficult patch a few months ago.' He also spoke about the previous UK Government's use of a Section 35 order to block Scotland's gender recognition reforms from becoming law. Mr Gove chaired the Cabinet sub-committee that recommended the use of the then little-known section of the Scotland Act to veto the Holyrood legislation. 'Alister Jack was ultimately the individual who had to take that decision and give effect to it,' he said. 'I think it was absolutely the right decision, and I think it has been vindicated by subsequent events.'

Assisted dying: MSPs have difficult questions to answer
Assisted dying: MSPs have difficult questions to answer

The Herald Scotland

time14-05-2025

  • Health
  • The Herald Scotland

Assisted dying: MSPs have difficult questions to answer

Ahead of the debate, both backers and opponents expected it to scrape through – narrowly. The best guess being bandied around Holyrood's corridors was 64–62. In the end, MSPs voted 70 to 56 to progress the Bill to Stage 2. But were they all voting on the same thing? Read more from Unspun... They were supposed to be voting on the general principles of the Bill drafted by McArthur and his team, but some were, it seems, voting on the general principles of assisted dying. Some MSPs who voted in favour – including Scottish Government minister Jim Fairlie and Scottish Conservative leader Russell Findlay – said they did so to continue the debate. But really, the time for debate is over. What is needed now is scrutiny. Are MSPs up to the task – especially given how little time they have? For assisted dying to become law, McArthur must shepherd it through all Parliamentary stages before Holyrood dissolves at the end of March next year ahead of the election. With Stage 2 likely to begin in September, his team says it is confident of completing the process in time. But Dr Mary Neal, a Reader in Law at the University of Strathclyde, told The Herald that MSPs face a 'massive, mammoth task to try and address all of the really serious issues with the Bill'. 'This particular Bill is just riddled with massive problems – and in some cases, unfixable problems,' she said. Concerns have been raised over eligibility criteria, the definition of terminal illness, and the complexity of assessing capacity and coercion – including so-called internal coercion. One of the most significant questions is whether Holyrood even has the power to legislate for assisted dying. 'Is this Bill even legislatively competent? I do not think it is,' said Dr Neal. Regulation of medicines, poisons and similar matters is reserved to Westminster, meaning Scottish ministers lack the power to specify which substances could be used in assisted dying. There are also questions over the conscience clause in the Bill, which allows medical professionals to opt out of participating. Regulation of health professionals is also a reserved matter. Overcoming these issues would likely require a Section 30 order – the mechanism in the Scotland Act that temporarily transfers powers from Westminster to Holyrood. That is not a straightforward process. It could become even more difficult if Labour MP Kim Leadbeater's bid to introduce assisted dying legislation in England and Wales fails. Given opposition from groups such as the Royal College of Psychiatrists, that outcome is far from unlikely. "I think a lot's going to hinge on the Leadbeater Bill and it's fate," says Dr Neal, "because I think it could have a bearing on the willingness of the authorities at Westminster to grant section 30 orders as needed. "So it could have a procedural impact on the Bill and a political impact on the Bill, even though, in principle, they're two separate processes." Is this a fight First Minister John Swinney – who did not vote for the Bill – would be eager to have? Sign up for Scotland's top politics newsletter and get it directly to your inbox. Interestingly, Health Secretary Neil Gray told journalists on Tuesday night that the Scottish Government's neutral position on McArthur's Bill would be 'under review' as MSPs move to this next stage. Tuesday's debate was among the most thoughtful Holyrood has seen: personal, emotional, considered. But now it's time for scrutiny and interrogation and practical considerations. MSPs did not vote for an ideal – they voted for Liam McArthur's Bill.

FM faces SNP criticism if he doesn't progress independence
FM faces SNP criticism if he doesn't progress independence

The Herald Scotland

time06-05-2025

  • Politics
  • The Herald Scotland

FM faces SNP criticism if he doesn't progress independence

John Swinney will mark his first anniversary on Thursday since he was sworn in as Scotland's First Minister. His return from the backbenches to take up the role as head of the government took most people - even perhaps himself - by surprise. To most observers Mr Swinney is seen as bringing calm to the SNP after a rocky period which followed the resignation of Nicola Sturgeon in March 2023, the bitter leadership contest of Humza Yousaf, Kate Forbes and Ash Regan, and the stepping up of the Police Scotland investigation into party finances. Thanks to the combination of a drop in support for Labour after unpopular UK government decisions such as the axing of the universal winter fuel payments and increase in employers' national insurance contributions - and the rise in popularity of Nigel Farage's Reform UK - polling suggests the SNP is now on course to remain in power after the 2026 Holyrood elections. READ MORE: But what of Mr Swinney's work on independence? And could his lack of progress on achieving the goal mean he may face a backlash from inside the SNP, as Professor James Mitchell of Edinburgh University told The Herald on Sunday at the weekend? Since coming into office the First Minister has been pretty quiet on his party's founding goal. He scrapped Ms Sturgeon's Building a New Scotland series, documents aimed at updating the 2014 independence prospectus and axed the post of independence minister from government. Indeed's he's been so quiet on independence since coming into office, that back in January Ms Sturgeon declared that independence was "off the radar". Her claim was swiftly and unsurprisingly rejected by Mr Swinney. But it's hard to see what Mr Swinney's strategy on delivering independence actually is. Some in the SNP say the strategy is to simply try and quietly drive up support among undecided Scots for the aim without actually addressing it explicitly. They argue that by governing well and showing the merits of being a competent devolved government support for independence will inevitably rise. Maybe so. But what about the mechanism of delivering it? It's far from clear what the SNP process is currently to achieving independence. If it's demanding a Section 30 order to transfer powers to Holyrood to hold a second independence vote, repeated calls by former FM Ms Sturgeon to the UK Government didn't work even after the SNP won major elections at Westminster and Holyrood. So it's hardly likely to be a goer should the SNP win the next Holyrood elections even if the UK government is led by Labour rather than the Conservatives. Another possible option, namely the holding of an advisory referendum by Holyrood without the UK Government's agreement, had to be jettisoned when the Supreme Court ruled that the Scottish Parliament did not have the powers to do so. Since then, there has been little public discussion by the SNP about the process of achieving independence. In December, Mr Swinney called for Scotland to have some form of formal mechanism to allow the country to hold an independence referendum similar to that which Northern Ireland has in the Good Friday Agreement. I'd be sceptical whether these demands will be met. They didn't succeed during the Brexit debates when the Scottish Government sought a special arrangement for Scotland on the grounds Northern Ireland one. Both Conservative and Labour politicians opposed such a deal arguing the two states had very different histories in terms of their connections to the Union with Northern Ireland suffering 30 year of violent conflict. Twelve months since becoming First Minister Mr Swinney is a popular figure inside the SNP, appreciated for bringing stability after turmoil. But having done so, it is likely he will start to face pressure inside his party to make progress on independence and should he not do so he may find support begin to wane.

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