As top ULFA(I) leader joins BJP, what it means for peace talks in Assam
Rabha was inducted into the BJP along with a set of other leaders, including the Aam Aadmi Party's former Assam state-in-charge Manoj Dhanowar.
Speaking about Rabha's entry into the BJP, Assam BJP chief Dilip Saikia said he has 'assimilated into our mainstream society for quite a while now'.
'He has left guns and bullets and entered the politics of ballots. What we have been saying for a very long time is 'Bye bye to bullet and welcome to ballot'… We, along with the central government, are always telling Paresh Baruah [ULFA(I)'s commander-in-chief] that bullets and talks cannot go together. The Constitution does not permit it. There can be talks… That is what we want, but Assam has to be peaceful,' he said.
One of the BJP's biggest talking points in Assam is the numerous peace pacts its governments have signed with various insurgent groups in the state, but ULFA(I) under Baruah's leadership is the only one that has repeatedly refused to enter peace talks.
A pro-talks faction of the ULFA had signed a tripartite peace pact with the Union and state government in December 2023, but the ULFA(I) has resisted coming to the table for talks without discussing sovereignty for Assam.
Rabha, 55, is from Western Assam's Goalpara district. He was known to be a close confidant of Baruah and was the deputy commander-in-chief of ULFA (I). His surrender in November 2020 had been hailed by the central government as 'a major blow' to the outfit that was 'ushering a new dawn of peace in the region'.
He had been an active member of the outfit for three decades, was a well-known Improvised Explosive Device (IED) expert, and headed the outfit's operations in Western Assam. His parents — Dhaneswar Rabha and Sushila Rabha — had been killed in 1999 in the infamous 'secret killings' of Assam. These were extra-judicial killings of close relatives of numerous ULFA leaders by unidentified killers between 1998 and 2001.
Rabha's formal induction into the BJP comes amidst criticism over the government's handling of the ULFA(I). It took place days after the ULFA(I) claimed that its camps in Myanmar along the border in India had been bombed in a 'drone attack' by Indian forces in which three of its senior functionaries had been killed.
While the Indian Army has denied information on such an operation and the Assam state government has distanced itself from it, the alleged operation has drawn criticism from both civil society groups and opposition parties in Assam as being detrimental to the cause of facilitating talks with the ULFA (I).
'Sudden and unprovoked attacks of this nature could disrupt the peace process, which neither the people of Assam nor AASU desires,' the All Assam Students' Union had said in a statement.
Opposition parties such as the Congress and the Asom Jatiya Parishad have also questioned the implications of the incident on future peace talks. Assam Congress chief Gaurav Gogoi claimed that 'precision strikes' could not have taken place without the knowledge of Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Chief Minister Sarma. He asked: 'What is the reason that the approach of dialogue and peace has been abandoned in favour of killing youths from Assam in precision attacks?'
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Indian Express
18 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Tipra Motha activists attack BJP workers while latter were listening to PM Modi's ‘Mann ki Baat' program; 9 injured
A group of Tipra Motha workers attacked supporters of ally BJP at Asharambari in Khowai district of Tripura on Sunday, injuring nine saffron party workers and damaging scores of vehicles. Asked about the incident, an officer at the state police headquarters in Agartala said, 'As per our latest reports, nine people were injured. A case will be lodged at the local police station and legal action will be taken.' Reacting to the attack, BJP tribal leader Bipin Debbarma said, 'Our supporters and leaders were listening to PM Modi's 'Mann Ki Baat' program, when they were attacked by hooligans from the Tipra Motha party who were armed with machetes, axes, and country-made guns. They intended to murder BJP supporters. At least 10 to 15 motorcycles were damaged in the incident, and two cars sustained heavy damage.' The tribal leader said a detailed report of the incident has been sent to Tripura Chief Minister Dr Manik Saha and state BJP chief Rajib Bhattacharya, and they have assured to bring the culprits to book and provide necessary treatment to the injured. Sunit Sarkar, Media In-Charge, BJP Tripura unit, told media persons that Tipra Motha minister Animesh Debbarma was looking into the matter. Animesh Debbarma is the local Asharambari MLA. Meanwhile, Tipra Motha supremo Pradyot Kishore Manikya Debbarma went 'Live' on Facebook and criticised his own party workers for the attack. 'I don't want political violence in Tripura. If tribals keep fighting each other in the name of flags, one day flags will be all that's left, land will be lost. You can do politics two months before the elections. Till then, keep thansa (unity) as tribals… Politics of violence will not give us anything,' Pradyot Kishore said. Pradyot Kishore then said that Naga people are united across party lines, but tribals in Tripura are not united. He also alleged that former CPM leaders are joining the BJP and the Tipra Motha and are trying to foment a crisis, and urged both parties to stay wary of such political elements. Speaking to he later said, 'I don't want our party's name to be dragged into such conflicts. If anything, Tipra Motha and the BJP should come together and fight against illegal immigration from Bangladesh and Myanmar.'
