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Indian Express
5 days ago
- Entertainment
- Indian Express
Malayali pulse of The Hunt: Behind the faces that brought history to life
The Hunt, streaming on Sony LIV, directed by Nagesh Kukunoor, brings to life the complex and high-stakes investigation that followed the assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. The seven-part series, based on Anirudhya Mitra's book '90 Days – The True Story of the Hunt for Rajiv Gandhi's Assassins', has captivated audiences across the country. It also marks a moment of pride for Kerala. A number of Malayali actors — both seasoned performers and promising newcomers — play key roles in the series. Actor and dancer Shruti Jayan, actor trainer Jyothish M.G., Shafeek Mustafa, Gauri Padmakumar, Neetu Chandra, Akhil Raj, and Akhil Kaimal — who is also the casting director — all appear in prominent roles in The Hunt. Villain of the Year: Shafeek Mustafa Shafeek Mustafa, a theatre actor, takes on the role of key LTTE operative Sivarasan in The Hunt. His intense, layered performance has earned widespread praise, with many viewers calling him the 'Villain of the Year.' 'I watched numerous films and documentaries related to the subject. I also tried to understand the differences in the Sinhala language between the past and present. I read several articles, news clips, and had detailed conversations with journalist friends,' says Shafeek, describing his preparation for the role. The physical transformation for the character was also a significant challenge. Sivarasan had sustained an eye injury during combat with armed forces, and to portray this realistically, Shafeek wore a special lens and had prosthetic makeup applied to his eyelid throughout the shoot. 'I had around 30 days of shooting. Acting with a lens in my eye and makeup on the eyelid was quite difficult. It's manageable for one or two scenes, but as the scenes got longer, it became really uncomfortable. My eyes would become watery,' Shafeek recalls. However, seeing the positive reception The Hunt is receiving now, Shafeek says all the effort and discomfort is worth it. Looks matter: Jyothish M.G Jyothish M.G., Associate Professor of Acting at the K.R. Narayanan National Institute of Visual Science and Arts, Kerala, portrays LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran in The Hunt. A seasoned theatre director and actor trainer with years of experience, Jyothish brings depth and gravitas to the role. Though he has played many characters on stage over the years, this marks his debut on screen — a transition he describes as a significant and memorable step in his artistic journey. 'When I came to know that I was being considered to play Velupillai Prabhakaran, my first instinct was to decline the offer. I didn't feel I physically matched the character. From the images I had seen, Prabhakaran was heavily built, and I felt I wouldn't be able to convincingly portray him. When you're portraying a real person, especially someone who actually lived, there has to be at least a basic physical resemblance — otherwise, no matter how well you act, it won't feel authentic,' says Jyothish, who was eventually convinced to join the series by the reassuring words of director Nagesh Kukunoor. 'Later, it was Nagesh Kukunoor who explained that most of the photos we see of Prabhakaran are from when he was around 56 years old. But during the time of the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case, Prabhakaran was only 36. They even sent me a comparison — a photo of him from that time placed next to mine. And when I looked at that younger version of Prabhakaran, I realized there was actually a striking resemblance.' Also Read | The Hunt – The Rajiv Gandhi Assassination Case review: Gripping series gives ringside view of CBI investigation, hews close to what happened Jyothish also shared that he had concerns about the political sensitivity of the subject. 'It's a politically charged topic, and it carries a lot of emotional weight. When you get involved in something like this, you have to think through many layers — especially about how the subject is being approached. That really matters. They clarified that the series doesn't take sides or blame anyone. It's an investigative drama. During the discussions, I too gained clarity and confidence about the intent behind the project,' he said. 