Latest news with #SunniArab
Fox News
16-05-2025
- Politics
- Fox News
Trump takes well-earned victory lap for Middle East peace triumphs
Eight years ago, during the first few days of President Donald Trump's first term, I joined his other senior advisers in the White House Situation Room to discuss our approach to Saudia Arabia, which was then in the midst of an internal power struggle. Should we work with the older generation of Saudi leaders, with whom the U.S. has done business with for decades? Or would we take a chance on the younger generation, who were untested, but are committed to massive social and economic change. Jared Kushner made the case for the new leaders, especially Mohammed bin Salman (MBS). Kushner argued they would take Saudi Arabia in a different direction -- away from the religiously and socially conservative, insular, extremist-tolerant older generation of their grandparents – and build a modern, tolerant and open society, with rights for women. They wanted to diversify the Saudi economy beyond its reliance on oil and create a modern nation focused on technology, investment and infrastructure. They would stand against Islamic extremism and work with us to destroy terrorist movements. They were open to the idea of peace with Israel as the foundation of a wilder peace in the Middle East. The choice was Trump's, and one of his first major foreign policy decisions. He would continue his rock-solid support of Israel, but he took a bet on the younger generation of Sunni Arab leaders. He withdrew from President Barack Obama's flawed nuclear weapons deal with Iran, believing that the road to Middle East peace went through Riyadh and Israel, not Tehran. This week's trip to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE was Trump's victory lap. His big bet in 2017 paid off. He could say with great pride, "Before our eyes, a new generation of leaders is transcending the ancient conflicts and tired divisions of the past, and forging a future where the Middle East is defined by commerce, not chaos; where it exports technology, not terrorism; and where people of different nations, religions, and creeds are building cities together — not bombing each other out of existence." The Gulf Arab nations, led by Saudi Arabia, have accomplished extraordinary things in the last eight years, despite the cold shoulder given them during the Biden administration. They were crucial in destroying ISIS and other Islamist extremist movements. They played a major behind-the-scenes role in the Abraham Accords between Israel and the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan and then Morocco. While not yet a formal signatory to the Abraham Accords, Saudi Arabia is well on its way. The Saudis, along with the other Gulf Arab leaders, have now urged Trump to open a dialogue with the new leaders of Syria. He has taken another bet on peace during this trip, and is dropping crippling sanctions on Syria, to give them a "chance at greatness." If Trump is right, Syria will no longer be a scourge of the region it has been for decades; using chemical weapons on its own people, hosting extremist groups bent on spreading death and destruction, and welcoming in Russian influence. Perhaps most important of all, Trump has put a stake in the heart of American interventionist foreign policy pursued by both political parties for the last 20 years. We will no longer fight forever wars in the Middle East in a futile attempt to force them into the American mold. We will no longer give nations "lectures on how to live or how to govern their own affairs." As Trump said in his first address to the United Nations General Assembly in 2017, "We do not expect diverse countries to share the same cultures, traditions, or even systems of government. But we do expect all nations to uphold these two core sovereign duties: to respect the interests of their own people and the rights of every other sovereign nation… "In America, we do not seek to impose our way of life on anyone, but rather to let it shine as an example for everyone to watch." Our policy is Peace through Strength – which encompasses all forms of our strength, not just our military strength. What better way to honor the spirit of our own founding 250 years ago, than to encourage other "sovereign nations let their people take ownership of the future and control their own destiny."