The Hindu
18 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Clearing the air on ‘citizenship' in Bihar poll roll revision
It is fundamental that unless a person is a citizen of India he cannot be an elector. Consequently, he cannot become a legislator also. Therefore, it is very surprising that some seasoned politicians have raised objections to the Election Commission of India (ECI)'s Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls in Bihar (where Assembly elections are expected shortly) that citizenship should not be verified. It only demonstrates that they have absolutely no knowledge of the Constitution and the working of the system. Article 324 of the Constitution provides that the 'superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of Electoral roll and the conduct of all elections ... shall vest' in the Election Commission. The preparation of electoral rolls is a continuous process, and is revised from time to time irrespective of there being elections or no elections (Lakshmi Charan Sen and Ors Etc vs A.K.M. Hassan Uzzaman and Ors. Etc., AIR 1985 SC 1233). Clarity on being a citizen Article 326 of the Constitution of India provides that 'the Elections to the House of People and the Legislature of every State shall be on the basis of adult suffrage, that is to say, every person who is a citizen of India and who is not less than 18 years of age in such State, as may be fixed in that behalf, by or under any law made by the appropriate legislature and is not otherwise disqualified under this Constitution or any Law made by the appropriate Legislature' on certain grounds. Therefore, it is clear that unless a person is a citizen of India, he is not entitled to be registered as a voter in any election. Pursuant to the enabling provisions, Parliament enacted The Representation of The People Act, 1950, which deals with the preparation of electoral rolls and delimitation. The Preamble to the 1950 Act reads as follows: 'An Act to provide the allocation of seats in, and the delimitation of constituencies for the purpose of election to, the House of the People and the Legislatures of States, the qualifications of voters at such elections, the preparation of electoral rolls, the manner of filling seats in the Council of States to be filled by representatives of Union territories, and matters connected therewith.' Part-IIA of the 1950 Act deals with the Officers of the Commission which includes Electoral Registration Officers and Assistant Electoral Registration Officers. Part-IIB deals with Electoral Rolls for Parliamentary Constituencies and Part-III deals with Electoral Rolls for Assembly constituencies. Section 15 of the 1950 Act deals with preparation of Electoral Rolls for every Constituency under the superintendence, direction and control of the Election Commission. Section 16 of the 1950 Act deals with disqualifications for registration in an Electoral Roll, and in specific, Section 16(1)(a) provides that if a person is not a Citizen of India, he shall be disqualified for being registered as a voter. Further, Section 16(2) provides that the name of the person who is so disqualified, even if registered, shall be struck off from the electoral rolls. Besides this, Section 20 of the 1950 Act also provides who is 'ordinarily resident' in a constituency. Section 21 deals with preparation and revision of electoral rolls, while Section 22 deals with correction of entries in electoral rolls. Section 23 deals with the inclusion of names in electoral rolls, and Section 24 provides that if anybody is aggrieved by an order of inclusion or exclusion, they can prefer an appeal to the authority referred to in the Section. The only period during which no amendment, transposition or deletion is permitted, is referred to under Section 23(3) of the 1950 Act, which provides that no amendment, transposition, deletion or inclusion, shall be made after the last date for making the nominations for an election in that constituency. Therefore, it is fundamental that unless a person is a citizen of India, their name cannot be included in the electoral roll. And if it is erroneously included, it can be deleted under the provisions, as stated above. Under the duties of the Election Commission In fact, it is the duty of the ECI to verify whether the name of any non-citizen has been included in an electoral roll, if a complaint or doubt in this regard has been raised. In fact, to put it otherwise, the ECI or its officers, have no jurisdiction to include a non-citizen's name in the electoral roll; if it is so, it is null and void. Therefore, if an application is made for inclusion or a complaint is received that a non-citizen's name is included in the electoral roll, it is the duty of the ECI to conduct an inquiry as necessary to ensure that non-citizens' names are rejected and deleted from the list. If the ECI fails to do so, it would be failing in its constitutional duty and the purpose for which the power has been granted under Articles 324 and 326 would be defeated. In the same line, if you probe further, to be a Member of the Legislative Assembly or a Member of Parliament, one has to be a voter in a constituency; if he is not a citizen of India, he cannot be a member of Parliament or a State Legislature. In fact, Article 102 of the Constitution provides for disqualification of membership of either House of Parliament, while Article 191 provides the same for a State Legislature. It is very clear under Article 102(1)(d) that a person 'shall be disqualified for being chosen as and for being a member of either House of Parliament, if he is not a citizen of India, or has voluntarily acquired the citizenship of a foreign State or if he is under acknowledgment of allegiance or adherence to a foreign State'. Article 191, which applies to the State Legislature, also provides the same. If someone contends that a non-citizen would be a voter, they are also contending that a non-citizen can be a member of Legislature, which is nothing but absurd. Therefore, if questioned, one has to prove to the satisfaction of the authority, that he is a citizen of India, and that he satisfies the provisions of The Citizenship Act, 1955. Though Section 7A of the 1955 Act provides for the registration of overseas citizens in India, Section 7B(2) of the said Act clearly provides that an Overseas citizen of India Cardholder shall not be entitled to the rights