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New Statesman
5 days ago
- Politics
- New Statesman
Why left populism failed
Photo byTen years ago this summer, as Jeremy Corbyn scraped onto the ballot in the Labour Party leadership election, the hopes of the European left centred on Greece, where a radical left government was seeking to restructure the country's debt and roll back brutal austerity that had seen suicide, unemployment and home repossessions rocket. As negotiations reached an impasse, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras announced that he would put the Eurozone's offer to a referendum. The rallies for the No (or 'Oxi') campaign, which he addressed, were the biggest public gatherings in Greece since the fall of the colonels in 1974. I was in Athens to witness the campaign, and when the result came through on 5 July – an overwhelming 61 per cent rejection – I saw the city's streets erupt in celebration. Less than two weeks later, Tsipras had signed up to the bailout package, pushing it through the Greek parliament with the help of his former opponents. Riot police were sent in to break up the same crowds who had cheered him on. Tear gas flew outside the parliament building, and police rode through the fleeing crowd on motor bikes, swiping indiscriminately with batons. Unlike the years of the mass anti-austerity movement that had led to Syriza's rise, the protests now were going through the motions. Police fielded routine petrol bombs near Exarchia. Gatherings in Syntagma Square felt like an angry wake. There were no easy options for the government. Defying the demands of 'the Troika' – the European Commission, European Central Bank and the IMF – would have meant a sudden return to the Drachma. Economic and humanitarian crisis would have been the result whichever way Tsipras turned. But the abrupt betrayal of both the election and the referendum set the Greek and European left back years. Tsipras won snap elections in September 2015, but did so at the head of a different party. Syriza lost many of its activists and almost half of its large central committee. Its youth wing voted to dissolve itself. Ten years on, the basic lesson of the Greek Oxi referendum is that new left parties – however populist and radical – can and do 'Pasokify' themselves. Whether you are Zarah Sultana or Zack Polanski, it is worth paying attention to the fate of Syriza – which, despite the British left's current momentum, could well be theirs. Pasok, Greece's social democratic party, had dominated Greek politics for decades. It signed the first bailout package in 2010, implementing harsh austerity and privatisation measures. By the January 2015 elections, it had lost 90 per cent of its voters and came in seventh place. Pasokification was the fate of the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, and to a lesser extent the German Social Democrats. If current polling holds, Starmer's Labour is next. Syriza was the original new left alternative to a failing centre-left. In 2019, having implemented the third bailout package, it lost two thirds of its voters and left office. When Tsipras stood down as leader in 2023, the party elected Stefanos Kasselakis, an American former banker and shipping investor who had once supported the centre-right New Democracy. Kasselakis was later removed and split to form his own party, leaving Syriza once again behind Pasok in the Greek parliament. Syriza's once mighty youth support has evaporated, and it is now polling in sixth place. The Oxi vote was the high watermark of the immediate revolt against austerity in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. The response of the European establishment was a fork in the road. Faced with mass opposition to austerity and the neoliberal economic consensus, it ploughed on. In backrooms, figures like the IMF's Christine Lagarde freely admitted that austerity measures would not work, and would instead deepen Greece's recession. But allowing Syriza to pursue a different path, backed by a popular mandate, would have been politically ruinous for governments which had asked their own populations to swallow cuts and wage depression. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Rather than give the radical left an opportunity, the European institutions stamped on Greece. Europe's centre-left and centre-right preferred a strategy of accommodation to a rising tide of nationalist and anti-migrant politics. Now, the new far right are in or near power in all but a couple of the EU's founding member states. Nigel Farage is odds on to be our next prime minister. In 2015, the Greek left was fighting from within the Euro and at the European periphery. It had the strongest organised left on the continent and a recent history of military dictatorship. In all these senses, it could not have been further from the post-Corbyn British left. But in the sense that it is the only example of the new post-crash left leading a government, the lessons it offers are invaluable. One of the founding promises of Syriza was that it represented a new kind of politics. When it came to power in January 2015, many of its newly elected MPs had never been near parliament before. The party was young, dynamic and above all rooted in the mass movements that had brought it to power. Even when Tsipras wrote to Angela Merkel offering concessions, many activists on the campaign trail that summer earnestly believed that their leaders would not act against the wishes of party members, let alone against the overwhelming mandate of a referendum. Some knew government ministers personally. But as Corbynism demonstrated, 'a new kind of politics' is just a slogan – even if its supporters took it as an oath. Had the Syriza government been accountable to its members and activists, it would not have been possible to capitulate to the Troika in the summer of 2015. But Syriza had taken over the institutions of the state, and those institutions had a logic of their own. As soon as it won power, the party's internal democracy barely functioned. Having had