Rudaw Net
11-05-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
Iraqi ministry says over 2,200 prisoners released under general amnesty law
Also in Iraq Iraqi university to launch AI programs Iraq welcomes India-Pakistan ceasefire Komala offshoots evacuate Sulaimani bases Iraq bans protests ahead of Arab League summit in Baghdad A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - At least 2,200 prisoners have been released from jails across the country under the general amnesty law, which took effect in mid-February, the Iraqi justice ministry said on Sunday. 'So far, 2,250 prisoners have been released under the general amnesty law,' ministry spokesperson Ahmed al-Luaibi told Rudaw. Since the law entered into implementation, more than 300 prisoners have also been released after completing their sentences, according to Luaibi. According to ministry data, Iraq's 30 prisons house some 67,000 inmates, including 1,600 foreigners. The general amnesty law, which amended the 2016 law's interpretation of affiliation with terrorist organizations, was pushed by Sunni Arab lawmakers. The amendment was a key prerequisite for Sunni blocs to agree to join the ruling State Administration Coalition, which was formed in September 2022 and backed Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia' al-Sudani into office. Sunni lawmakers argue that thousands from their community have been unjustly imprisoned in Shiite-majority Iraq since 2003 over alleged terrorism links. The controversial law went into effect in mid-February after being published in the Official Gazette of Iraq, along with two other controversial laws demanded by Shiite and Kurdish lawmakers - the personal status and land restitution laws, respectively. The Islamic State (ISIS) seized vast swathes of Iraqi territory in 2014. During the liberation battles, thousands were arrested for suspected ISIS links, particularly in Sunni-majority provinces, like Anbar, Nineveh, and Salahaddin provinces. Nahro Mohammed contributed to this report.
Shafaq News
10-05-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Future Nineveh: Key member warns of withdrawal
2025-05-10T05:18:55+00:00 Shafaq News / The Future Nineveh Alliance, which includes factions backed by the Shiite Coordination Framework within the Nineveh Provincial Council, is facing growing internal tensions following accusations of marginalization and political exclusion. In an audio message obtained by Shafaq News Agency, Iraqi lawmaker Wadd Qaddo, a member of the alliance, warned that continued sidelining of representatives from Hamdaniya district and Bashiqa subdistrict could lead to a formal withdrawal from the coalition. "The alliance has brought results for others, but we have yet to see any return for our efforts," Qaddo said. He pointed specifically to the situation in Bashiqa, claiming it remains under the dominance of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) despite ongoing participation by minority representatives. Qaddo also expressed frustration with Nineveh Provincial Council Chairman Ahmed al-Hasoud. "I've tried to reach him for the past two days without any response, although we had daily contact when he was facing questioning and possible dismissal," he said, describing the silence as troubling and suggestive of a breakdown in internal coordination. Issuing a direct warning, Qaddo stated, "If this continues, we will withdraw from the alliance and assume a neutral stance. We will pursue our interests with any party willing to engage—we refuse to be used as a stepping stone for others." He also cautioned that unless grievances are addressed, the alliance risks losing coherence and influence. The Nineveh Provincial Council is composed of 29 members representing a diverse array of ethnic and religious communities. The two leading blocs are the Unified Nineveh Bloc, aligned with the Sunni Arab majority and supported by the KDP, and the Future Nineveh Alliance, which includes Shabak, Yazidi, Christian, and other minority factions backed by the Shiite Coordination Framework.
