Latest news with #Stefanik
Politico
a day ago
- Politics
- Politico
Kathy Hochul has a plan for Stefanik
With help from Amira McKee STEFANIK BEGONE-IK: Republican Rep. Elise Stefanik might not be running for governor yet, but Gov. Kathy Hochul is preparing for it anyway. A new campaign strategy memo, shared first with Playbook, reveals how Team Hochul plans to win the governor's race next year: She will relentlessly tie Stefanik to President Donald Trump. 'Governor Kathy Hochul is delivering for New Yorkers. Elise Stefanik is delivering for Donald Trump,' says the memo, which was prepared by Hochul's campaign manager, Preston Elliot. 'Throughout her career, Stefanik has been a champion for Donald Trump's extreme, unpopular agenda — putting her vastly out of touch with New York voters in a state Trump lost twice,' Elliot writes. 'Stefanik brags about being Trump's 'top ally,' and she's right – she has voted to benefit Trump at the expense of her constituents at every opportunity.' The document is the first of its kind from Hochul's campaign since her closer-than-expected victory three years ago. It's also timely. It was shared less than 24 hours after Republican Rep. Mike Lawler — who once pitched himself as the practical, moderate option for a GOP gubernatorial victory — announced Wednesday morning he won't run for governor. The Hochul playbook is an early bet that Trump's unpopularity in New York will effectively hamper Stefanik's run for governor, or a similar bid from a MAGA-minded Republican like Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman. Lawler's exit from consideration has made it almost certain the state's GOP will be running with a Trump-aligned candidate next year. In June, Lawler made the case that 'you can't win a statewide election in New York just by pounding your chest and saying that you're the most MAGA candidate.' Team Hochul agrees. Her campaign's memo highlights how Stefanik backed Trump's tariffs, supported DOGE and federal funding cuts to public radio, and called for a 15-week national abortion ban. It argues Stefanik's votes on the House floor show she is in favor of gutting Medicare. While Hochul's favorability dipped to a record low of 34 percent in September — Trump was even more popular than her in New York at the time — the governor has slowly improved her numbers. A Siena poll from late June found 42 percent of registered voters view Hochul favorably, though she remained underwater with 47 percent unfavorability. The poll also found Hochul beat Stefanik 47-24 percent in a head-to-head, with 29 percent of voters undecided or wanting someone else. A separate Siena poll conducted over the same period found Trump is viewed unfavorably by 60 percent of voters and favorably by 37 percent of them. Trump lost New York by 23 points in 2020. In 2024, that gap shrank to 13, and he won the suburban counties of Rockland, Suffolk and Nassau. As Hochul aims to make Trump the boogeyman of 2026, Stefanik is already tying Hochul to Democratic mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani. 'Kathy Hochul is bending the knee to the raging Antisemite Communist who may be elected Mayor and would destroy New York City,' her spokesperson, Wendell Husebo, said in a statement. Mamdani's spokesperson Jeffrey Lerner responded, saying, 'There's an affordability crisis in New York and it's because corrupt politicians like Elise Stefanik have sold out to billionaires and corporations. New York will resoundingly reject her at the ballot box next November.' Husebo contended Hochul's attempt to tie Zeldin to Trump fell flat last election and that Stefanik has yet to tap into her base of large-dollar donors from around the country. He said she has already activated small-dollar donors and predicts she'll significantly outraise what Zeldin brought in. 'Hochul owns her catastrophic record,' Husebo said. 'Unlike Kathy Hochul who quietly grovels to President Trump behind closed doors because she sees his skyrocketing polling numbers and her plummeting polls, Elise Stefanik is proud to publicly work with President Trump on making New York more affordable, safer, and Make New York Great Again.' — Jason Beeferman From the Capitol REDISTRICTING REDUX: Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul is not ruling out a mid-decade redrawing of New York's House lines as deep red Texas and Ohio move to reshape their maps through redistricting. 'All's fair in love and war. We're following the rules, we do redistricting every 10 years,' Hochul said during an unrelated event Thursday in Buffalo. 'But if there's other states violating the rules and are trying to give themselves an advantage, all I'll say is, I'm going to look at it closely with Hakeem Jeffries.' The governor's comments are her first since Republican Gov. Greg Abbott announced a special session of the Texas Legislature to focus on redistricting. