Latest news with #ULFA
The Hindu
4 days ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Wrong call: On Assam and arming civilians
The decision by the Bharatiya Janata Party-led Assam government to issue arms licences to 'eligible' indigenous communities in remote and vulnerable areas in the State is fraught with danger. The State government seems to suggest that indigenous communities living in the border areas abutting Bangladesh are vulnerable and that armed licences would be a deterrent and improve their personal safety and confidence. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has also insisted that these grants would not be for people near inter-State borders in Assam. But these caveats still do not take away from the fact that arming specific civilian groups is liable to be rampantly misused for acts such as vigilantism and inter-community rivalry, as the lines between law enforcement — which carries legal authority and has a monopoly over armed instruments — and private citizens are blurred. In a State that has been beset with insurgent violence and where the threat from groups such as the ULFA (Independent) remains, introducing more arms into civilian hands risks propagating further violence and arms proliferation rather than ensuring enhanced security. Instead of arming civilians, ostensibly for self-defence — a move akin to abdicating its core responsibility — the State government has the clear alternative of enhancing its own law enforcement and security presence in these 'vulnerable areas'. It is well understood that in modern states, the monopoly over instruments of violence will remain with the government and its law enforcement agencies. In India, arms licences are issued in a restricted manner as a delegated and a limited right to self-preservation to select individuals through a stringent licensing process under the Arms Act, 1959 and the Arms Rules, 2016. These rules under the law preclude the provision of such licences to larger, identified groups — where identification itself could be fraught with the risk of conflicts — as they not only present administrative challenges but also make it difficult for the government to license, monitor and recover firearms as the law requires it to. Arming civilian groups, even with an intention to do so with some stringent implementation, runs the risks of having these weapons entering grey markets and falling into the wrong hands, besides designating those groups with an authority that could backfire on the state. This was evident when security forces in Chhattisgarh arming civilian groups for protection against the Maoist threat — in the Salwa Judum campaign in the late 2000s — led to severe human rights violations and lawlessness, before the Supreme Court of India intervened to deem the policy to be illegal. Considering these problems, Assam must reverse its decision.
Time of India
27-05-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Tribunal confirms extension of ban on ULFA; group has 200-250 cadres in Myanmar
The ULFA, a banned organization for 35 years, maintains a cadre of 200-250 members in Myanmar, possessing approximately 200 weapons. A judicial tribunal has upheld the extension of the ban on ULFA for another five years, effective November 27, 2024, citing sufficient cause due to the group's violent activities and pursuit of a sovereign Assam through armed struggle. Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads Tired of too many ads? Remove Ads The United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), a proscribed organisation for the past 35 years, has a sizeable cadre strength of about 200-250 based in Myanmar and is likely to hold about 200 weapons at present, the government has submitted before a judicial tribunal which has confirmed the extension of ban on the group for five more submission of documentary evidences about the activities of the ULFA, a tribunal presided over by Justice Michael Zothankhuma, judge of the Gauhati High Court, on May 21 confirmed that there was sufficient cause to declare the ULFA along with all its factions, wings and front organisations, as an "unlawful association" for five years with effect from November 27, tribunal was constituted for adjudicating whether or not there is sufficient cause for declaring the ULFA along with all their factions, wings and front organisations as unlawful the hearings, the government representatives submitted before the tribunal that the ULFA led by Paresh Baruah demands "sovereign" Assam and "aims to achieve this goal through an armed struggle".According to a notification issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs, the tribunal has been told that "currently, most of ULFA cadres or leaders remain stationed in Myanmar and run four major camps there. ULFA also maintains links with other Indian insurgent groups for operational and logistic purposes"."The ULFA has a sizeable cadre strength (200-250) and is likely to hold about 200 weapons at present. The outfit indulges in acts of violence including attacks on security forces, explosions etc. It also continues to boycott celebrations of national days in the state of Assam and attempts to carry out disruptive acts by way of explosions during these days," the government counsels submitted before the Assam government has also reported that in past five years, 56 cadres of ULFA along with 177 frontmen, over ground workers (OGW), supporters or sympathizers were also arrested, while 63 cadres surrendered before the has also been reported that 26 (MQ 81-04, AK series-02, Pistol- 21) arms, 515 rounds - ammunition, nine grenades and two IEDs were recovered during this counsels appearing for the Centre also submitted that the government of Assam, while furnishing its justifications to the central government, for declaring ULFA as an unlawful organisation, has given details of activities of the group including those of cases registered, charge sheets filed, arrests of ULFA cadres, arrests of linkmen or frontmen of ULFA central government submitted that the particulars of 15 cases registered against the ULFA, in which three charge sheets have been filed, had also been brought for its consideration.A perusal of the charge sheets also showed that the ULFA had been indulging in extortion, attempt to murder cases, possession of unauthorized arms, conspiring against the State and other illegal activities, according to the ULFA was first declared a banned organisation in 1990 and since then the ban has been extended periodically.