Shafaq News
19-04-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Halabja granted, Nineveh to be divided: Iraq's unity in the balance
Shafaq News/ As the Kurdistan Region celebrates the formal recognition of Halabja as Iraq's 19th province, a wave of opposition is building in Nineveh, where local leaders and political blocs are pushing back against calls to transform several of its districts into new administrative units. The proposals have sparked concerns over the potential sectarian and ethnic fragmentation, adding new layers of complexity to Iraq's already delicate political landscape. Federalism in Iraq Two decades after Iraq's 2005 Constitution defined the country as a federal republic, the vision of decentralization remains mostly unrealized and is confined in practice to the autonomous Kurdistan Region. Despite legal provisions for forming regions with administrative and legislative authority, federalism outside Kurdistan has struggled to take root, hindered by sectarian divides, political rivalries, and regional interference. The Kurdistan Region, consisting of Erbil, al-Sulaymaniyah, Duhok, and since 2025, Halabja, stands as the only functioning federal entity in Iraq. With its own parliament, presidency, armed forces, and external relations, it exercises wide autonomy from Baghdad. This model has served as both a reference for decentralization and a point of contention, raising fears among other Iraqi factions of potential national fragmentation. Iraq is composed of 19 provinces (governorates/Muhafazat.) The southern provinces, Basra, Dhi Qar, Maysan, Muthanna, Najaf, Karbala, Wasit, Babil, and al-Qādisiyyah, are predominantly Shiite. Baghdad is demographically mixed but leans Shiite. The north-western provinces, Nineveh, al-Anbar, and Saladin, are mainly Sunni Arab. Diyala and Kirkuk are among Iraq's most diverse, inhabited by Arabs, Kurds, and Turkmen, both Sunni and Shiite. The four Kurdish provinces are largely Sunni Kurdish, with significant Yazidi and Christian minorities, especially in Duhok. Although the Constitution allows provinces to form new regions through referendums, such initiatives have repeatedly stalled. In the south, calls for a Shiite region, especially in oil-rich Basra, have periodically resurfaced. Proponents argue it would allow locals more control over resources and governance, reflecting longstanding frustration with Baghdad. In the late 2000s, prominent Shiite cleric Ammar al-Hakim supported such a vision. However, other Shiite leaders, including Muqtada al-Sadr, opposed it, warning that regionalization could entrench sectarianism and fracture national unity. Among Sunnis, interest in forming a region, particularly across al-Anbar, Saladin, and parts of Nineveh, grew after the Islamic State's occupation and the subsequent war to expel it. Sunni proponents saw regional autonomy as a pathway to rebuilding local governance and enhancing security. But efforts failed to gain momentum amid leadership fragmentation, federal government resistance and fears that it would cement Iraq's sectarian divisions. Legal obstacles further complicate regionalization. Forming a new region requires both a provincial council initiative and a public referendum. External actors also play a role. According to observers, Iran, influential over much of Iraq's Shiite political elite, opposes the formation of a Sunni region, fearing it could serve as a foothold for rivals like Saudi Arabia or the United States. At the same time, Tehran is wary of a formal Shiite region in the south that might weaken its influence over Baghdad or empower more independent southern leaders. Halabja is Paving the Way On Monday, the Iraqi parliament officially granted Halabja provincial status, marking the culmination of over a decade of negotiations between the federal government in Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Erbil. The decision was met with widespread parliamentary approval, including support from the pro-Iranian Badr bloc led by Hadi al-Amiri. However, celebrations were quickly overshadowed by fresh controversy as Badr bloc members proposed carving out the districts of Tal Afar, Sinjar, and the Nineveh Plains to form a new province. MP Waad al-Qaddo described the move as necessary to address what he called a history of 'administrative injustice and marginalization' in those areas. 'There has been significant oppression against the regions of Tal Afar, Sinjar, and the Nineveh Plains by former governors and local administrations,' Qaddo argued. 'This compels us to demand the establishment of a new province to ensure justice for the communities living there.' While reaffirming support for Halabja's elevation as a 'constitutional and legal right,' Qaddo urged lawmakers to consider a similar path for the disputed Nineveh districts. 'The Badr parliamentary bloc supports the Kurdish demand to establish the province of Halabja,' he noted. 