Latest news with #SecurityandGrowthforAllintheRegion


The Print
30-05-2025
- Business
- The Print
Armenia's buying Indian weapons. This opens entry points to Caucasus, Central Asia & beyond
In earlier writings, I've delved into the complex reasons behind why Armenia—a small, landlocked nation in the South Caucasus—remains stuck in a long-standing struggle with its neighbour. Fast forward to the present, and India's growing success in Armenia is a story of swift decision-making and deft diplomacy—bringing together all the right elements at the right moment. Few could have predicted that within a mere three to four years, India's presence in the region would grow so decisively that it would emerge as Armenia's largest defence supplier in its protracted conflict with Azerbaijan. Until just a few years ago—even at the dawn of this decade—mentioning the Caucasus would likely have been met with a shrug from most Indians. Yet, just last week, it was deeply encouraging to witness dozens of Indians gathered in Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, for the second iteration of the Yerevan Dialogue. Geopolitics in the yonder Traditionally, India's diplomatic focus has remained closer to home—first on its immediate neighbourhood, and then eastward via the Look East and Act East policies. A marked change came after the 2015 Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) doctrine, with India's maritime vision taking centre stage in New Delhi's strategic calculus. Over the course of the current dispensation, New Delhi has broadened its strategic outreach way beyond the immediate theatres. With aspirations for a larger role in both geopolitics and geo-economics, India has begun to engage with new regions—seizing opportunities presented by the constant flux of global power dynamics. India's relationship with Armenia is a prime example of this shift. Long known as the world's largest arms importer, and often struggling to modernise its indigenous defence sector, India found in Armenia a rare partner—one willing to procure nearly every major weapon system developed domestically. As Russia—Armenia's formal ally through the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO)—failed to extend meaningful security guarantees during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts in 2020 and 2023, while simultaneously arming Azerbaijan, a frustrated Yerevan was forced to look elsewhere for support. Russia's deepening entanglement in Ukraine further diverted its attention from its traditional sphere of influence, leaving a vacuum that India stepped into with both urgency and strategic foresight. While eager to modernise its defence capabilities, Armenia lacked the financial means to procure costly Western platforms. Its nascent defence industry was not yet equipped enough, just beginning to specialise in niche technologies. In a pragmatic move, Armenia turned to India. Indian weapon systems, though not as expensive as their Western counterparts, offered reliable and effective solutions. Within just two years, by 2023, India had appointed a Defence Attaché to Yerevan and concluded multiple defence agreements worth millions of dollars. These covered a wide spectrum of indigenous platforms, from the Akash surface-to-air (SAM) missile systems and SWATHI weapon-locating radars to the advanced towed artillery gun system (ATAGS) and large consignments of ammunition. The only notable exception has been the BrahMos missile system—co-developed with Russia—which Yerevan has so far avoided, likely due to a strained relationship with Russia and Moscow's closeness to Baku. Armenia's growing reliance on Indian defence exports marked a significant milestone for India. Historically, Indian weapons have struggled to gain recognition abroad, and cases like the grounded Dhruv helicopters—despite discounted sales—have not inspired much confidence. However, Yerevan has not only bought several Indian platforms, but has also closely observed the performance of India's indigenous systems in combat scenarios in the wake of Operation Sindoor strikes on Pakistani terror camps and air bases, bolstering confidence in their reliability. India's defence exports have surged in recent years, hitting the Rs 24,000 crore mark for the first time in 2024. With ambitions to surpass Rs 50,000 crore by the end of the decade, this trajectory appears within reach. However, a majority of these exports consist of dual-use technologies and secondary components destined for Western partners like the US and France. Armenia stands out as one of the few, perhaps the only country procuring full-fledged Indian platforms. A notable exception, though, is select Southeast Asian buyers of the Russian co-produced BrahMos missile, such as the Philippines and Vietnam. Armenia then occupies a unique place in India's defence outreach. For instance, the French had expressed interest in India's Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launchers—spurred by India's sale of the same to Armenia—though they ultimately opted for different systems. Nonetheless, such