its institutions crushed by Thatcherism, the British left has many weaknesses for which it shouldn't blame itself. Its persistent lack of internal democracy is not one of them. Corbynism transformed our politics, but behind the crowds and the aesthetic edge, it was conventional. Faced with a hostile parliamentary party, the project ended up in a bunker, relying on standard party management methods. Labour members were not permitted to set policy, and no major democratic reform of the party took place. Instead of allowing Momentum to emerge as a messy, independent project, the leadership backed moves to shut down its local groups and democratic structures. The culture of the new Labour left was, above all, loyalist. Corbynism had little organisational legacy. But when the cost of living crisis hit in 2022, and the UK was gripped by its biggest wave of strikes since the 1980s, the left had an opportunity to rebuild politically. It failed to do so. One problem was that the most prominent vehicle for the left, Enough is Enough, amassed a huge email list, held some big rallies, and then, rather than build local groups and democratic structures, vanished. Where healthy left organisations are built from the bottom up, today's left has a habit of relying on celebrities and hollow online hype. We teach people to be spectators and cheerleaders. We are trained by mainstream political analysis to counterpose effectiveness and democracy, and to associate relentless professionalisation with electoral success. If you are part of an establishment for whom politics is essentially an elite sport, this is reasonable. Had Blair or Starmer allowed party members a say over party policy or candidate selection, they would not have been able to enact their strategies of choice. The radical left cannot win this way. When Tsipras signed the third bailout package, he escaped the messiness of running an anti-establishment party and his popularity initially rose. But the character of the project was irretrievable. The social conditions that swept Syriza to power and which almost put Jeremy Corbyn in Downing Street in 2017 are, if anything, even sharper now. The resurgence of the British left – perhaps as an electoral alliance between a new left party and a Zack Polanski-led Green Party – could come soon, and with a force few commentators expect. In 2027, Jean-Luc Mélenchon could win the French presidency. The first wave of the new European left was up against a failing centre; now, it must fight toe-to-toe with the far right. To succeed, it must learn not only how to win elections, but how to keep its soul intact. [See also: Inside the factions of the new left] Related
Fox News
04-08-2025
- Politics
- Fox News
Greece's hard lesson for NYC: Beware leaders who promise the world
A young, promising politician emerged from seemingly nowhere to turn New York politics upside down. Zohran Mamdani swept to the NYC democratic mayoral primary nomination in a blitz of optimism, hope and general good vibrations. Media deemed his victory one of the greatest political upsets of modern time. To us Greeks, the surprise might not have been that unexpected. In the swirling currents of early 21st century politics, few figures have captured the imagination of the electorate quite like Alexis Tsipras, the former prime minister of Greece. A charismatic leader, Tsipras rose to power in January 2015 with the promise of radical change, embodying a vision that resonated with many disillusioned citizens. His leftist agenda, tinged with socialist-communist ideals, painted a picture of a fairer, more equitable society. However, as history has shown, charm and promise do not always translate into effective governance. Tsipras sought to expand social welfare programs to support the most vulnerable populations in Greece, reversing austerity measures that had been imposed during the financial crisis. Tsipras's Syriza party emphasized wealth redistribution through progressive taxation and social welfare programs, while Mamdani's proposals often highlight the need for similar measures to address disparities in wealth and access to resources. Tsipras's tenure began with great expectations. He rallied the Greek populace around the idea of renegotiating the country's crippling debt and breaking free from the austerity measures imposed by international creditors. Yet, as his government faced the harsh realities of economic management, the idealism of his rhetoric collided with the intractable complexities of the financial crisis. Instead of delivering the transformative change he promised, Tsipras oversaw an increase in the national deficit, plunging Greece into further turmoil. This disparity between ambitious promises and the inability to deliver reflects a broader issue in political accountability, where leaders may prioritize gaining public support over practical governance. Fast-forward to the present day, and we find ourselves in New York City, where a similar political narrative is unfolding. The population of Greece is around 10.3 million and that of New York City around 8.3 million. At the forefront is a figure whose rhetoric echoes that of Tsipras—an ambitious politician who speaks to the desires and frustrations of the people without a clear agenda or a robust plan to deliver on those promises. This is where the parallels between Tsipras and NYC's emerging leader, Mamdani, begin. Mamdani's speeches resonate with a populace yearning for change, yet they often lack the substance required to enact real progress. Like Tsipras, he charms with words, addressing the issues that matter most to the citizens, but the question remains: can he deliver? Are his promises grounded in a practical understanding of governance, or are they merely a reflection of what people want to hear? Both Tsipras and Mamdani advocate for policies aimed at reducing economic inequality. Both leaders express skepticism toward neoliberal economic policies and the influence of corporate interests in politics. Tsipras's government aimed to challenge the status quo by advocating for a more