conferred on the citizens of India with regard to the registration of a voter. Therefore, the constitutional and statutory scheme clearly provides that unless a person is a citizen of India, his name cannot be included in the electoral roll. And even if he is included, the authority of the ECI can order deletion of their name under Section 16(2) of the 1950 Act. It is relevant to note the decision of the Supreme Court of India (reported in Dr. Yogesh Bhardwaj vs State Of U.P. And Ors, 1990 3 SCC 355), which dealt with admission in a medical college. In the said judgment, it has been observed in paragraph 20 that it is only lawful residence that can be taken into account, and if a man stays in a country in breach of immigration laws, his presence there does not constitute ordinary residence. The Aadhaar card and citizenship One more issue which has to be dealt with is whether any person who has an Aadhaar card can be a citizen of India. A reading of the provisions of The Aadhaar (Targeted Delivery of Financial and Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services) Act, 2016, in particular, Section 9, clearly provides that the 'Aadhaar Number or the Authentication thereof, shall not, by itself, confer any right of, or be proof of, citizenship or domicile in respect of the Aadhaar number holder'. Section 3 of the Act, which deals with enrolment, only provides that 'every resident shall be entitled to obtain an Aadhaar number by submitting his demographic and biometric information by undergoing the process of enrolment'. Therefore, mere possession of an Aadhaar card is not proof of citizenship, and despite the constitutional requirements, if the names of foreigners are retained in the electoral roll, the rolls to that extent would be void ab initio. G. Rajagopalan is a senior advocate and, formerly, Additional Solicitor General
The Hindu
18 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Decoding the Jan Suraaj Party hype
Last year, Prashant Kishor transitioned from his consultant role into the dynamic arena of electoral politics. With Bihar going to the polls in October, it will be intriguing to observe how a strategist, believed to have masterminded some important political successes, will perform when he contests an election himself. Mr. Kishor, leader of the Jan Suraaj Party (JSP), points out four factors which makes the BJP a formidable electoral force: its Hindutva ideology that serves as an emotional anchor, Narendra Modi's grand narrative of India becoming a global superpower, the creation of millions of direct beneficiaries through welfare schemes, and the sheer financial and organisational strength of the party. Mr. Kishor has asserted that to defeat BJP, one would need to defeat it at least on three of the four accounts. So, how well placed is the JSP to challenge the BJP on these factors? First, ideologically, the BJP's Hindutva claim isn't just a political position; it has become an emotional ecosystem that gives people identity, purpose, and a sense of belonging to something larger than themselves. The JSP's approach has been to focus on Bihar's regional identity and development aspirations while staying studiously secular. It is intellectually honest, sure, but could it be politically naïve given that religious identity in contemporary politics has become increasingly central to how people see themselves politically? Second, Mr. Kishor's 'Bihar Badlav (Bihar Change)' campaign is receiving traction. The messaging is positive: Bihar doesn't need to wait for Delhi's permission to prosper; the State has its own strengths and possibilities. What it needs is leadership that believes in those possibilities. This seems to be resonating with some voters. This narrative is distinct from the BJP's nationalism and the traditional Opposition's criticism. Whether it is enough remains to be seen. Third, pricking a hole in the BJP's beneficiary schemes may be tedious. When a farmer gets his PM Kisan installments, or when a woman gets her Ujjwala gas connection, or when a family gets healthcare through Ayushman Bharat, they are not just receiving benefits; they are entering into a relationship with the government that makes them stakeholders in its success. Can the JSP's promise be enough to attract the voters to vote for it? Fourth, the ability of the JSP to match the BJP's and RJD's organisational structure needs to be looked at. The JSP has been able to create some ground level connects via its leaders' padyatra, but this will be put to test particularly closer to elections. The BJP-led NDA has financial resources, RSS volunteers, sophisticated data analytics, and technological infrastructure that can micro-target individual voters. The RJD has decades of organisational depth and established networks across every village in Bihar and JSP has Mr. Kishor's strategic mind. Will that be enough to challenge the NDA and the Mahagathbandhan? Another important challenge for the JSP is about how the party will be able to challenge dynastic heirs such as Tejashwi Yadav and Chirag Paswan. What makes Mr. Yadav particularly formidable is his younger age, party's organisational strength, and experience. His welfare promises are specific and credible because he has the organisational capacity to deliver them. His focus on employment and migration directly addresses voters' primary concerns. And his consistent opposition to Nitish Kumar's alliance-hopping has given him a reputation for stability that the JSP, as a new entrant, cannot claim. The BJP may find it difficult to put up a young face given its present leadership in Bihar, but JD(U) might prop up a young face such as Nitish Kumar's son Nishant Kumar or Manish Verma, a former IAS officer. At this moment, the picture seems encouraging as the JSP is generating discussion and media attention, but also sobering, since Mr. Kishor may turn out to be an influential voice rather than a decisive force. In a fragmented electoral landscape, the JSP might eventually end up being a kingmaker if neither major alliance achieves a clear majority. This could provide it with disproportionate influence relative to its electoral performance and create opportunities for future growth. Sanjay Kumar is a Professor at the Centre for Studies of Developing Societies and Chandrachur Singh is a Professor of Political Science at Hindu College, University of Delhi. Views expressed are personal
