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The Independent
30-03-2025
- Entertainment
- The Independent
Sex Pistols star once confessed to stealing from David Bowie: ‘He thought it was funny'
A member of the Sex Pistols has revealed they once stole equipment from David Bowie during his last Ziggy Stardust show in 1973. Three years before the punk rock band rose to fame with the release of their debut single 'Anarchy in the UK', guitarist Steve Jones snuck into the Hammersmith Odeon to steal supplies from the pop star. Jones, 69, who rocked up to the venue in a stolen minivan at 2AM, managed to drive off with Bowie's band's cymbals, the bass player's amplifier and a microphone with Bowie's lipstick on it. Speaking to The Guardian, Jones explained: 'They played two nights, and after the first night they left all the gear up, because they were playing there the next night. I knew the Hammersmith Odeon like the back of my hand, I used to bunk in there all the time. I was like the Phantom of Hammersmith Odeon.' He continued: 'It was about two in the morning. I stole a little minivan and I got in. There was no one there, other than a guy sitting on the fourth or fifth row, asleep – he was snoring. 'It was dead silent. I tiptoed across the stage, and I nicked some cymbals, the bass player's [amplifier] head – a Sunn amp it was – and some microphones. I got Bowie's microphone with his lipstick on it!' Jones later confessed the crime to Bowie who 'thought it was funny' – because the microphones weren't actually his. It was drummer Mick Woodmansey and bass player Trevor Bolder who truly suffered a blow. 'I actually did make amends with Woody,' Jones revealed. 'He came on my radio show a few years back, and I thought I'd tell him live.' The guitarist asked Woodmansey what he could do to make it up to him for stealing his cymbals, to which the drummer asked for 'a couple of hundred bucks'. 'I think I gave him $300 (£231),' Jones said. 'So, he was well happy.' Elsewhere in the interview, Jones revealed the most chaotic thing that ever happened on stage with the Sex Pistols was during a gig they played at a club in Milwaukee with a 'ridiculously high stage' in 1996. 'It was about 20 foot,' he recalled. 'Some guy walked on the stage, I don't know how he got through John [Lydon]'s security, Rambo, saw him and came running across the stage. 'He grabbed the guy, the guy hit John, and John fell off the stage, head first,' he continued. 'And I thought, that's the end of that. But he got up and carried on!' It comes after the 2025 iteration of the Sex Pistols — Jones, Paul Cook, Glen Matlock and Frank Carter — announced the band's first North America tour in two decades earlier this month. This autumn, the legendary punk band will embark on their first tour of North America without Lydon, at the Longhorn Ballroom in Dallas, Texas — the site of a particularly hostile show for the band when it first toured the U.S. in 1978, where the band had 'pigs' hooves and bottles' thrown at them by cowboys. Jones, Cook, Matlock and Carter revealed they didn't reach out to Lydon to see if he wanted to participate in the reunion tour, which he has been vocally dismissive of in prior interviews. 'The last thing he wants to do is have anything to do with us right now,' Jones said, referencing a lawsuit the singer filed against the band over the use of Sex Pistols music in their TV series, Pistol. 'We wish him the best,' he added.