'We believe that creating another province encompassing Tal Afar, Sinjar, and the Nineveh Plains is essential to achieving administrative fairness and restoring the rights of Iraq's diverse communities.' But the proposal triggered an immediate backlash in Nineveh. Political leaders and local figures warned that fragmenting the province could inflame sectarian tensions and threaten national cohesion. It Is Not As Easy As It Looks Efforts to carve new provinces out of Iraq's Nineveh Province are not a recent development. The idea dates back to 2013 when the Badr Organization advocated separating Tal Afar and the Nineveh Plains. At the time, then-governor Atheel al-Nujaifi fiercely opposed the initiative and warned he would declare Nineveh a federal region if it proceeded. The plan stalled after ISIS seized Mosul and its surrounding districts in 2014, shifting national priorities. Since the 2003 US-led invasion, the Nineveh Plain has remained a contested zone between Kurdish forces and Shiite factions. Initially controlled by the Kurdish Peshmerga, the area was designated a disputed territory under Article 140 of Iraq's Constitution. This provision outlines a three-step process—normalization, census, and referendum—to resolve competing territorial claims in regions like Kirkuk, Sinjar, parts of Diyala and Saladin, as well as the Nineveh Plain. However, the balance of power shifted dramatically in 2017 when the Peshmerga withdrew, allowing Shiite groups and the Christian Babylon Brigades to establish a foothold in the area. Yet, the drive to carve out new provinces extends beyond mere territorial control. The process is legally complex and financially burdensome. Shirwan al-Dobirani, a Member of Parliament's Committee on Regions and Provinces, notes that such initiatives must begin with a vote in the local council. From there, the proposal winds its way through several bureaucratic stages, including the delineation of borders and securing approvals from critical ministries such as Planning, Communications, and Water Resources. The case of Halabja, whose designation as a province took 12 years of negotiations between al-Sulaymaniyah and Baghdad, highlights the complexity involved. It required extensive documentation, multiple ministerial reviews, and final Cabinet approval before it reached Parliament. Legal expert Mohammad Jumaa underscores that the creation of a new province is not merely a demographic issue but a fiscal and political decision. 'It's not just about population or geography…Budget allocations and available resources are key.' Political analyst Aied al-Hilali warns that opening the door to similar requests could reshape Iraq's entire administrative and fiscal structure. 'If Tal Afar, Sinjar, Fallujah, Zubair, or Souq al-Shuyukh demand the same, the impact would be substantial,' he notes. 'They're no different from Halabja in their aspirations.' Al-Hilali cautions that Iraq is not prepared for such a shift. 'Transforming districts into governorates demands in-depth studies and careful economic planning. These decisions can't be driven by sentiment. They require a strategic vision for how Iraq is governed.' According to al-Dobirani, more than 300 administrative provisions must be addressed, especially within the Ministry of Planning. Law No. 21 stipulates that only local councils can initiate the process. Once approved locally, the request triggers a detailed implementation phase: border mapping, ministry coordination, and comprehensive reporting, culminating with Cabinet approval before reaching Parliament. While momentum builds behind proposals for new governorates, al-Dobirani stresses that Parliament alone cannot authorize them. 'This is the responsibility of the government and local councils. The financial burdens are substantial, and the government ultimately shoulders the cost,' he notes. 'Any future efforts must fully weigh the administrative and fiscal consequences before moving forward.' Warnings of Fragmentation Proposals to establish new provinces in Iraq have stirred widespread concern, with experts and lawmakers warning of potential financial strain and deeper fragmentation within the country's already intricate administrative framework. Legal expert Al-Hilali urged against rushed decisions, emphasizing the need for careful evaluation. 'There are old and influential districts—Fallujah, al-Zubair, Shatrah, and Souq al-Shuyukh—that have longstanding administrative, economic, and historical significance,' he noted. 'Their aspirations to become governorates should be assessed thoughtfully, not through selective or reactive measures.' The idea of decentralization may seem like a practical route toward better governance, but many caution that if handled recklessly, it could fuel division rather than reform. Nowhere is the backlash more pronounced than in Nineveh, where both officials and residents have voiced strong opposition to proposals to split the province. The Axis Alliance issued a firm rejection of the idea, viewing it as a recipe for sectarian and ethnic division. 'This direction does not represent the will of Nineveh's people,' the alliance warned. 'It is an irresponsible proposal that paves the way for the province's division, opening the door to unacceptable demographic changes.' They emphasized that decisions of such weight should only be taken through Nineveh's legitimate representatives and in line with constitutional mechanisms, not through politically motivated recommendations that lack local support. That sentiment was reinforced by Ahmad al-Jubouri, a Member of Parliament representing Nineveh, who described the move as a dangerous step toward national disintegration. 