Latest news with #Tibbs
Yahoo
3 days ago
- General
- Yahoo
Puna man, 44, arrested on 15 ‘sexual-related offenses' against minors, bail set at $4.8M
PUNA, Hawai'i (KHON2) — After a months-long investigation, a Hawai'i Island man is being charged with 15 offenses related to child abuse and alleged sexual assault of minors. Joseph Donald Tibbs, 44, of Puna, was arrested on seven counts of first-degree sexual assault, two counts of first-degree promoting child abuse, two counts of second-degree promoting child abuse, two counts of incest, and two counts of use of a computer in the commission of a separate crime. According to the Hawai'i Police Department, investigators began looking into Tibbs in March 2025 after receiving tips about him allegedly possessing and distributing child sexual abuse material, which is colloquially known as child pornography. Army soldier to plead guilty in case of missing pregnant woman Tibbs was allegedly in possession of at least 30 images related to child pornography, and is also accused of sexually assaulting juveniles, according to court documents. 'During the course of this investigation, police determined that Tibbs had allegedly been engaging in sexual conduct with minors for over a period of one year,' Hawai'i Police said Monday. Tibbs was arrested on May 29, and charges were filed on May 30. After he was arrested, law enforcement officials executed a search warrant on Tibbs' residence and recovered 'various sexual-related evidence' and several electronic were able to identify some of the victims in photos and videos, but said there may be additional victims who have not yet been identified. The investigation is ongoing, and police have asked anyone with any information related to the investigation to contact Detective Chandler Nacino of the Vice Section in Kona at (808) 326-4646, extension 312, or email Tibbs' bail has been set at $4,815,000. His first court appearance was scheduled for June 2 in Hilo District Court. The investigation was a collaborative effort between several agencies, including the Hawai'i Police Department, the Internet Crimes Against Children (ICAC) task force, Homeland Security Investigations, the Hawai'i County Office of the Prosecuting Attorney, and the Maui Police Department. Download the free KHON2 app for iOS or Android to stay informed on the latest news Anyone who suspects someone of committing crimes against children is asked to report it to the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children (NCMEC), which has a 24-hour hotline available at 1-800-843-5678. Alternatively, you call dial 911 or call Crime Stoppers. Charges are allegations only, and all persons are presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Yahoo
25-04-2025
- Yahoo
Police: Man arrested after running from fatal pedestrian crash in Fairfax County
FAIRFAX COUNTY, Va. () — The Fairfax County Police Department (FCPD) said a man was arrested and charged for a fatal that happened in late January. Police say Reginald Brown, 42, was charged in connection with the crash that killed a 33-year-old Erica Tibbs on Jan. 29. He also hit her 5-year-old child. Tibbs and her child were crossing Richmond Highway when Brown hit them both with his 2007 black Chevrolet Suburban. PREVIOUS COVERAGE: Fairfax County police investigating hit-and-run that killed woman, hurt child According to police, Brown ran from the scene, and Tibbs died at a nearby hospital. On Friday, FCPD said Brown was arrested and taken to the Fairfax County Adult Detention Center without bond. He has been charged with felony hit and run. Anyone with information about the crash is encouraged to call (703) 280-0543. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
CBC
12-03-2025
- Politics
- CBC
PCs accuse government of prioritizing firefighting equipment for Liberal districts
Newfoundland and Labrador's Progressive Conservatives are sounding the alarm over what they say is Liberal favouritism in the way the government funds firefighting equipment. Speaking with reporters on Tuesday, Grand Falls-Windsor-Buchans PC MHA Chris Tibbs — a former firefighter and the party's fire and emergency services critic — said the party recently learned through an Access to Information request that the provincial government allocated $4.8 million for firefighting equipment from January 2022, to June 2024. Some $3.8 million of that money went to Liberal districts, Tibbs said, and a third of that money went to Premier Andrew Furey's district of Humber-Gros Morne. "Politics has been playing a role in this ever since a dog's age," Tibbs said. "To tell me that there isn't politics being played with this, I think, is disingenuous and we need to flush it out." The issue has been playing out in the House of Assembly this week, with members of the PC Party saying the governing Liberals prioritize funding for their districts over the rest of Newfoundland and Labrador. "Making political decisions, thinking about further ahead to your next election, we got to get out of that. We really got to stand up and start being leaders for the people," Tibbs said Tuesday. Following question period on Tuesday, Justice and Public Safety Minister Bernard Davis said the issue isn't being politicized. "[The] simple answer is no. What we're looking at is we look at the needs for the community, the region," Davis said. "We had given significant amounts of resources to all districts.