visibility in theatres of mutual interest provides a smart sales pitch to Indian defence prowess. Also read: Countering Pakistan isn't India's only challenge. We need doctrinal clarity on China factor What next? As the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict currently lies in a fragile truce, and peace negotiations continue, now is the time for India to mature its defence partnership with Armenia—building resilience and establishing India as a reliable long-term partner. Several strategic avenues lie ahead: continuing direct weapons sales; integrating Armenian start-ups into 'Make in India' and 'Make for the World' initiatives; and cooperating within broader security frameworks. One such avenue is the trilateral cooperation mechanism. While India is Armenia's largest defence supplier, France holds the second position. Given India and France's robust defence ties and a shared industrial roadmap, co-producing and co-exporting to third countries could be a mutual win. Beyond France, Armenia's growing defence ties with Greece and Cyprus—especially following their 2024 trilateral agreement—indicate a broader alignment aimed at counterbalancing Turkish and Pakistani influence in the region. In the evolving geopolitical landscape of the Caucasus, there is growing potential for deeper cooperation between India, France, and Greece to support Armenia's security architecture. For India, the key lies in transitioning from a transactional approach—centered on arms sales—to a more mature framework that ensures its rapidly expanding military footprint in the region is not only sustained but institutionalised. The prudent course for New Delhi then is to pursue long-term engagement as a credible security partner through joint exercises and coordinated activities with like-minded players. Stakes in Armenia's stabilisation Although defence cooperation is indeed the most visible symbol of India's presence in the region, there is more beneath the surface. At present, Armenia is navigating complex negotiations for a peace agreement with its neighbours. For a landlocked country encircled by adversarial powers—Azerbaijan and Turkey—and a disengaged Russia, survival depends on leveraging its geography. Armenia's evolving strategy is to position itself as a vital connectivity hub for regional corridors. What may appear as a compromise today could, in fact, become a long-term stabilisation model for this nation of just three million people with strong nationalist sentiment. From India's perspective, the stakes are both economic and strategic. The International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), which begins in Mumbai and extends through Iran's Bandar Abbas to the Persian Gulf, continues northward through Baku en route to Moscow. India has also been pushing for connecting INSTC to another Iranian port, Chabahar, which has significant Indian investments. This corridor stands to gain significantly from new trade links that include Armenia. India and Iran, in cooperation with Armenia, have been promoting this under a trilateral framework. Specifically, connectivity through Armenia's southern Syunik province not only enhances regional trade dynamics but also offers India a counterweight to the growing Turkey-Azerbaijan axis in the Caucasus. Armenia, already a reliable buyer of Indian defence platforms, is increasingly poised to serve as India's strategic gateway into the South Caucasus. From there, India can diversify westward through Georgia into the Black Sea and Europe, or eastward into Central Asia and the Caspian basin. This vision, while ambitious, aligns with India's growing infrastructure footprint along the broader Mediterranean arc. Take, for example, India's interest in connecting the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) with the Three Seas Initiative—linking Eastern European, Baltic, and Adriatic markets. With the capability to develop port and transport infrastructure across critical maritime zones, India is uniquely positioned to counterbalance not only China's influence in Central Asia but also Turkey's growing dominance in the Caucasus. Importantly, if played intelligently, India's long-standing ties with Russia could act as a facilitator, not an obstacle, to these ambitions. Whether this interconnected vision eventually extends to include the Arctic—where geopolitical competition and contestation will intensify as ice caps recede—remains to be seen. But the trajectory is clear: India is readying itself for a broader, bolder role in the regions shaping tomorrow's geopolitics through symbiotic relationships. Swasti Rao is a consulting editor at ThePrint and a foreign policy expert. She tweets @swasrao. Views are personal. (Edited by Ratan Priya)


India Gazette
29-05-2025
- Business
- India Gazette
Warfare has no ceasefire now, says Naval Chief at CII Summit; highlights shift from 'SAGAR' to 'MAHASAGAR' vision