The Guardian
29-03-2025
- Entertainment
- The Guardian
Sex Pistols' Steve Jones: ‘I like to fart in front of people. You can tell if someone's cool from their reaction'
Is it true you nicked some of your early equipment from David Bowie's trucks outside the Hammersmith Odeon at the last Ziggy Stardust show, in 1973? There's definitely some truth in that. It wasn't outside in trucks though – it was on the stage! They played two nights, and after the first night they left all the gear up, because they were playing there the next night. I knew the Hammersmith Odeon like the back of my hand, I used to bunk in there all the time. I was like the Phantom of Hammersmith Odeon. It was about two in the morning. I stole a little minivan and I got in. There was no one there, other than a guy sitting on the fourth or fifth row, asleep – he was snoring. It was dead silent. I tiptoed across the stage, and I nicked some cymbals, the bass player's [amplifier] head – a Sunn amp it was – and some microphones. I got Bowie's microphone with his lipstick on it! Did you ever fess up to Bowie about this? I kind of did, on a phone call. He knew I'd done it; he thought it was funny. Actually, I don't think I nicked anything off him, I don't think the microphones were his. The only ones I felt bad for were Woody [drummer, Mick Woodmansey] and [bass player] Trevor Bolder. I actually did make amends with Woody. He came on my radio show a few years back, and I thought I'd tell him live, when we were on the air, what I did. I was like, 'I've got to make amends to you, Woody, I nicked some of your cymbals. What can I do to make it right?' He goes, 'I don't know; give us a couple of hundred bucks.' I think I gave him $300, so he was well happy. What album do you always return to? Oh, The Rise and Fall of Ziggy Stardust is always a go-to. What's the most chaotic thing that's ever happened to you on stage? There was a time in 1996, when the Sex Pistols played in Milwaukee, a big club which had a ridiculously high stage – it was about 20 foot. Some guy walked on the stage, I don't know how he got through. John [Johnny Rotten, nee John Lydon]'s security Rambo saw him and came running across the stage. He grabbed the guy, the guy hit John, and John fell off the stage, head first. And I thought, that's the end of that. But he got up and carried on! Punters are raving about Frank Carter as the new singer of the Pistols. How does it feel playing these old songs with a new frontman? It's great, it's refreshing. He's younger – well, he's 40. I'll be 70 this year! But he's got bundles of energy, and he's great with an audience. He's not trying to be Johnny Rotten. People love it. My philosophy is, don't play more than an hour and 15, an hour and 30, max. Whenever I go to a concert, I'm not interested in seeing a band for three hours. I guess some artists think the crowd's getting their money's worth, but for me, I'm bored after an hour or so. We often ask people who they would like to play them in a biopic. You've already had one! Did you enjoy Toby Wallace's portrayal of you in Pistol? I love Toby, he's great. He came out [to Los Angeles] and he'd stare at me for a long time, trying to pick up my mannerisms. He had to get someone to help him with his speech, obviously, because he's got the Australian accent. Sometimes he slipped up a little bit, but I thought he did pretty good. The one thing that bugged me was this scene where they go on about my guitar – 'Oh, it's like Excalibur!' – but they couldn't even find one close to mine. The one they used looked like it was from Woolworths. It must have cost a tenner. I would gladly have lent them one of mine. You know a lot of people. Who's the most famous person in your phone? I do know many famous people, but this is a great story. When I was doing Indie 103.1, I ran into Cliff Richard. I said do you want to come on the show, have a larf? And he said OK. He came down, brought his guitars, and I couldn't get him to shut up. He went through all the old classic songs. He's such a pro. They don't make 'em like him any more. Anyway, he left, I had his number, and funnily enough he called me on my landline when we got accepted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. He left a message and he just started singing, 'Congratulations! And jubilations!' It was the funniest thing ever. Besides Cliff, you've hosted everyone from Judas Priest to Brian Wilson on your show. Who was your most chaotic guest? I would say Jerry Lee Lewis. He was really ornery and prickly. I think I said, 'What was it like when you went to England?' And I don't think he actually got to tour in England – he got banned because he was married to his cousin, who was underage. And he just turned on me: 'I don't wanna talk about that!' And there was silence. I didn't know what to do, I started to panic. In the late 80s you played on a Bob Dylan song, Sally Sue Brown. How was Bob in those days? It was bizarre. I met him a couple of weeks prior to him asking me to put a band together out at some party. I had long hair and was on my Harley with no helmet, and he was gravitating towards me. Someone must have told him I was in the Sex Pistols. We hung out for a bit, and I got a call two weeks later, can you put a band together, and we'll do a session down at Sunset Sound [studios]. So, I did. Paul Simonen [ex-the Clash] happened to be in town at that time. I got the drummer from Pat Benatar's band, the keyboard player was playing with Rod Stewart. We ended up on that song, which is a cover. We kind of gelled on that one. What song do you want played at your funeral? That's a funny one. I guess some people who are narcissists would already be thinking of this stuff, right? I'm not as narcissistic as a lot of people I know, but I've learned over many years of being sober that it ain't all about me. I don't know, that's a miserable question. It just tells you you're gonna die one day. Do you have a party trick? I like to fart in front of people. You can tell if someone's cool or not from their reaction. I farted in front of Lisa Marie Presley once. She was sitting outside Starbucks and I was going in, and I just let one rip. She had this look on her face of disgust. I just carried on walking into Starbucks. Is that bad? The Sex Pistols are touring Australia 5 -11 April; see here for dates.