… I'm very excited to announce them in any district, and we work very closely with each and every district." WATCH | Tibbs says the province is playing politics with emergency equipment: PCs take aim, accusing province of unfair favouritism over firefighting gear 40 minutes ago Duration 2:01 Asked if the data discrepancy brought forward by Tibbs could be explained, Davis said it's a snapshot that doesn't show everything. "It's about expenditures, not necessarily announcements. Or sometimes, these trucks are ordered [and] it takes two to three years depending on the trucks that's ordered," he said. Towns in Newfoundland and Labrador apply to the provincial fire commissioner to help with the purchase of equipment, but the decision of who gets funding is made by Davis and his department. Davis said Tuesday that the province doubled its funding last year to $3.8 million for equipment, but received $21 million worth of requests. In the House of Assembly on Monday, Davis said requests were granted based on need and recommendations from the fire commissioner — saying "there's a significant amount of money that is given to every district based on their recommendations." When Tibbs asked Davis to see those recommendations on Tuesday, Davis dodged the question. "There is no written recommendations that come forward from the fire commissioner," he later told reporters. "There is no written recommendation that would come forward, it's just sitting down and going through each individual application." But Tibbs says that's not good enough. "Obviously, there are recommendations," he said. "Let's see if they jive with what the minister is talking about. It's a simple yes or no." Tibbs says if he was elected and serving as justice minister, he would table the recommendations in the House.
Yahoo
26-02-2025
- General
- Yahoo
The Missing Persons of Reconstruction
Born enslaved in northern Virginia in the 1820s, Henry Tibbs first lost his mother when their enslaver sold her to notorious Alexandria slave trader Joseph Bruin. Tibbs was just a small child when that happened, but his age was no obstacle to being sold himself to Bruin a short while later. A weeping and distraught Tibbs was reunited briefly with his mother in Bruin's jail, only to be separated from her for a second time when Bruin loaded him onto a ship bound for New Orleans and sold him to a Mississippi cotton planter named Micajah Pickett. Tibbs grew up among strangers on Pickett's plantation and he labored under the lash for decades until the Civil War came. Fleeing enslavement when the opportunity presented itself, in 1863 Tibbs enlisted as a private in the U.S. Colored Light Artillery. He spent the next two years fighting to keep his freedom, receiving a promotion to corporal and managing to emerge mostly unscathed from terrifying engagements such as the massacre of Black soldiers by Confederate forces at Fort Pillow in Tennessee that was a savage reminder of the war's stakes. Not that Henry Tibbs needed the reminder. By the end of the war, he had a wife and two daughters, and he did not want them to suffer slavery's brutalities and indignities ever again. He knew the pain and the trauma all too well, and he knew that the passage of time never entirely erased them. But Henry Tibbs also knew what it meant to imagine that the agonies of the past might be undone, and that at least some of what slaveholders had stolen might be recovered. In 1879, Tibbs wrote a letter to the editor of the Southwestern Christian Advocate looking for information about his mother. A Black newspaper based in New Orleans, the Advocate was one of many papers that published letters to the editor and advertisements from formerly enslaved people who searched for family and friends after emancipation. Numbering in the thousands and appearing all over the country for decades, notices came from mothers and fathers looking for their children, sons and daughters looking for their parents, spouses and army buddies seeking one another's whereabouts, and brothers and sisters eager for the slightest bit of intelligence about their siblings. Above all else, the stories Giesberg tells are damning testimonies to the utter viciousness of a system that thrived on tearing Black families apart without mercy. With the help of her students, Judith Giesberg, a professor of history at Villanova University, has collected these materials for years and made the still-expanding archive of them publicly available on the internet. In her new book, Last Seen, Giesberg is only able to pursue a handful of the stories from the archive. But those stories are well-chosen and effective representatives of so many others, and they are powerful. For one thing, they throw into stark relief some of the insulting and revolting myths about slavery that proliferated in American culture by the late nineteenth century. They expose depictions of slaveholders as loving caretakers as fairy tales, disprove the lie that family separations were rare and inconsequential, and demonstrate that white Americans who saw the longing of former slaves for their families