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries' team spoke with Hochul's office about redistricting earlier this month following Abbott's announcement, according to two people with direct knowledge of the conversation. 'I'm not surprised that they're trying to break the rules to get an advantage,' Hochul added. 'But that's undemocratic and, not only are we calling them out, we're also going to see what our options are.' Not all Democrats are on board with the tit-for-tat idea. State Democratic Party Chair Jay Jacobs, a Hochul ally, said in an interview this week that mid-decade redistricting would be a mistake. 'I understand those in New York who are watching what's happening in Texas and Ohio want to offset their unfair advantage,' Jacobs told POLITICO earlier this week. 'But I think we need to be careful about democracy, because I'm finding it to be pretty fragile at this time in our history.' Read more from POLITICO's Nick Reisman. FROM THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL NOT 'IN ANY CAPACITY': London Mayor Sadiq Khan is not advising Mamdani's campaign either formally or informally, a spokesperson for the Democratic nominee for New York City mayor stressed Thursday, after a British outlet reported otherwise. 'Mayor Khan and Zohran spoke briefly and warmly, as Zohran has with several elected officials after his primary victory,' Mamdani spokesperson Dora Pekec said in a statement to Playbook. 'We value the support of leaders who are watching what's happening in New York, but it's important to clarify that Mayor Khan is not advising the campaign in any capacity.' The clarification from Mamdani's team came after the London-based outlet The Times reported that Khan — a leader of the left-leaning Labour Party and, like Mamdani, a Muslim elected official — serves as an informal adviser to Mamdani's general election bid. Mamdani, a democratic socialist, has sought to broaden his base of support as he faces incumbent Mayor Eric Adams, former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, Republican Curtis Sliwa and independent business leader Jim Walden in the general election. But whether Mamdani will shift his platform from the hard left closer to the center is an unanswered question. The Times cited unnamed Khan sources who said Khan and Mamdani have been exchanging text messages. The outlet quoted an unnamed London City Hall source who said Mamdani 'needs to moderate or he could lose the more centrist Democrats.' — Emily Ngo NEW YORK IS THE ISTANBUL OF AMERICA: Adams comfortably jokes about allegedly receiving bribes from the Turkish government in a campaign video posted today — months after the Trump administration dropped the charges he strongly denied. 'I can think of many places I'd go to get away from y'all: Ankara? Istanbul? Or Zero Bond!' Adams says in a campaign video, referring to Turkey's two largest cities and his favorite downtown private club. 'But I realized, I'm not a wannabe mayor. I'm the actual mayor. I can't just get up and leave,' Adams continues. Adams was playfully knocking Democratic nominee Mamdani for traveling to Uganda 'to celebrate winning half an election' and Andrew Cuomo for going to the Hamptons, speculating he's 'writing another book on failed leadership.' It's odd criticism coming from Adams, who himself vacationed in Monaco after winning the 2021 primary, has written two books and has also left the city to fundraise in Fort Lauderdale and the Hamptons in the past month. Adams is turning on the charm in the video as he looks to the general election. The style and tone of it evokes Mamdani's own much lauded social media content. Cuomo is also testing a more conversational video style after the primary, with news outlet Zeteo making its own video joking about establishment Democrats copying the style. — Jeff Coltin IN OTHER NEWS — 'THEY'RE SHUTTING ME UP': Former Rep. George Santos has a few final thoughts before beginning his 87-month prison sentence on Friday. (POLITICO) — BUT WAIT, THERE'S MORE: New Adams 'donors' say they never gave to his reelection campaign. (THE CITY) — $1 POT FARM: The Erie County Legislature is considering transferring 152 acres of land to the scions of a famous products business for the price of $1 so they can build a $40 million industrial marijuana farm on the site. (Buffalo News) — DEFENSE DEAL: Attorneys at New York City's largest public defender organization reached a tentative contract deal two days before they were set to go on strike. (Gothamist) Missed this morning's New York Playbook? We forgive you. Read it here.