'Though I had read about the subject before, this time I explored multiple perspectives on Prabhakaran by reading a range of articles. That's when I realized — the Prabhakaran we knew through the media wasn't the complete picture. The real Prabhakaran was someone who smiled a lot, cracked jokes, and had a soft, almost feeble voice. But for the series, it wasn't that realistic Prabhakaran we aimed to portray — it was the version etched into the public memory. Journalist Anita Pratap, who once interviewed him in person, wrote that she was struck by the clarity, conviction, and unwavering belief he expressed during their conversation. That is the face of Prabhakaran I tried to bring to life within the limited screen time I had,' Jyothish explained. Not just a killer: Shruti Jayan A post shared by Sruthy jayan (@iam_shruthiejayan) 'I was working on a couple of Telugu web series in Hyderabad, which had streamed on Amazon Prime Video. That's where they saw my work and reached out to me. I was recommended by Vamshi Narayani, who had previously worked with Nagesh sir,' Shruti Jayan recalls about her journey to The Hunt. Shruti plays the role of Dhanu — the suicide bomber who assassinated Rajiv Gandhi. It's a character she stepped into with both excitement and deep responsibility. 'I was thrilled to get this role. The assassination of Rajiv Gandhi is a painful memory that lingers in everyone's mind. Just hearing his name evokes emotion. Many people still ask — why did she do it? That I got to portray Dhanu, such a central figure in this story, was a big moment for me. What made it more meaningful was that she wasn't shown as just a killer — the series carefully explores her mental and emotional state,' says Shruti. Her audition scene was set on a terrace, where Dhanu reaches a point of inner resolution. 'It wasn't just about tears. The director wanted a state of ultimate calm — someone who felt nothing could affect her anymore, who was experiencing complete peace, even joy. That mood was hard to capture. It made me realize this wasn't going to be an easy role.' 'As an actor, I got to explore so many emotional layers through Dhanu. I did a lot of homework for the part. My shoot lasted for about 14 days,' she adds. Shruti says the response she's received for The Hunt has been unlike anything she's experienced before. 'Anirudhya Mitra personally messaged me saying, 'I never met Dhanu in real life. But now, after seeing your performance, I feel like I've finally seen her on screen.'' Hearing that from the author himself meant a lot to me,' Shruti shares with pride. Crafted with care: Gauri Padmakumar Gauri Padmakumar is overjoyed by the overwhelming response to The Hunt, especially as it marks her very first on-screen project. She plays Shubha, a lesser-known but crucial figure in the assassination plot. Gauri came on board after responding to a casting call and successfully clearing a rigorous four-round audition process. Determined to do justice to her role, she arrived on set well-prepared, having done extensive research. 'I mostly focused on reading about the LTTE background. I didn't delve much into the Indian narrative of the issue,' Gauri explains. 'There's very little information available about Shubha. It's said that only two photographs of her are available; there's not even full clarity on whether her name was actually Shubha. Honestly, I was a bit hesitant to search too much online — it's not a topic you approach casually.' Despite the limited information available about her character, Gauri relied on instinct and insight to shape her portrayal of Shubha in The Hunt. 'From what I understood, Shubha was a strong fighter. Maybe that's why, despite letting others go, someone like Sivarasan — the mastermind — chose to keep her by his side through those intense 90 days,' she reflects. With minimal references and a character embedded in a sensitive historical narrative, Gauri's nuanced performance resonated powerfully — marking a confident and memorable screen debut. Following the release, she received a wave of messages from viewers — some thoughtful, others unexpectedly humorous. 'One person messaged saying, ''For the first time, I think I've fallen in love with an LTTE woman,'' she laughs. That even a character from such a dark chapter in history could evoke such responses, Gauri says, is a testament to the power of storytelling — and the unpredictable ways in which it touches hearts.
Listly
12-07-2025
- Lifestyle
- Listly
7 dishes that'll make you want to visit Sri Lanka
Very much the heart and soul of the local cuisine scene, the staple called Rice and Curry can be easily found across homes, restaurants and roadside eateries. While boiled white or red rice will appear the main talking point, curries for which Sri Lanka is renowned, can take the form of either meat, fish or a choice of vegetables. To cap it all off, a green salad (mallum), coconut sambol, fried sprats, a dash of lime pickle or Sinhala achcharu together with papadam will successfully elevate mealtimes, regardless of the time of day, occasion or region.