as amusing plantation romances still believed Black families were less vital and real than their own. But above all else, the stories Giesberg tells are damning testimonies to the utter viciousness of a system that thrived on tearing Black families apart without mercy, and poignant portrayals of enduring love and hope that indifference and cruelty could never extinguish. Among the countless barbarities of slavery in the United States, the violent sundering of Black families was among the most diabolical. After the importation of enslaved people from overseas was banned in 1808, slave laborers could only legally be acquired domestically, giving rise to a booming internal market in human beings. In the decades before the Civil War, more than one million enslaved people were taken across state lines. Perhaps twice as many people were bought and sold within the boundaries of individual states. Most of those trafficked were children, teenagers, and young adults considered strong enough to survive the grueling labor regimen of America's expanding cotton empire. Slaveholders and their slave trader allies cared little about the family and communal ties that enslaved people had forged. They tore holes in the hearts of their victims and rent the social fabric of Black lives as they forcibly walked or shipped people hundreds of miles from their homes in what Giesberg and other historians refer to as the Second Middle Passage. The chaos of the Civil War scattered Black Americans across the landscape once again. As they joined Union armies, sought harbor in refugee camps, and took flight from their enslavers, they not infrequently lost track of family members. And when the war ended, they received almost no formal assistance in relocating loved ones or otherwise piecing back together the lives that they had already fought so hard to rebuild, sometimes more than once. White Americans told members of this Freedom Generation that they needed to move on, and white newspaper editors who did relay their stories deployed euphemisms about searches for people who had been 'lost' lest their readership be made uncomfortable 'hearing from ex-slaves about how their children had been taken from them.' But Black people themselves refused to forget. At the center of Last Seen are accounts of those who lived their lives in the present yet would not relinquish those taken from them long ago. In reaching out through networks of Black newspapers and churches to tell their stories and ask for assistance, they left evidence, in Giesberg's words, 'of pasts and futures that might have been.' Each of Giesberg's chapters generally follows a similar narrative strategy, with one advertisement or letter standing in for others of its type. When Hagar Outlaw asked readers of the Philadelphia Christian Recorder for help finding any of the eight children taken from her during slavery, for example, she was just one among many hundreds of mothers who hoped she might learn something before she died. By the time George and Beverly Tibbs (no relation to Henry) placed ads in newspapers in Richmond and Chicago looking for their brother Lias, it was more than fifty years after slavery had ended, but they were hardly the only people who never gave up on a lost sibling. Giesberg estimates that the success rate of the advertisements and letters that appear in the archive she and her students have created was perhaps as low as 2 percent. Giesberg follows each highlighted account carefully and with nuance. Sexual and physical violence and slaveholder intrusions into marriage and parenthood helped define the contours of American slavery. Yet every person's life was unique, and Giesberg reminds us that those contours were experienced differently by men, women, and children, and that the regimes of America's slaveholding class varied from Virginia to Mississippi to Texas to California.. A woman named Clara Bashop placed an advertisement looking for her children, just as a man named Tally Miller wrote a letter to the editor looking for his. But they came to their searches after different ordeals. Bashop had been sold apart from her 12-year-old daughter at a Richmond slave auction and hauled off to pick cotton in Mississippi after the man who enslaved her fell into debt. Miller had been hired out onto the land of the man who enslaved his wife and daughters, only to have his own enslaver decide to leave South Carolina for Louisiana. He thought he might become richer there than he already was, and he force-marched Miller with him for more than eight hundred miles while Miller's family got left behind. Similarly, the overall trajectory of Black life during and after emancipation might be described through the upheavals of military and refugee life in wartime, the promise of Reconstruction, the horrifying violence and economic subjugation that undid that promise, and the communal vitality that Black Americans built together and brought out of the South into northern cities during the Great Migration. But Giesberg is sensitive to how the end of slavery and the course of Reconstruction could look very different for different people. Henry Safford witnessed emancipation as a soldier in the U.S. Colored Troops and saw Reconstruction rise and fall in his