New Delhi [India], May 29 (ANI): Chief of the Naval Staff, Admiral Dinesh K Tripathi, on Thursday said that the character of warfare had changed rapidly, and it would continue to evolve, driven by both technological advances and rising non-traditional threats. He made these remarks at the CII Annual Business Summit held in Delhi, where he also spoke about India's maritime vision under Prime Minister Narendra Modi's leadership. Addressing the summit, Admiral Tripathi said, 'The character of warfare has changed rapidly and continues to do so. Firstly, the lines between war and peace are increasingly blurred. Secondly, the commercial technologies democratise warfare, making it available to non-state actors. Finally, moving into the era of precision, where highly accurate capabilities and in large numbers both remain important for us. We also know that non-traditional threats like acts of terror can spiral into a wider conflict. The use of non-contact warfare along with space and cyber domains to wage a conflict with no ceasefire is a new reality.' He pointed out that technological disruption had allowed even non-state actors to access powerful tools, including space and cyber warfare, which posed constant threats that do not follow traditional rules of engagement or peacetime restraint. Speaking on India's strategic maritime framework, Admiral Tripathi said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi's vision of SAGAR -- Security and Growth for All in the Region had evolved into a broader concept that now reflected India's growing maritime outreach. 'PM Modi made a clarion call of 'SAGAR' - Security and Growth for All in the Region. Building on this legacy, the vision has rightly elevated to 'MAHASAGAR' - Mutual and Holistic Advancement of Security and Growth Across Regions,' he said. IOS SAGAR is a unique mission based on the Government of India's regional initiative of maritime collaboration, SAGAR, which stands for Security and Growth for All in the Region. The mission aims to foster international cooperation between India and several African countries. The Navy Chief's remarks come at a time when India has been increasing its focus on maritime security, not only in the Indian Ocean but across Indo-Pacific waters, through strategic alliances, naval exercises, and capacity-building initiatives. Centres of Excellence and Industry competitiveness initiatives, promotion of innovation and technology adoption, and partnerships for sustainability, CII plays a transformative part in shaping the future of the nation. Extending its agenda beyond business, CII Annual Business Summit assists industry to identify and execute corporate citizenship programmes across diverse domains, including affirmative action, livelihoods, diversity management, skill development, empowerment of women, and sustainable development, to name a few. (ANI)


Times of Oman
05-05-2025
- Politics
- Times of Oman
INS Sharda arrives in Maldives for maiden HADR Exercise
Male: In line with India's commitment towards regional cooperation, INS Sharda arrived at Maafilaafushi Atoll in Maldives, for a Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) Exercise planned from May 4-10, according to the Indian Navy. As per the statement by the Indian Navy, this deployment is a testament to the strong defence and maritime cooperation betwen India and the Maldives. Notably, this aligns with India's "MAHASAGAR" (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions) vision, thereby emphasising on the collaborative efforts to ensure peace, stability, and prosperity in the Indian Ocean Region. As per the Indian Navy, this HADR exercise aims to enhance interoperability between the Indian Navy and the Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF). It will focus on actions like Disaster Response Coordination, Search and Rescue Operations, Medical Assistance, Logistical Support, Joint Drills, Training Sessions, and community engagement following a major natural disaster. Through such collaborative efforts, India and the Maldives continue strengthening their partnership and ensuring readiness to respond effectively to natural disasters and other humanitarian challenges. According to the Ministry of External Affairs, the importance of India's strategic role in Maldives is well-recognized, with India being seen as a net security provider. Maldives occupies a special place under "Neighbourhood First" Foreign Policy of India, which aims to bring stability and prosperity in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). As per the Ministry of External Affairs, the MAHASAGAR vision was outlined by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Mauritius in March this year. This encompasses India's expanded strategic vision as India continues its commitment to the well-being and progress of nations in the region as a first responder and a net security provider, based on our Neighbourhood First policy, MAHASAGAR outlook, and on the approach to the extended neighbourhood. Over the past ten years, Indian Navy has deepened its partnerships with maritime agencies of Indian Ocean Region (IOR), to enhance maritime security in consonance with the GoI's vision of Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR).