The Hill
a day ago
- Politics
- The Hill
GOP relieved after Lawler clears path for Stefanik in New York governor's race
Rep. Mike Lawler's (R-N.Y.) decision to forgo a New York gubernatorial run has cleared a path for Rep. Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.) to mount her own candidacy, teeing up what will be one of the most watched governor's races next year. Lawler's choice takes off the table a potentially bitter primary that New York Republicans hoped to avoid in a state the GOP has increasingly set their sights on. Democrats took the news as a win, arguing Lawler, who has cultivated a reputation as a moderate, is more electable. But Republicans said the congressman's decision allows them to skip over a messy intraparty battle and direct their full attention to ousting Gov. Kathy Hochul (D). 'We have to unify behind a candidate sooner rather than later and dedicate our resources to the task at hand, which is ending Kathy Hochul's disastrous reign as governor and putting our state back on a path to prosperity,' said Erie County GOP Chair Michael Kracker. Republicans have for months been itching to face Hochul in 2026. Former Rep. Lee Zeldin (R-N.Y.), who now serves as administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, surprised many in 2022 when he came within 6.5 points of defeating Hochul in the state's closest gubernatorial race in decades. Republicans also picked up multiple House seats, including Lawler's, as part of a disappointing night for Democrats in the Empire State. While Democrats picked up a few of those seats last November and won New York by double digits in the presidential race, the state experienced the largest rightward shift toward President Trump of any state in the country. With polls often showing Hochul's favorability rating underwater, Republicans are optimistic that they can build on their previous gains to elect the first Republican governor of New York since former Gov. George Pataki won the 2002 race for his third term. One potential area of concern came as Lawler and Stefanik, coming off her nomination for United Nations ambassador being withdrawn, both expressed interest in running. Republicans wanted to avoid a heated primary battle in which the candidates focus their fire on each other, potentially weakening whoever emerged with the nomination. Kracker argued that Zeldin having to run in a competitive primary hurt him in 2022, as he faced three other candidates. Lawler's decision helps avoid that, leaving Stefanik as the top name potentially in the mix for a run. Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman is also considering a run for governor but is first running for reelection to his current position and has trailed Stefanik in early hypothetical polls. If Stefanik runs, which a source familiar with her thinking told The Hill last month is 'not a matter of if, it's a matter of when,' she'll likely have support from Trump. Stefanik has become a close ally of the president in recent years, and a Truth Social post that Trump made in May endorsing Lawler for reelection to his House seat was seen by some observers as a nudge in favor of Stefanik running for governor. One New York Republican strategist said Lawler made the right decision given the narrow House Republican majority, and the field should now be clear for Stefanik if she goes forward with a run. He said the decision should also give Republicans a boost to have a chance at winning next year. 'It's really important to keep our powder dry and spend it on the right targets,' he said. Republican strategist Bill Cortese, who previously served as an adviser to Stefanik, pointed to the congresswoman's significant fundraising last quarter, in which she raised $4 million and indicated she had $11 million cash on hand. Her political operation said her cash in the bank is the largest amount for a New York Republican ever. 'A significant amount of that can roll over to a gubernatorial race,' Cortese said. 'That's something compared to 2022, if you can walk in with a significant fundraising advantage and avoid a costly primary, then you can focus on Kathy Hochul and her failed policies early on and run a general election campaign from now all the way through November of 2026.' But Democrats are also pleased with the news Lawler isn't running, expecting that Stefanik, who doesn't have Lawler's moderate reputation and is closer to Trump, may be less palatable to voters in what is ultimately still a blue state. Democrats pointed to Lawler's past comments that he would only run if he saw a path to win and his statement that he still 'fundamentally' believes that he's best positioned to face Hochul. He previously said that Republican candidates in New York can 'get all the Republican votes you want' but still need some Democratic and independent votes. Democratic strategist Hank Sheinkopf argued Stefanik will have a problem in the general election, as Trump remains unpopular in New York despite his gains last year. He said Lawler has closer ties to the suburbs of New York City, an area that Republicans need to win at least 25 to 30 percent of to compete. He argued Blakeman would be a stronger candidate in this regard. 'If it's Stefanik, it'll be a tougher battle, and it'll be easier for the Democrats,' Sheinkopf said. But members of both parties acknowledged one additional factor that could give Republicans an extra tool: the rise of Zohran Mamdani, the Democratic nominee for mayor of New York City. If he wins the general election in November, Republicans will likely try to tie Hochul to Mamdani and socialism more broadly. Hochul hasn't endorsed Mamdani in the race but said she would have conversations with him. Still, some in the GOP acknowledged that a Republican with a national profile and with Trump ties like Stefanik could be facing a larger challenge than Lawler would have. Republican strategist Tom Doherty said several factors must coalesce for Republicans to pull off a win, including an exhaustion among voters with Democrats, as seen when Pataki defeated former Gov. Mario Cuomo (D). 'The feeling is obviously that Stefanik and Republicans believe that the state is now ripe for the picking,' he said. 'It still remains a very, very difficult race just based on the numbers.' Democrats outnumber Republicans in voter registration by more than a 2-to-1 margin in the state. But Doherty added that if Trump can improve his approval numbers among independents, it could present an opportunity. 'Hochul will have the resources, and then it's just a question of whether or not [Republicans] can get enough votes in an overwhelming Democratic state,' he said. 'It certainly can be done. But it's still climbing a little bit uphill.'