Express Tribune
23-02-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Unresolved grievances fuel endless violence in Kurram
While the local administration, with support from the police, Frontier Corps, and other security forces, may have destroyed a few bunkers in Kurram, lasting peace in the newly merged tribal district remains elusive until a comprehensive strategy is adopted. The nature of disputes in Kurram — framed as either tribal disputes or sectarian clashes — are deeply complex and not limited to recent incidents, such as the attack on a convoy or retaliatory violence by one sect against Bagan village. Reports indicate that during the violence in Bagan, homes were set ablaze and women were abducted — an aspect rarely highlighted in coverage of major conflicts between tribal or settled districts in recent history. However, such incidents are not unprecedented in sectarian strife in the region. The abduction of women, in particular, has occurred in previous skirmishes or 'lashkar kashi' (militia mobilisation) as well. The fragile security situation in Kurram cannot be measured from a single aspect. While sectarianism is frequently highlighted whenever violence erupts, it is only one of seven underlying sources of tension in the erstwhile tribal agency. A major source of tension in the district is land disputes, particularly over unmarked communal lands known locally as 'shamilat', an issue highlighted during the caretaker government's tenure in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. "The Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa caretaker government formed a Land Boundaries Commission, which submitted a comprehensive report on Kurram District within six months, detailing ownership, disputed areas, and potential solutions," a senior officer told The Express Tribune on condition of anonymity. The commission comprised the Secretary of the Settlement and Land Record (SMBR), the commissioner of Kohat, the deputy commissioner and assistant commissioners of Kurram, local patwaris, and multiple tehsildars familiar with the region's land issues. The report they prepared clearly outlined who owned what parcel of land ownership and which areas belonged to which tribe or sect. "Unfortunately, the caretaker government was restrained by the central government, which directed that the report should not be made public for the sake of public safety," the officer revealed. The second major factor behind the recent disputes between Shia and Sunni tribes is the district government's reluctance to take decisive action, fearing widespread unrest. "Previously, minor incidents in the district were resolved through Jirgas, where the local administration would place the 'Aman Tigga' (peace stone) between the opposing sides, settling the issue within a set timeframe," a source explained. "Unfortunately, this time, the conflict has dragged on because one side's grievances were left unaddressed." A volatile pattern Speaking to The Express Tribune, a source described the recent attacks on convoys in Kurram as more than just isolated incidents. The initial October 12, 2024 attack, which targeted a convoy carrying members of the Sunni sect as it passed through a predominantly Shia area and left 17 dead, was 'pre-planned', the source claimed. "The Sunni villagers from Sadda village were traveling to Upper Kurram for the funeral of their Sunni relatives when their convoy was stopped at Kunj Alizai,' a former police officer from the area narrated. 'All members of the convoy, including women, notable figures and children, were killed," he said. In response, the Sunni jirga has sought assistance from the local administration, demanding the arrest of those they believe to be involved in the October 12 attack. The participants of the jirga insist that the perpetrators, who carried out the attack in 'broad daylight', are well known to locals in the area. Local authorities confirmed that the Shia communities in the region were directed to hand over those accused of carrying out the attack, but they have constantly refused to do so. Since October 14 last year, when the district administration failed to address the demands of the Sunni community jirga, the Shia communities anticipated a retaliation to take place. Fearing reprisals, Shia residents halted travel towards Lower Kurram, Sadda, Kohat and Peshawar and demanded security guarantees when passing through Sunni-majority areas. Meanwhile, the Kurram deputy commissioner insisted on the surrender of the accused individuals from the Shia side. To press their demand for road protection in Sunni areas, the Shia community staged a protest from Parachinar to Balash Khelo, blocking roads leading to Upper Kurram, a source reported. After negotiations between the Shia community and the district administration, an agreement was reached, allowing three convoys to travel to Peshawar with police and FC providing security. However, it is worth noting that Sunni grievances remained unaddressed. While roads were reopened for all types of transport and a sense of normalcy returned, no further investigation was conducted into the Sunni community's claims or the loss of 17 lives. On November 21, 2024, two convoys — one traveling from Parachinar to Peshawar and the other from the provincial capital to Kurram District — were attacked by Sunni tribes at three different locations. The assaults claimed more than 15 lives, including women and children. These attacks enraged the Shia community, further escalating tensions in the region. Meanwhile, the district administration