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Pink Villa
3 days ago
- Entertainment
- Pink Villa
7 South movies releasing in June 2025: Hari Hara Veera Mallu, Thug Life to Kuberaa
Movie buffs, get ready! June 2025 is bringing a solid list of new South Indian releases to theaters. From the Kamal Haasan starrer Thug Life to Dhanush's Kuberaa, every film has something exciting in store. With fan-favorite stars, gripping plots, and stunning visuals, the month promises non-stop entertainment. Therefore, continue reading to learn more. South movies releasing in theaters in June 2025 1. Thug Life Cast: Kamal Haasan, Silambarasan TR, Trisha Krishnan, Joju George, Abhirami, Ashok Selvan Release date: June 5, 2025 Thug Life, directed by Mani Ratnam, dives deep into the gritty world of the underworld. The story begins with Sakthivel and his brother Manickam. During a fierce police encounter, they save a young boy and adopt him. The boy is named Amaran, who grows up to be Silambarasan TR. Things take a dark turn when Sakthivel survives an attempt on his life. He starts to suspect betrayal from within and doubts fall on Amaran and Manickam, pushing him into a dangerous journey of revenge. 2. Madras Matinee Cast: Sathyaraj, Kaali Venkat, Roshni Haripriyan Release date: June 6, 2025 Madras Matinee tells the story of an aging sci-fi writer who decides to write a real-life tale at his caretaker's request. He chooses Kannan, an auto driver, juggling family struggles and daily survival. As the writer explores Kannan's world, he discovers a story full of emotion, hardship, and quiet strength. 3. Hari Hara Veera Mallu: Part 1 - Sword vs Spirit Cast: Pawan Kalyan, Niddhi Agerwal, Bobby Deol Release date: June 12, 2025 Set in the 17th century, Hari Hara Veera Mallu: Part 1 is a Telugu historical action-adventure film. It follows the journey of Veera Mallu, a legendary outlaw, who is given the daring mission to steal the Koh-i-Noor diamond from the Mughals. The film stars Pawan Kalyan in the lead, with Bobby Deol, Nidhhi Agerwal, and Nargis Fakhri. 4. Kuberaa Cast: Dhanush, Jim Sarbh, Nagarjuna Akkineni, Rashmika Mandanna Release date: June 20, 2025 Kuberaa is an upcoming social thriller that explores the dark side of ambition and wealth. The story follows a poor man who undergoes a major transformation. As the pursuit of riches unfolds, the film dives into themes of greed, power, and moral choices. Directed and co-written by Sekhar Kammula, it is shot in multiple languages, including Hindi. 5. Janaki v/s State of Kerala Cast: Suresh Gopi, Anupama Parameswaran, Askar Ali, Baiju Santhosh Release date: June 20, 2025 Janaki Vs State of Kerala is an intense courtroom drama inspired by true events. The story follows Janaki, a woman who fights back after facing injustice. Her legal battle unfolds with emotional depth and gripping tension. Suresh Gopi plays the lawyer who takes up her case and defends her in court. As the trial progresses, hidden truths surface. 6. Maargan Cast: Vijay Antony, Samuthirakani, Vinod Sagar Release date: June 27, 2025 Maargan is a gripping murder mystery that centers on a senior police officer tasked with solving a complicated murder case. As he digs deeper, unexpected twists emerge. The investigation takes the audience through suspenseful moments set against visually stunning backdrops. 7. Kannappa Cast: Vishnu Manchu, Prabhas, Kajal Aggarwal, Mohan Babu, Mohanlal, Akshay Kumar Release date: June 27, 2025 Kannappa is an upcoming Telugu fantasy drama inspired by a famous folk tale. It tells the story of Kannappa, an atheist hunter who transforms into a devoted follower of Lord Shiva. In a powerful act of devotion, he can do anything to save the deity. Directed by Mukesh Kumar Singh and produced by Mohan Babu, the film explores this legendary Hindu tale with rich storytelling.


New Indian Express
4 days ago
- Entertainment
- New Indian Express
Suresh Gopi and Anupama Parameswaran's JSK gets release date
The makers of JSK, starring Suresh Gopi and Anupama Parameswaran in the lead, announced on Wednesday that the film will be released worldwide on June 20. JSK, an abbreviation for Janaki v/s State of Kerala, is a courtroom drama with Suresh Gopi playing an advocate and Anupama as his client. It is written and directed by Pravin Narayanan, who previously helmed the 2018 film Ankarajyathe Jimmanmar. JSK also features Suresh Gopi's younger son, Madhav Suresh, along with Shruti Ramachandran, Divya Pillai, Askar Ali, Baiju Santhosh, Kottayam Ramesh, and Shoby Thilakan. On the technical front, the film has cinematography by Renadive, editing by Samjith Mohamed and music composed by Ghibran. It is produced by J Phanindra Kumar under the banner of Cosmos Entertainments, with Sethuraman Nair Kankol serving as the co-producer.