The Hill
4 days ago
- Politics
- The Hill
Stefanik's latest battle doesn't fight antisemitism; it attacks due process
Rep. Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.) became the scourge of university leaders on Dec. 5, 2023, when she baited the presidents of Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania and MIT into seemingly tolerating calls for 'genocide of the Jews.' Their tepid responses cost two of them their jobs. At subsequent hearings of the House of Representatives Education and Workforce Committee, Stefanik scorched other university presidents for giving equivocal answers about campus antisemitism. Stefanik's latest target has been a legal clinic at the City University of New York School of Law, called CUNY CLEAR, an acronym for Creating Law Enforcement Accountability and Responsibility. At a hearing last week, Stefanik berated CUNY Chancellor Felix Matos Rodriguez for CLEAR's representation of Mahmoud Khalil, whom she called 'the chief pro-Hamas agitator that led to the antisemitic encampments at Columbia.' Whatever the merits of Stefanik's other accusations, she is absolutely wrong about CUNY CLEAR. Representation of a controversial client is in the best tradition of legal education. Khalil was a leader of the pro-Palestinian occupation at Columbia, advancing inflammatory claims and demands. He was also a lawful permanent resident — a green card holder — married to an American citizen. Last March, Khalil was arrested by agents of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Although he was not charged with a crime, the Department of State asserted that Khalil's green card had been revoked under the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, because his pro-Palestinian advocacy posed serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the U.S. Khalil was whisked to a detention facility in central Louisiana. He was held for 104 days until his release was ordered by a federal judge. He is still facing deportation. Outraged that CUNY CLEAR had played a key role in Khalil's representation, Stefanik called upon Rodriguez to fire the CUNY professor who coordinated the defense. Rodriguez was non-committal, promising only to investigate the situation. That was the tactful response, but he missed a teachable moment. The mission of CUNY CLEAR is to support clients and communities 'targeted by local, state, or federal government agencies under the guise of national security and counterterrorism.' Although that may never be acceptable to Stefanik, Rodriguez should have explained that representing unpopular clients is what lawyers are supposed to do, and what law students should be taught to do. CLEAR helped return Khalil from detention in Louisiana to his family, including a newborn son, in New York. That also allowed him greater access to his attorneys, which is essential if he is to have any chance of challenging his deportation. I agree with almost nothing Khalil stands for, but I believe strongly in due process and fair trials. There is no right to appointed counsel in immigration cases, so Khalil's representation could only come from organizations such as the ACLU and CLEAR. In my years as a lawyer in Northwestern's Bluhm Legal Clinic, from 1975 to 1987, I represented plenty of unpopular or outcast clients. Some were obscure, including a lesbian mother seeking to regain custody of her daughter from the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services (which was hardly a foregone conclusion in those days). Others were notorious, such as the Ukrainian parents who wanted to take their 12-year-old son back to what was then the Soviet Union. I also represented Jews for Jesus who had been arrested picketing American Nazi Party headquarters, and Jewish Defense League members for the same thing. I represented Jewish leftists who had been prevented by a police cordon from protesting at a Nazi rally in a Chicago park. I worked with the Illinois ACLU during the Nazis-in-Skokie controversy. There were surely Northwestern trustees, and local politicians, who were unhappy with some aspects of my client list, which included accused gang members and assorted criminal defendants, along with members of the Revolutionary Communist Party. Nobody ever told me that representation should be withheld due to unpopular associations or opinions. There is indeed antisemitism at CUNY, and throughout academia, which I have documented. The representation of Khalil is in an entirely separate category. It is grist for a grandstander like Stefanik, but it is not an example of antisemitism. Among my most rewarding experiences as a clinic lawyer was obtaining the dismissal of charges against a 12 year-old girl accused of murdering her own baby. In 1976, I could not convince prosecutors to treat my client as an abused child herself, rather than a criminal. The only evidence against her was a confession, extracted by police, which my students and I succeeded in suppressing as involuntary. Decades later, I told the story in class. 'So you got her off,' remarked a student. 'No, we got her justice,' I explained. That is what legal clinics do.