Time of India
05-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
INS Sharda arrives in Maldives for maiden HADR Exercise
Live Events (You can now subscribe to our (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel Male [Maldives], May 5 (ANI): In line with India's commitment towards regional cooperation, INS Sharda arrived at Maafilaafushi Atoll in Maldives , for a Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) Exercise planned from May 4-10, according to the Indian Navy As per the statement by the Indian Navy, this deployment is a testament to the strong defence and maritime cooperation betwen India and the this aligns with India's " MAHASAGAR " (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions) vision, thereby emphasising on the collaborative efforts to ensure peace, stability, and prosperity in the Indian Ocean Region As per the Indian Navy, this HADR exercise aims to enhance interoperability between the Indian Navy and the Maldives National Defence Force ( MNDF ). It will focus on actions like Disaster Response Coordination, Search and Rescue Operations, Medical Assistance, Logistical Support, Joint Drills, Training Sessions, and community engagement following a major natural such collaborative efforts, India and the Maldives continue strengthening their partnership and ensuring readiness to respond effectively to natural disasters and other humanitarian to the Ministry of External Affairs, the importance of India's strategic role in Maldives is well-recognized, with India being seen as a net security provider. Maldives occupies a special place under "Neighbourhood First" Foreign Policy of India, which aims to bring stability and prosperity in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).As per the Ministry of External Affairs, the MAHASAGAR vision was outlined by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Mauritius in March this year. This encompasses India's expanded strategic vision as India continues its commitment to the well-being and progress of nations in the region as a first responder and a net security provider, based on our Neighbourhood First policy , MAHASAGAR outlook, and on the approach to the extended the past ten years, Indian Navy has deepened its partnerships with maritime agencies of Indian Ocean Region (IOR), to enhance maritime security in consonance with the GoI's vision of Security and Growth for All in the Region ( SAGAR ).


The Print
27-04-2025
- Politics
- The Print
IOS Sagar arrives in Port Louis after completing 1st phase of EEZ surveillance
The deployment of the ship with naval personnel from Madagascar, Maldives, Comoros, Kenya, Mauritius, Mozambique, Seychelles, Sri Lanka and Tanzania is aimed at regional maritime security and international cooperation. Under a unique initiative, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh flagged off the Indian Navy's offshore patrol vessel, INS Sunayna, as Indian Ocean Ship (IOS) SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) on April 5. New Delhi, Apr 27 (PTI) Indian naval ship IOS Sagar, with 44 naval personnel from nine friendly nations, has successfully completed the first phase of a joint exclusive economic zone surveillance with Mauritius as part of its deployment in the South Western Indian Ocean. 'IOS SAGAR arrived at Port Louis Harbour in Mauritius on April 26 on completion of Phase-I of Joint EEZ (exclusive economic zone) surveillance with the National Coast Guard (of) Mauritius as part of the deployment to the South Western Indian Ocean,' the Indian Navy said on Sunday. It said the visit marks a 'significant milestone' in India's commitment to regional maritime cooperation and capacity-building with friendly foreign countries. INS Sunayna is designed for anti-piracy operations, maritime surveillance, and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief missions. The ship is equipped with medium and close-range gunnery weapons and modern electronic warfare suites, including missile defence measures. She can also carry a helicopter, which enhances her operational and surveillance capability, according to the Indian Navy. After flagging off IOS Sagar at Karwar naval base, Defence Minister Singh had described the maritime mission as a reflection of India's commitment to peace, prosperity, and collective security in the region. 'Our Navy ensures that, in the Indian Ocean Region, no nation suppresses another on the basis of overwhelming economy and military power. We ensure that the nations' interests are protected without compromising their sovereignty,' he said. The defence minister made the remarks amid growing concerns in the region over China's increasing military muscle-flexing in the strategic waters. 'Along with other stakeholders, the Indian Navy is ensuring peace and prosperity in the region.' 'Equipped with state-of-the-art ships, weapons and equipment and well-trained and motivated sailors, we resolve to move ahead with other friendly nations towards developing IOR as a symbol of brotherhood and shared interest,' he said. PTI MPB RT RT This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.