failed to ensure security at the designated checkpoints, despite prior concerns over road safety. On the other hand, residents of Bagan had signed a truce with the Shia community of Parachinar in the recent past, asserting that their conflict was with the Sunni-majority area of Sadda, not with Bagan. As a result, Bagan residents sought to remain neutral in the ongoing Shia-Sunni disputes. The use of the Alizai route by Shia residents in order to bypass Sadda, became a point of contention. The Sunni community of Sadda reportedly pressured Bagan residents to provide safe passage for attacks on Shia convoys passing through the area. However, Bagan elders refused, urging locals to stay out of the sectarian conflict. "Despite having no involvement in the Shia-Sunni dispute, on November 22, the Shia tribes of Kurram launched an attack on Bagan. The entire commercial district and residential areas were set on fire. In the attack, 25 people were killed, several notable figures were slaughtered and women and girls were abducted," a source claimed. 'It is worth noting that Bagan had no disputes over land or sectarian issues with any tribe. The community became a victim of miscalculation,' the source explained. The district administration conducted a damage assessment for compensation, covering property losses and casualties. Authorities also pledged to recover the kidnapped women, though they remain in captivity. 'Food, medicine, and other essential supplies remained scarce until December, yet the district administration remained reluctant to take concrete action to address the crisis,' the source said. However, reports of the deaths of newborn babies and children, as well as overall casualties among both Shia and Sunni communities, were allegedly exaggerated, according to the source. In response, a committee has been formed to investigate the deaths of children during the road closures in Kurram. In the meantime, two demonstrations took place despite the truce between the Shia and Sunni tribes. The Shia community demanded the resumption of normal road services to Peshawar and other parts of the country, while the Sunni community called for compensation for the attack on Bagan. 'Deputy Commissioner Javedullah Mehsud engaged with both sides following the truce, urging the reopening of road services and adherence to government authority,' the source said. 'However, tensions escalated, and an exchange of harsh words led to gunfire. Javedullah Mehsud, his guard, and FC personnel were attacked.' In response, the government has decided to launch operations in the Sunni-majority area of Bagan in Lower Kurram, where the DC and government-sponsored convoys were attacked. Towards a solution One more major factor in the ongoing violence in Kurram is the presence of heavily armed parties on either side. Both groups have access to heavy weapons that include high-calibre anti-aircraft guns, night vision equipment and small arms and other kit left behind by NATO forces once deployed in Afghanistan. To restore peace, the government must conduct sweeping military operations without bias towards any religious affiliation. Additionally, both factions have established permanent bunkers equipped with living facilities. These should be dismantled, and only government-controlled security posts, staffed by personnel from other districts, should be permitted. The Tall-Parachinar road remains highly dangerous for both sects, with neither side able to travel safely. Sectarian tensions continue to be at an alarming level. To ensure road security, a dedicated road force should be established, incorporating multiple layers of security, including military and police personnel. Despite the truce agreed between Shia and Sunni tribes, peace has yet to be fully restored. The Sunni community's grievances remain unaddressed, particularly their demand for accountability in the killing of 17 Sunni members. Additionally, the abducted women have not been released, and Bagan — despite not being a party to the sectarian conflict — still has missing men and women, sources stressed. Meanwhile, the dispute has now extended beyond the battlefield to social media. Platforms like TikTok, Facebook, and Twitter Spaces have turned into virtual battlegrounds, further fuelling tensions. Religious scholars from both sides are further fuelling tribal tensions as well. Their Friday sermons and religious gatherings should be closely monitored to prevent incitement. For the distribution of essential supplies, Sunni representatives should be held accountable for food transportation in their areas, while Shia representatives should oversee distribution in theirs. To restore law and order, the government must reimpose Section 40 of the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) under specific circumstances to reinforce its authority. Bagan, being the worst affected area, requires urgent government intervention for reconstruction and rehabilitation efforts. A lasting resolution to the conflict in Kurram requires more than temporary truces and localised security actions. The government must adopt a comprehensive, impartial strategy that addresses the core issues stoking the violence, from sectarian divides and land disputes to the proliferation of heavy weaponry. Ensuring justice for all victims, securing key transport routes and clamping down on inflammatory rhetoric are crucial steps toward long-term stability. Without decisive action, Kurram will remain trapped in a cycle of violence, with each new incident threatening to reignite broader conflict.