Hindustan Times
27-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Tribunal confirms extension of ban on ULFA; group has 200-250 cadres in Myanmar
New Delhi, The United Liberation Front of Asom , a proscribed organisation for the past 35 years, has a sizeable cadre strength of about 200-250 based in Myanmar and is likely to hold about 200 weapons at present, the government has submitted before a judicial tribunal which has confirmed the extension of ban on the group for five more years. Following submission of documentary evidences about the activities of the ULFA, a tribunal presided over by Justice Michael Zothankhuma, judge of the Gauhati High Court, on May 21 confirmed that there was sufficient cause to declare the ULFA along with all its factions, wings and front organisations, as an "unlawful association" for five years with effect from November 27, 2024. The tribunal was constituted for adjudicating whether or not there is sufficient cause for declaring the ULFA along with all their factions, wings and front organisations as unlawful associations. During the hearings, the government representatives submitted before the tribunal that the ULFA led by Paresh Baruah demands "sovereign" Assam and "aims to achieve this goal through an armed struggle". According to a notification issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs, the tribunal has been told that "currently, most of ULFA cadres or leaders remain stationed in Myanmar and run four major camps there. ULFA also maintains links with other Indian insurgent groups for operational and logistic purposes". "The ULFA has a sizeable cadre strength and is likely to hold about 200 weapons at present. The outfit indulges in acts of violence including attacks on security forces, explosions etc. It also continues to boycott celebrations of national days in the state of Assam and attempts to carry out disruptive acts by way of explosions during these days," the government counsels submitted before the tribunal. The Assam government has also reported that in past five years, 56 cadres of ULFA along with 177 frontmen, over ground workers , supporters or sympathizers were also arrested, while 63 cadres surrendered before the authorities. It has also been reported that 26 arms, 515 rounds - ammunition, nine grenades and two IEDs were recovered during this period. The counsels appearing for the Centre also submitted that the government of Assam, while furnishing its justifications to the central government, for declaring ULFA as an unlawful organisation, has given details of activities of the group including those of cases registered, charge sheets filed, arrests of ULFA cadres, arrests of linkmen or frontmen of ULFA etc. The central government submitted that the particulars of 15 cases registered against the ULFA, in which three charge sheets have been filed, had also been brought for its consideration. A perusal of the charge sheets also showed that the ULFA had been indulging in extortion, attempt to murder cases, possession of unauthorized arms, conspiring against the State and other illegal activities, according to the notification. The ULFA was first declared a banned organisation in 1990 and since then the ban has been extended periodically.
Hindustan Times
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Review: Rough Streets by Ankush Saikia
Ankush Saikia's Rough Streets begins in 1984 in Shillong in the Nongrim hills with Chandan, aged nine, returning from school to hear of the news of prime minister Indira Gandhi's assassination. His parents, Bengali migrants originally villagers from Sylhet who came up the Khasi hills, are no strangers to communal violence and they are worried. Chandan is seemingly well integrated into the local community with his best friend being Donny Rymbai. It is a friendship that plays out throughout his formative years bringing with it several dividends as well as its share of political repercussions, especially when Chandan gets unwittingly involved in a murder plot. Saikia's portrayal of an adolescence set amidst the picturesque hills of the north east is punctuated by simmering tensions linked to identity, something that accompanies Indians of all sorts no matter where they go. Chandan is in class 6 when he is first assaulted for being a 'Dkhar', a derogatory term used for non-Khasi people. After Donny rescues him, he realises, for the first time, what it means to be an outsider. On another ordinary day, as Chandan and his mother are walking home, they witness the public stabbing of another outsider. Chandan's mother is shaken and he hears her tell his father about going to Calcutta as they would never be accepted here. Chandan's father reminisces about his own father witnessing similar incidents during the Partition. The Sen family is never the same after this incident. To represent the diverse political, cultural and social aspects of north eastern society is a feat in itself and Saikia's ability to weave in historical narratives and events as Chandan grows older gives this work of fiction a solid context. The reader begins to see the long history of injustice in the area through this multi-generational chronicle that not only talks about the ethnicities and cultural traditions of the many peoples of the North East but also delves into the region's propensity for violence. In Chandan's history professor father, Saikia finds the perfect voice to expound on the area's complex past. Each of his classmates and their families are also a representation of this. The consequences of crossing lines are severe as Sumit, Chandan's Bengali friend finds out when he is beaten up for sending a love letter to a Khasi girl. The slow simmering hate and revenge wreaks havoc as these boys grow into men. Other things are happening too within this outwardly idyllic setting tinged with violence: children are learning about their parents' infidelities, watching other young malnourished children working in the coal mines, and joining radical groups to be trained as guerrillas. The events around them slowly chip away at Chandan and his teenaged friends. One boy's father, the manager of a tea estate, is shot in broad daylight for refusing to pay extortion money; Adolf waves a gun in Donny's face, and Manoj is tortured on suspicion of being an ULFA member. It all proves to be too much for Chandan, who turns to drinking and smoking, cheating on tests, and forging his parents' signatures. The young people find that both, their present and their future, are threatened. Years later, when Chandan returns, he sees the plight of the captain of his school football team, a career ended prematurely by a stabbing. is the story of growing up in a part of India that is often exoticized but rarely understood. At one level, it may be about school fights, teenage love and rebellion with a murder plot thrown in but it is also much more. Violence, political instability, and a looming crisis of the future shadows these characters. This is a world where innocent, childish mistakes have very real consequences and often end in death. In Chandan the reader sees a lost boy who doesn't want to leave his town but is forced to; in Donny, we see those whose lives are tied to the mines. In all of Saikia's characters, we see children who have to come to grips with an identity that is forced upon them by a society that never lets them forget or change who they are. Who they grow up to be is but a response to what is done to them and to those they love. At over 350 pages, Rough Streets is not a quick read. It can be hard to keep track of the extensive cast of characters and its pace is occasionally erratic. However, this chronicle of boyhood definitely does not disappoint. Percy Bharucha is a freelance writer and illustrator. Instagram: @percybharucha