The Hindu
04-07-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Sri Lankan actor-politician who met MGR and Tamil groups on a political mission
The recent death of Sinhala actor Malini Fonseka prompted the media in Tamil Nadu to recall her association with the Tamil cinema and her playing the female lead in the Tamil film Pilot Premnath (1978), starring thespian 'Sivaji' Ganesan. There was another film personality from Sri Lanka, Vijaya Kumaratunga, who had political links with Tamil Nadu. He ventured to find a solution to the protracted and bitter problem of Sri Lankan Tamils. He visited Madras in June 1986 and met Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran (MGR), a key player in the whole issue, and leaders of Tamil groups, including the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Kumaratunga was so impressed with his trip that he not only expressed the hope for an early resolution of the problem but also declared, in an interaction with the press on June 23, 1986, that to achieve the solution, 'I will shuttle between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka a hundred times'. Unfortunately, the actor-turned politician was shot dead by two gunmen outside his home in Colombo on February 16, 1988. He was in his early 40s. Forming his own party Kumaratunga, who had acted in well over 100 films since 1969, left the Sri Lanka Freedom Party in January 1984, along with his wife Chandrika (who was later known as Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and became the Sri Lankan President in 1994). After establishing the Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya (SLMP), regarded as a Leftist organisation, he formed the United Socialist Alliance, comprising the Communist Party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, and the Nava Sama Samaja Party. The assassination took place when he was about to be declared the Alliance's candidate in the presidential election that took place 10 months later. His visit to Madras took place when leaders of all the important political groups, fighting for the Tamil cause, were operating from the city after the Black July of 1983. Kumaratunga, in an interview to veteran journalist-Sri Lanka expert N. Ram in December 1985 (published in The Hindu on June 19, 1986 at the time of his visit), called for a political solution, involving the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) and the militants, and a genuine devolution of power to the Tamils. Ahead of their political mission, Kumaratunga and Ms. Chandrika met J.N. Dixit, India's High Commissioner to Sri Lanka during 1985-89. In his book, Assignment Colombo, the diplomat said their objective was to see whether some compromise could be evolved on the basis of various proposals under discussion since 1983. According to a report in this newspaper on June 24, 1986, the SLMP delegation, which included the party's vice-president Ossie Abeyagoonasekara, held an hour-long meeting with MGR at his residence. The Chief Minister had appreciated the Sri Lankan leaders for their 'bold decision' of coming to the city on a peace mission. Offering his assistance in working out a solution, MGR suggested that the delegation meet Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, too, on its next visit to India. A 'broad-minded' leader Panruti S. Ramachandran, the number three in the MGR Cabinet and the point person of the Tamil Nadu government on matters concerning Sri Lanka, was present when the delegation met the Chief Minister. Later, the visitors met Mr. Panruti Ramachandran at his residence. Describing both Kumaratunga and Ms. Chandrika as 'very accommodative, sincere, and liberal', besides being 'modern in outlook', the former Electricity Minister says he found the SLMP founder a 'broad-minded man'. He points out, 'Ms. Chandrika reflected his [Kumaratunga's] opinion while in power as the President during 1994-2005. She had offered the maximum autonomy to the Tamils, but that was not utilised by the LTTE.' The SLMP delegation met representatives of the Eelam Revolutionary Organisation of Students (EROS), the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO), and the LTTE. Mr. Ram observes that the visiting leaders did not meet LTTE chief V. Prabhakaran. The LTTE's best-known international face, Anton S. Balasingham, in his book, War and Peace, referred to the visit by the SLMP leaders to the political headquarters of the rebel group in Indira Nagar, a quiet residential locality in south Chennai. The book carries a picture of the meeting too. In fact, for Balasingham, that was the only occasion he met Ms. Chandrika. In the book, he hailed the SLMP founder as a 'radical politician with a sympathetic understanding of the freedom struggle' of the LTTE. While wrapping up its visit, the delegation issued a statement, saying it 'firmly' believed that the Sinhalese and Tamils who had both lived in Sri Lanka for over 2,000 years and contributed towards its political, social and cultural progress 'can continue to do so in equality, friendship and cooperation'. It also believed in the right of 'all communities to maintain their cultural and political identities within the framework of a united Sri Lanka', The Hindu reported on June 22, 1986. Mr. Ram, who hails Kumaratunga as one 'who was completely non-chauvinistic and who had exhibited a refreshing attitude' towards the Tamil question, recalls that the visit had created a 'very good feeling'. (The veteran journalist had covered Kumaratunga's funeral, which took place in Colombo in February 1988 and which was attended by two senior Left leaders of India: Harkishan Singh Surjeet of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and M. Farooqi of the CPI.) The Chennai visit had bridged the gap between the SLMP founder and the LTTE. Months later, Kumaratunga made efforts, though unsuccessfully, to secure the release of two soldiers from the LTTE. He was given a rousing reception in Jaffna and allowed to visit a camp and meet the soldiers, who, he later told a press conference in Colombo, were in 'good health', The Hindu reported on October 23, 1986. He also held discussions with Kittu, Jaffna area 'commander' of the LTTE. He made one more trip to Jaffna. Eventually, the LTTE struck a deal with the Sri Lankan government on swapping prisoners. Though Dixit said the SLMP leaders were, on their return to Sri Lanka, subjected to 'vilification by the Sri Lankan media and certain political elements', the Kumaratungas' mission had demonstrated the efficacy of dialogue as an option to solve any complex problem.