New York Post
7 days ago
- Entertainment
- New York Post
Stefanik uses viral Astronomer CEO cheating photo to slam Mamdani, Hochul
It was the Kiss Cam seen around the internet, and now one House Republican is using it as a political cudgel. Rep. Elise Stefanik, R-N.Y., used the viral moment caught during a Coldplay concert that sparked allegations that Astronomer CEO Andy Byron and his head of human resources, Kristin Cabot, were having an affair, to bash New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani and New York Gov. Kathy Hochul. 'Commie Mamdani holding [Gov. Kathy Hochul] headed for re-election in 2026,' Stefanik said on X. Fox News Digital reached out to Hochul and Mamdani's offices for comment. Stefanik has so far flirted with a bid for the New York governor's mansion, but has yet to throw her name into the race. She was previously the number three Republican in House GOP leadership until she was tapped to be President Donald Trump's U.S. ambassador to the United Nations. However, Trump pulled his nomination and Stefanik returned to the House, where she again earned a spot in leadership. 4 Rep. Elise Stefanik, R-NY., speaks during the House Committee on Education and Workforce hearing on antisemitism on American campuses on Capitol Hill in Washington, Wednesday, May 7, 2025. AP 4 The pair were watching Coldplay perform in Boston, Massachusetts, on July 16, 2025, when frontman Chris Martin panned his 'kiss cam' onto them. Grace Springer via Storyful However, Stefanik is not the only House Republican eying a challenge against Hochul, who first took office in 2021 after former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who is now battling Mamdani in New York City's mayoral contest, resigned. She won her first full term in 2022. Rep. Mike Lawler, R-N.Y., is also mulling a bid against Hochul, and like Stefanik, has yet to announce his intentions. Lawler has twice won in typically Democratic districts, while Stefanik has held her seat in a deep red portion of upstate New York. But a recent poll found that if either entered the race, along with a potential third in Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman, they would have an uphill climb against Hochul. 4 Democratic Mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani joins union members at their rally at Foley Square in support of the UAW Legal Services Workers strike. / MEGA 4 New York Gov. Kathy Hochul speaks about the impact of federal cuts during a cabinet meeting in the Red Room at the State Capitol Thursday, July 17, 2025, in Albany, N.Y. Hans Pennink A recent poll from Sienna College found that Hochul leads each potential gubernatorial candidate by at least 20 points each. Meanwhile, Mamdani is fresh from Washington D.C., where he met with the likes of Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., and Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt. He's now back in New York to meet with Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y., in a bid to secure their endorsements in his quest to beat New York City Mayor Eric Adams.
Politico
17-07-2025
- Politics
- Politico
Hochul faces perilous path on aid-in-dying legislation
The same poll found Hochul leading three potential Republican rivals in the 2026 gubernatorial race by at least 20 points, although none has announced. Corinne Carey, who serves as senior campaign director for New York and New Jersey for Compassion & Choices, which advocates for aid-in-dying bills, said that in the 11 states where similar laws passed there was little evidence of negative political consequences for supporters. 'No governor or lawmaker has ever lost at the polls following their action,' Carey said in a statement to POLITICO. 'Governor Hochul has nothing to fear politically and everything to gain by signing the Medical Aid in Dying Act into law.' But that's not stopping Hochul's political foes from wielding the issue as a political brickbat. One of her potential GOP challengers, Rep. Elise Stefanik, criticized the governor in a New York Post op-ed last month for her 'gutless silence' on the measure. 'The bill now sits on Hochul's desk, and where is she? Hiding. Silent. Dodging with a spineless 'she'll review the legislation' statement from her team,' Stefanik wrote, calling the legislation a 'moral travesty.' Hochul's office declined to comment on Stefanik's remarks or answer questions for this article. Stefanik and other aid-in-dying opponents have partly hinged their arguments on the state's low utilization of hospice and palliative care programs, which focus on improving seriously ill patients' quality of life by easing pain and distress. 'Instead of investing in palliative care, mental health support and life-affirming resources for those facing terminal illness, this legislation offers an immoral shortcut that devalues human life,' Stefanik said in a statement after its passage in the Assembly. But Jeanne Chirico, president of the Hospice & Palliative Care Association of New York State, denounced arguments that pit the two treatment pathways against each other. She said Hochul should invest more resources into hospice and palliative care regardless of her decision on medical aid in dying, noting that the association is neutral on the bill. In states that have authorized medical aid in dying, 88 percent of individuals who used it were enrolled in hospice or palliative care services at the time of their deaths, according to a report released this year by Compassion & Choices. New York would become the 12th state to legalize the measure. 'This is not an independent decision on medical aid in dying — this is about quality of end-of-life care,' Chirico said. Chirico said the association met post-session with the governor's office to discuss the aid-in-dying bill and press for state funding to bolster the hospice and palliative care workforce.