'Accepting the division of Nineveh on sectarian or ethnic grounds will only be the beginning of Iraq's fragmentation,' he cautioned. Many leaders view Nineveh's diversity not as a challenge, but as a source of strength. Jamil Abdul Sabak, another prominent MP from the province, argued that the mosaic of communities—Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen, Christians, Yazidis, Shabak, and others—should be a reason to preserve unity, not threaten it. 'This diversity is not a reason for division; it is a source of strength that should be protected and nurtured,' he said. Sabak also believes that efforts to fragment the province under the guise of administrative efficiency or minority protection serve narrow political interests rather than genuine governance needs. 'The strength of Nineveh lies in its unity,' he added. 'Fragmenting it will only deepen societal divides and weaken local governance.' He further rejected the idea that division would enhance conditions for minorities. Instead, he argued, the path forward lies in balanced development, administrative justice, and broad political inclusion. 'The solution lies not in fragmentation,' Sabak stated, 'but in building a system that works for everyone.' Adding to the tension is the timing of these proposals, which have emerged just months ahead of the November 11 parliamentary elections. Hisham al-Hashimi, a member of the Nineveh Provincial Council, believes the push to establish new provinces is driven more by electoral maneuvering than by genuine concern for local governance. 'These efforts are not about what's best for Nineveh, they are about advancing certain political projects at the expense of the province's unity,' he observed. Amid the controversy, what remains clear is a shared determination among Nineveh's people and many of its leaders to defend the province's unity. For them, the province's rich mosaic is a reflection of Iraq itself. As Iraq contemplates further administrative reform, the future of Nineveh serves as both a warning and a question mark: Can decentralization be pursued without fracturing the state? The answer will shape the country's path for years to come.
Rudaw Net
18-04-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
Sadr rejects Iraqi president's appeal to join elections
Also in Iraq Iraqi forces disrupt ISIS fuel network in Anbar Kurd appointed mayor of disputed Tuz Khurmatu district Baghdad summons Lebanese envoy over president's PMF remarks KRG delegation to visit Baghdad Saturday for oil export talks: Oil minister A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Iraqi cleric Muqtada al-Sadr on Friday rejected a formal call from President Abdul Latif Rashid to reverse his decision to boycott upcoming legislative elections. 'I did not participate and will not participate with the corrupt, the insolent, and the enemies of the people,' Sadr said, noting that many people cast ballots in previous votes to elect 'thieves of money that has not been recovered to this day.' In March he announced that his movement would boycott the 2025 elections in protest of corruption. Rashid issued a letter on Wednesday, published by state media on Friday, urging the influential cleric and his National Shiite Movement to rejoin political life through the November 11 elections. 'We affirm that this movement and all that will result from it will remain incomplete if the National Shiite Movement does not participate in the elections and contribute effectively to parliamentary life and support state institutions,' read the letter. 'We call upon you, your eminence, to reverse the decision not to participate.' 'The opportunity for correction and rectification still exists, awaiting the efforts of those who are good,' the presidential letter added. Local media have speculated that Sadr's camp was advocating for postponing the elections and forming an emergency government - claims Sadr denied in his response on Friday. The Sadrists emerged as the top force in Iraq's October 2021 parliamentary elections, securing 73 seats in the 329-member Iraqi legislature. However, they failed in their effort to establish a 'national majority' government together with Sunni Arab and Kurdish allies. The rival Shiite-led Coordination Framework then insisted on the post-2003 norm of establishing a consensus government. The deadlock ultimately prompted the Sadrist lawmakers to resign en masse. Sadr last May renamed his movement the National Shiite Movement, a move that was widely interpreted as a precursor to re-entering politics. In mid-February, Sadr urged his supporters to update their voter registration records. However, a former Sadrist lawmaker, Rafi Abduljabbar Azzawi, told Rudaw at the time that the cleric's request 'does not necessarily indicate a shift in his stance on participating in Iraq's upcoming elections, but rather to urge Iraqis to take a stand in the critical period ahead.'