United News of India
26-06-2025
- Politics
- United News of India
UNHCR Commissioner Volker Türk highlights need for reconciliation between Sinhalese and Tamils
Colombo, June 25 (UNI) UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, has highlighted the need for a sincere and genuine approach to ensure accountability and reconciliation between Sri Lanka's Sinhalese and Tamil communities, following a joint letter issued by several Sri Lankan Tamil politicians. The letter was signed by representatives of various Tamil political parties such as the Illankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK), All Ceylon Tamil Congress, Tamil National People's Front, Democratic Tamil National Alliance, and various civil organisations, News Wire reported. The joint letter noted that the UN Human Rights Chief's visit comes against the backdrop of 16 years since the end of the deadly Sri Lankan civil war, pointing out that no significant progress had been made regarding the war crimes by the Sri Lankan Army during the four-decade-long war. 'We are concerned that your visit will be used and is being used by the Government of Sri Lanka as an exercise in boosting their legitimacy and to weaken the resolve of your office and that of the UN Human Rights Council to take concrete steps towards ensuring accountability in Sri Lanka,' it said. The joint letter further called on the UN Human Rights Chief to consider the recommendations that had been jointly presented by Tamil political parties and civil organisations in 2021 to the heads of missions of the 47 states represented in the UN Human Rights Council on ensuring accountability. The war, which lasted from 1984-2009, resulted from ethnic tensions between the country's majority Sinhala community and its long-standing discrimination of its Tamil minority. While the civil war ended in the defeat of the LTTE separatists, discrimination against the Tamils at a social and political level, though lessened, remains ongoing, with Tamil groups repeatedly approaching the UN to demand accountability for the many crimes committed by the army. UNI ANV RN
The Hindu
11-06-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Sri Lanka's 13th Amendment at a Crossroads: Can the NPP Deliver on Minority Rights and Devolution?