interventionist state role in the economy, while Mamdani often critiques capitalism's role in perpetuating inequality and social injustice. The lessons from Greece are stark. The allure of charismatic leadership can be misleading, especially when it is not backed by a coherent strategy or a budget that reflects the realities of governance. Mamdani's policies lack a clear economic framework, potentially leading to unsustainable fiscal practices. Proposals for extensive social welfare programs without a solid financial plan could exacerbate budget deficits, straining the city's resources and leading to higher taxes or cuts in essential services – or both. Policies emphasizing social justice and reform could inadvertently lead to a lack of focus on public safety. Mamdani proposes to prioritize de-escalation and social programs over law enforcement funding, which experience has shown may result in increased crime rates, not lower ones. An overemphasis on social welfare could foster dependency rather than empowerment. If Mamdani's policies prioritize government assistance without adequate pathways for economic independence, it could hinder individual initiative and self-sufficiency among residents. Mamdani's proposals prioritize social programs over critical infrastructure investments and, as such, could lead to deteriorating public services, such as transportation, sanitation, and public safety. New York City's infrastructure requires continuous attention and funding to meet the demands of its vast population similar to the population of the entire country of Greece. New Yorkers must recognize the critical nature of the upcoming election, understanding that the stakes are high. The city cannot afford to slip into the hands of leaders who, despite their charm and promises, lack the necessary framework to navigate the complexities of urban governance. Furthermore, the inability to fulfill promises contributes to a broader sense of mistrust in political institutions. This disillusionment is emblematic of a larger trend where citizens become skeptical of political leaders who fail to deliver on their commitments, ultimately undermining democratic processes and civic engagement. The Greek crisis underscored the complexity of managing either a national or local economy. Tsipras faced immense challenges in reconciling the demands of the European Union with the needs of the Greek people. This situation highlights how political accountability can become muddied when leaders are forced to navigate conflicting interests, often leading to compromises that fail to satisfy any party. Increased regulation and taxation could deter businesses from operating in New York. If Mamdani enacts significant business taxes or burdensome regulations, it might discourage investment and job creation, ultimately harming the local economy. Greeks are famously proud of their heritage and traditions. New Yorkers are equally proud of their city's uniqueness, diversity, and resilience. Athens and NYC both represent more than just a place—they symbolize ideals: democracy, freedom, and opportunity. As we reflect on the tumultuous journey of Greece under Tsipras, it serves as a cautionary tale for New York City. The electorate must engage critically with candidates, demanding not just inspirational rhetoric but also concrete plans that can withstand the pressures of reality. The time has come to prioritize substance over style, ensuring that the future of our city is not left to chance or charisma alone. Ambitious policies often face significant challenges in implementation, especially in a complex urban environment like New York. Just like Tsipras, Mamdani's proposals lack practical, actionable steps, making it difficult, almost impossible, to translate ideals into effective governance. In the end, the responsibility lies with the voters to ensure that New York City does not follow in the footsteps of Greece, navigating through a landscape fraught with the dangers of misguided leadership. Only then can we hope to build a city that thrives on sound governance rather than hollow promises.
Yahoo
03-06-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Greece appeals court rules 10 people guilty over deadly 2018 wildfire near Athens
ATHENS (Reuters) -A Greek appeals court found 10 people guilty on Tuesday of misdemeanour charges over a wildfire in 2018 that killed 104 people, a ruling that angered relatives of those who died in the country's worst such disaster in living memory. The court upheld a lower court verdict from last year but ordered the conviction of an additional four people on misdemeanour charges, including involuntary manslaughter, bringing the total to 10, among them former fire brigade officials and a man accused of arson, legal sources said. Eleven people, including regional governors, were cleared. The sentences will be announced on Wednesday. The penalty for a misdemeanour may be a suspended prison sentence or a jail term with the alternative of a fine. The blaze that ripped through the seaside town of Mati, about 27 km (17 miles) east of the capital Athens, in July 2018 killed 104 people and injured dozens. Most of those killed were caught in a maze of thickly-forested streets as they tried to flee in their cars. "Such a horrible disaster so badly handled and it's being treated as a misdemeanour. That's far too lenient. It's sad," said Alexandros Papasteriopoulos, a lawyer representing relatives of the dead. Survivors and relatives released black balloons and held white roses during the trial to honour those killed. They shouted "shame" when the verdict was announced. The disaster cast a pall over the then-leftist Syriza government, with survivors accusing authorities of botching rescue attempts. Authorities dismissed the accusations, saying that erratic winds fuelling the flames meant there was no time for coordinated action. Devastating wildfires have become more frequent in Mediterranean countries. Scientists attribute their frequency and intensity to the increasingly hot and dry weather conditions linked to climate change.