Indian Express
24-04-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Opinion In defence of the collegium
On April 24, 1973, the Supreme Court of India handed down a judgment that changed the constitutional fabric of the nation. In Kesavananda Bharati v State of Kerala, the SC held that while Parliament has vast powers to amend the Constitution, it cannot alter its 'basic structure.' Among the principles placed beyond legislative reach was the independence of the judiciary. India's judiciary is caught in a prolonged tug-of-war with the executive over the power to appoint judges. This struggle, revived recently by the controversy involving Justice Yashwant Varma, has led to calls for scrapping the collegium system. But this call misses a crucial point. The collegium may be flawed, but what lies on the other side is not reform, it is executive control. To dismantle the judiciary's autonomy in the name of transparency or efficiency would be to hollow out the very foundation that basic structure sought to protect. For context, on March 14, 2025, a fire at Justice Varma's official residence led to the discovery of a significant amount of cash. The Supreme Court promptly constituted an in-house committee to investigate the matter. Justice Varma was transferred to the Allahabad High Court, his parent court, and was relieved of judicial responsibilities pending the inquiry. He has denied any wrongdoing, and the investigation continues. The situation raises legitimate questions, but it must be addressed with nuance. It is a case concerning one judge, not the judiciary as an institution. Yet, the episode has quickly been weaponised to reassert its long-standing critique of the collegium system and to push for greater executive influence in judicial appointments. The collegium system, developed through the Second Judges' Case (1993) and clarified in the Third Judges' Case (1998), was created precisely to insulate judicial appointments from political pressure. It shifted the power to appoint judges from the executive to a group of 4 senior-most judges led by the Chief Justice of India. The goal was not procedural elegance but constitutional necessity for protecting the judiciary from partisan influence. The collegium system is not without its shortcomings. Without any doubt, there is opacity, delays, and allegations of internal bias in the present system, but we cannot deny that there is room for reform. But abandoning it in favour of a mechanism that gives the executive a decisive voice in judicial appointments would be to compromise one of the Constitution's core guarantees. India attempted such a shift in 2014 with the 99th Constitutional Amendment and the creation of the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC). The NJAC proposed a six-member body, including the Chief Justice of India, two senior judges, the Law Minister, and two 'eminent persons' selected by a panel comprising the Prime Minister, the Chief Justice, and the Leader of the Opposition. The idea of inclusion quickly gave way to deeper concerns. The presence of the Law Minister and two political nominees introduced a channel for direct executive interference. The veto mechanism — allowing any two members to block an appointment — meant that even a minority, if politically aligned, could stymie consensus. Most troubling was the provision allowing Parliament to amend NJAC regulations by simple majority, leaving judicial appointments at the mercy of transient political majorities. In 2015, the Supreme Court struck down the NJAC, holding that it violated the basic structure of the Constitution. Judicial independence, the SC said, could not be subject to the political tides of the day. Since then, the government has used the judgment to claim that the judiciary is unaccountable and self-serving. Yet the real concern lies not with the structure of the collegium, but with how the executive has responded to it. In recent years, the central government has often withheld action on names recommended or reiterated by the collegium. This isn't merely bureaucratic delay; it raises constitutional concern. Once a recommendation is reiterated by the collegium, the executive is bound to act. Instead, prolonged silence and selective approvals have created uncertainty, strained the judicial pipeline, and indirectly signalled pressure. This slow-walk approach appears less about efficiency and more about leverage. As of early 2025, several collegium recommendations remain pending, some for over months. The resulting vacancies clog the system and fuel the narrative that the judiciary is ineffective, thereby justifying further interference. The solution, however, is not to hand the keys to the judiciary's independence over to the executive. Rather than scrapping the collegium, the judiciary must lead reforms that preserve independence while enhancing transparency and accountability. The Justice Varma case is a reminder that the judiciary must be proactive in policing itself. But these moments must not be seized upon to push political agendas that would compromise the very structure of the judiciary. The basic structure doctrine is not about abstract principles; it was a shield against constitutional subversion. The framers entrusted the judiciary with the role of sentinel, not subordinate. That role is now under pressure. Judicial independence is not ornamental. It is functional. It ensures that courts can rule without fear or favour. It is the safeguard that keeps constitutional majorities from becoming constitutional monarchs. It is worth remembering what was at stake then and what is at stake now. The collegium is not perfect, but its imperfections must not become a pretext for executive capture. Reform, yes, but not at the cost of autonomy.