native Georgia, while sisters Julia Vickers and Emeline Hall had found their way to free Black communities in different northern states by the time slavery collapsed and each spent decades wondering what had become of the other. The two sisters were ultimately reunited by happenstance after forty years apart, probably when Vickers's son Walter heard his aunt was living in one of the cities he passed through while traveling the vaudeville circuit. Safford, meanwhile, spent years trying to track down comrades who might provide evidence of his wartime injuries, eventually finding several whose testimony helped him apply for a federal pension. Context does sometimes threaten to sidetrack or overwhelm the stories of the formerly enslaved and their families in Last Seen. But Giesberg mostly manages to avoid that trap. Moreover, while Giesberg writes with no small amount of pathos, she never tilts over into piteousness. The story of Araminta Turner—who in 1869 sought out her husband Alexander, who had been dragged to Texas by his enslaver more than a decade earlier—is wrenching. Giesberg imagines Turner late in life telling 'stories about those she had loved and lost' and keeping 'her ear to the ground for word' from the South. But Giesberg focuses less on the sorrow and grief, and more on the endurance and courage it took to remember and to look in the first place. The obstacles placed between people torn apart from one another in the era of slavery were nearly insurmountable, and the odds of people finding each other in freedom were extremely long. Giesberg records only a few instances of reunion like that of Julia Vickers and Emeline Hall. It happened sometimes that an advertisement was seen by the right person in the right place, that information about a relative's fate was delivered to a searcher, and that people saw one another again on this earth. But it was rare. Giesberg estimates that the success rate of the advertisements and letters that appear in the archive she and her students have created was perhaps as low as 2 percent. The truth was that the damage slavery inflicted on Black families and communities was usually irreversible. That was almost surely true for Henry Tibbs: There is no evidence that he ever saw his mother again. But nothing could take away the hope Henry Tibbs held in his heart. That hope is the legacy.
Yahoo
25-02-2025
- Sport
- Yahoo
Is Mikal Bridges a bad fit for the Knicks?
Yahoo Sports senior NBA analyst Kevin O'Connor is joined by Casey Powell - a.k.a CP 'The Fanchise' - to discuss the 7-year veteran's role in New York's offense and why Tom Thibodeau may need to do more to implement him into the gameplan. Hear the full conversation on 'The Kevin O'Connor Show' and subscribe on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube or wherever you listen. View more Miel Bridges, his role in this offense is not as amplified as perhaps I thought it would be as a secondary creator next to Brunson. And I'm a little bit surprised that Tibbs hasn't put Bridges more on ball, more in those creation situations when we saw he can do that in Brooklyn, but that's Tibbs, like Tibbs, he, he plays his guys who he trusts for 40 minutes a game. He runs Brunson. Into the ground because Brunson's dominant. Why would you not? He's one of the 10 to 15 best players in basketball right now this season. So I get it, but at the same time, it's like, damn, I wish they could get even more out of Bridges to have more variety in their half-court offense. It's been disappointing. You saw it in the Christmas Day game when he went off against the Spurs, when he has the ball in his hands and good things happen. And so, uh, it falls on tapes to create more opportunities for him to create optimal rotations and lineups that can feature Macau Bridges. And this is the thing, when you, when you're in New York, this is a different beast. This isn't Brooklyn, this isn't Phoenix. When you're attacking the basket and you're fading away from contact all the time and not hitting. The Knicks fans are gonna take you to task, man. The guy does not get to the free throw line. He doesn't get rebounds. It's, that's not New York brand of all, even those, those guys weren't the best finishers. Julius Rand on RJ Barrett, they were going to the cup. That was one thing about those guys, especially RJ Barrett. That, that was his bread and butter because his jumper wasn't fluid. Mal Bridges, every time he breaks out a defender and he's driving into the paint, he's going backwards. We're gri grinding. New York, man, you can't do that, especially if you're not getting the intangibles either. So it's been a rough goal and it's, it's been a rough sell in terms of this trade package to the fan base. A lot of these guys are sour on the Macau Bridges trade. Tibbs, I think, has his flaws as a coach. But at the same time, as great as this front office has been in building this thing out, the Bridges deal does look like it may have been a mistake. The Knicks gave up a ton for Bridges, but nobody could have seen like his shot entering the season the way it looks. There's shared blame across the roster, and that's where it's like, you look at them, I feel like they're just, I don't view them as a contender. I don't. Close