Straits Times
03-06-2025
- General
- Straits Times
Greece appeals court rules 10 people guilty over deadly 2018 wildfire near Athens
FILE PHOTO: Eleni Anagnostaki, 85, sits in the yard of her destroyed house in the village of Mati, near Athens, Greece, August 22, 2018. Picture taken August 22, 2018. REUTERS/Alkis Konstantinidis/File Photo ATHENS - A Greek appeals court found 10 people guilty on Tuesday of misdemeanour charges over a wildfire in 2018 that killed 104 people, a ruling that angered relatives of those who died in the country's worst such disaster in living memory. The court upheld a lower court verdict from last year but ordered the conviction of an additional four people on misdemeanour charges, including involuntary manslaughter, bringing the total to 10, among them former fire brigade officials and a man accused of arson, legal sources said. Eleven people, including regional governors, were cleared. The sentences will be announced on Wednesday. The penalty for a misdemeanour may be a suspended prison sentence or a jail term with the alternative of a fine. The blaze that ripped through the seaside town of Mati, about 27 km (17 miles) east of the capital Athens, in July 2018 killed 104 people and injured dozens. Most of those killed were caught in a maze of thickly-forested streets as they tried to flee in their cars. "Such a horrible disaster so badly handled and it's being treated as a misdemeanour. That's far too lenient. It's sad," said Alexandros Papasteriopoulos, a lawyer representing relatives of the dead. Survivors and relatives released black balloons and held white roses during the trial to honour those killed. They shouted "shame" when the verdict was announced. The disaster cast a pall over the then-leftist Syriza government, with survivors accusing authorities of botching rescue attempts. Authorities dismissed the accusations, saying that erratic winds fuelling the flames meant there was no time for coordinated action. Devastating wildfires have become more frequent in Mediterranean countries. Scientists attribute their frequency and intensity to the increasingly hot and dry weather conditions linked to climate change. REUTERS Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.
The Star
03-06-2025
- General
- The Star
Greece appeals court rules 10 people guilty over deadly 2018 wildfire near Athens
FILE PHOTO: Eleni Anagnostaki, 85, sits in the yard of her destroyed house in the village of Mati, near Athens, Greece, August 22, 2018. Picture taken August 22, 2018. REUTERS/Alkis Konstantinidis/File Photo ATHENS (Reuters) -A Greek appeals court found 10 people guilty on Tuesday of misdemeanour charges over a wildfire in 2018 that killed 104 people, a ruling that angered relatives of those who died in the country's worst such disaster in living memory. The court upheld a lower court verdict from last year but ordered the conviction of an additional four people on misdemeanour charges, including involuntary manslaughter, bringing the total to 10, among them former fire brigade officials and a man accused of arson, legal sources said. Eleven people, including regional governors, were cleared. The sentences will be announced on Wednesday. The penalty for a misdemeanour may be a suspended prison sentence or a jail term with the alternative of a fine. The blaze that ripped through the seaside town of Mati, about 27 km (17 miles) east of the capital Athens, in July 2018 killed 104 people and injured dozens. Most of those killed were caught in a maze of thickly-forested streets as they tried to flee in their cars. "Such a horrible disaster so badly handled and it's being treated as a misdemeanour. That's far too lenient. It's sad," said Alexandros Papasteriopoulos, a lawyer representing relatives of the dead. Survivors and relatives released black balloons and held white roses during the trial to honour those killed. They shouted "shame" when the verdict was announced. The disaster cast a pall over the then-leftist Syriza government, with survivors accusing authorities of botching rescue attempts. Authorities dismissed the accusations, saying that erratic winds fuelling the flames meant there was no time for coordinated action. Devastating wildfires have become more frequent in Mediterranean countries. Scientists attribute their frequency and intensity to the increasingly hot and dry weather conditions linked to climate change. (Reporting by Renee MaltezouEditing by Frances Kerry)