Published : Jun 11, 2025 14:42 IST - 5 MINS READ Until a new, inclusive constitution is developed, Sri Lanka should implement the provisions of the 13th Amendment to its Constitution and hold elections to the provincial councils in the island nation, an academic study has said. The study, titled 'Divided and weakened: the collapse of minority politics in Sri Lanka', has been authored by Sri Lankan-British scholar Farah Mihlar and was released on June 11 by the Minority Rights Group, an international human rights organisation, and Oxford Brookes University. According to the study, the need of the hour was 'constitutional reforms that strengthen minority rights and non-discrimination'. The study also wanted the Sri Lankan government to find 'a political solution to the ethnic conflict acceptable to all communities that involves devolving power to minorities beyond the Thirteenth Amendment.' Also Read | Anura Dissanayake: The outsider with a difference The report acknowledged the fact that the Anura Kumara Dissanayake-led National People's Power (NPP) government, with its two-thirds majority, has a unique opportunity to transform the national narrative. Historic opportunity for NPP It said: 'The NPP historic opportunity to produce a constitution that represents all communities in Sri Lanka. Considering the many rights and justice claims that have a long history and were causes of the conflict, earnestly resolving them should be a priority for all political parties, mainstream national and ethnic minority ones alike, to ensure a just and lasting peace in Sri Lanka.' The 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution devolves powers to the Tamil-dominated Northern and Eastern provinces, and was part of an accord signed by Sri Lankan President J.R. Jayawardene and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in 1987. That accord still remains the only hope for some autonomy for the Tamils of Sri Lanka. Rajiv Gandhi's defeat in the 1989 general election and the subsequent instability in India's polity for the next few years gave Sri Lanka the escape route it was looking for. The killing of Rajiv Gandhi in 1991 and the lack of interest in the Sri Lankan solution during Narasimha Rao's tenure as Prime Minister (1991-96) ensured that India did not push forward the implementation of the accord. However, many Sri Lankan politicians, across the ethnic divide, find the 13th Amendment unacceptable. Sinhala politicians consider it Indian interference in Sri Lankan affairs, while Tamil politicians say that the amendment will be of no effective consequence because power will only be transferred from the Sinhala majoritarian government in Colombo to the Governors appointed by the same federal government to the provinces. The NPP government, which was propelled to power because of people's disenchantment with the established political parties, has held elections to the local bodies. But so far, it has not announced a firm date for elections to the provincial councils. In the local body elections, NPP won a huge majority, winning over 250 of the 339 local body councils, but its vote share dropped by an alarming 34 per cent compared to the 2024 parliamentary election. In April 2025, when Dissanayake met Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi, Modi urged him to hold provincial elections. Collapse of minority politics The Farah Mihlar study noted that 'ethnic minority parties from all three minority communities [Tamils, Muslims and plantation Tamils] have splintered into several factions, and the larger, more popular ones are internally deeply divided. These divides have been caused in part as a consequence of majoritarian nationalism, but also due to weak leadership and allegations of corruption within parties.' The study concluded that minorities in the country have 'lost almost all space in the big political parties in Sri Lanka'. These parties cater to Sinhala nationalism and view this as the one and only route to political power. Minority politics in the nation is collapsing because of a host of factors ranging from corruption to minority political parties taking extreme positions. Since the end of the civil war in 2009, prominent minority parties, including the largest party, the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK), have struggled to define their political path, given the prevalence of Tamil ultranationalism in the areas formerly affected by the civil war. The study said: 'Ethnic minority parties from among the second largest minority, Muslims, and the smaller Malaiyaga Tamil community (of recent Indian origin), present a story of disarray, division and lost credibility. These parties have erratically switched allegiances with nationalist mainstream parties trying to capitalise on shifting alliances and coalition formation, which eventually damaged them deeply. Their own lack of openness to new leadership and progressive reforms, amidst allegations of corruption, has not helped their cause.' Change in strategy At the national level, the study noted that there has been a change in strategy on minority representation: instead of fielding minority candidates, these parties are forming alliances and coalitions with ethnic minority parties while offering less space inside their own parties for both minority representatives and minority issues. Also Read | Is Sri Lanka witnessing a shift in its ethnic politics? It added: 'Minority representatives who have been elected from the former two major parties, the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), and their various fronts have felt isolated, with little opportunity to take up minority issues in national party agendas.' It is in this context that recent NPP actions in many councils need to be seen. In Batticaloa, for instance, ITAK joined hands with the main opposition party, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya. to win the post of Mayor. The NPP, which stands for clean politics, joined hands with Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puligal, whose leader, Pillayan, is in jail on a kidnapping and killing charge. He is also accused of aiding and abetting those behind the April 2019 Easter attacks. Shanakiyan Rasamanickam, MP and ITAK leader, said: 'Given that Pillayan remains in custody over multiple serious allegations, the NPP's willingness to align with such a figure in pursuit of power has raised serious concerns.' As of today, with 159 MPs NPP's dominance in parliament is absolute. But it is increasingly under attack for its policies and what is seen as a lack of competence in governance. Despite the setbacks in governance, NPP has the unique opportunity to go beyond what other ruling combines have attempted on the political reconciliation front so far.
