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CBS News
03-06-2025
- Business
- CBS News
Trump administration plans to move Greenland from U.S. European Command to Northern Command
Inside Greenland: residents say they're not for sale, but they are open for business The Trump administration is planning to move Greenland from the purview of U.S. European Command to U.S. Northern Command, several U.S. officials told CBS News. Moving Greenland to Northern Command, which is in charge of defending the homeland, is a symbolic statement suggesting a view of Greenland as more a part of the defense of the U.S. than of Europe. In the eyes of the U.S., the move treats Greenland more like Canada and less like a part of the Kingdom of Denmark. Top Trump officials, including Vice President JD Vance, have pressed Greenland to break from Denmark and come under the security umbrella of the United States, sources said. Vance visited the Pituffik Space Base in March and blasted Denmark's management of Greenland, accusing it of underinvesting in Greenland's people and security architecture. The space base is equipped with a warning system to detect incoming missiles, and the Pentagon sees Greenland as critical to national security. U.S. European Command includes Europe, Russia and Greenland. U.S. Northern Command is responsible for the defense of the continental U.S. and Alaska, in coordination with Canada, Mexico and the Bahamas. President Trump hasn't given up on the idea of acquiring Greenland, which he and other top officials see as key to U.S. national security. When Vance visited in March, Mr. Trump said, "We have to have Greenland." The president has also expressed an interest in Greenland because of its rare earth minerals, which are needed in electronics like cell phones and electric cars. "We will make you rich, and together, we will take Greenland to heights like you have never thought possible before," Mr. Trump said in his March address to a joint session of Congress. But the vast majority of Greenlanders don't want to join the U.S., according to what little polling exists. Its population of about 56,000 is concentrated along the southern coast, and most of the country is covered in ice.

Japan Times
02-06-2025
- Business
- Japan Times
Philippines vague on U.S. missile deployments, but clear on one thing
The Philippines has taken a deliberately vague tack about deploying powerful U.S. weapons on its territory that could put nearby Chinese forces at risk — but Manila is clear about one thing: It has already secured the funds to buy its own midrange missiles. Asked whether Manila is planning to keep or purchase some of the advanced U.S. weapon systems deployed for this year's Balikatan military exercises, Philippine Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro told The Japan Times that the country would maintain a policy of 'strategic ambiguity' on the matter. Strategic ambiguity, which is employed by both the U.S. in its policy toward Taiwan and France in its nuclear weapons strategy, is the practice of being intentionally unclear about a policy, strategy or position, creating uncertainty to either gain an advantage or deter potential adversaries without making explicit commitments. In the case of the Philippines, Teodoro said he would follow such an approach with regard to the advanced Navy-Marine Expeditionary Ship Interdiction System (NMESIS) and Typhon U.S. missile systems. Both have been deployed to the Southeast Asian nation, triggering a backlash from Beijing, which has repeatedly called for them to be removed, arguing that the Typhon, in particular, is a 'strategic' and 'offensive' system. Manila has said that the deployment of a Typhon-like system, which can fire both Tomahawk long-range cruise missiles and SM-6 air defense missiles, is not meant for offensive purposes. While Philippine officials have indicated the Typhon would stay in the country indefinitely after being deployed for joint exercises last year, no such statement has been made about whether the NMESIS anti-ship weapon will remain on the island of Batanes, between the Philippines' Luzon island and Taiwan, where it was used in this year's Balikatan exercises. Imagery released by the U.S. military indicates that the NMESIS system was still there as of Sunday, as a part of separate military exercises. The U.S. military's Navy-Marine Expeditionary Ship Interdiction System (NMESIS) is deployed during joint military exercises with Philippine forces on the Philippine island of Batanes on May 25. | U.S. MARINE CORPS This suggests that China's repeated calls to remove these systems are unlikely to be heeded anytime soon, as Manila not only trains its soldiers on the Typhon launcher but also plans to acquire its own midrange system. 'The definite thing is that we do need capabilities of such sort, and they are already part of our shopping list,' Teodoro said in an exclusive interview on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue security conference in Singapore over the weekend. Manila, he added, already has the necessary funding to acquire its own midrange capability (MRC). 'We do have the funding because, on a cost basis, it's much cheaper than the rest of the items in our Re-Horizon 3 program,' he said. Last year, Manila approved a revised military upgrade initiative called Re-Horizon 3 that will reportedly see the country spend up to 2 trillion Philippine pesos ($35 billion) over the next decade. The move, the third and final stage of a plan that started in 2013 in response to Chinese activities in the South China Sea, is focused on acquiring items such as more ships, aircraft, weapons and radar systems. 'We are actively looking for it (the MRC),' the defense secretary said, noting that the purchase of such a modern system would require 'different levels of approval,' especially should Manila opt for the Typhon, which the U.S. has yet to sell to another country. Teodoro's remarks come as a dispute over the South China Sea between China and the Philippines has turned particularly heated, with the resource-rich waters now the scene of regular ship collisions and rammings. As new flashpoints, such as Sandy Cay, emerge in the waterway, Beijing has also stepped up its presence by deploying not only its coast guard but also military vessels and aircraft in a show of force that Teodoro likened to a mixed martial arts move to force an opponent to surrender. 'They're trying to gaslight the Philippines and coerce us into recognizing them or making us work to resolve a dispute under their rules, and I think it's just like a submission hold in MMA,' Teodoro said. While Beijing 'doesn't have a chokehold yet, they're slowly trying to get there,' he added. In one pointed example, the Chinese Navy conducted 'combat readiness patrols' near the disputed Scarborough Shoal, a rocky islet in the South China Sea controlled by Beijing but claimed by Manila, as defense chiefs from across the globe gathered in Singapore for the Shangri-La conference. Teodoro said that while Manila still has a range of other tools in its kit, including stepped-up maritime patrols with its multilateral partners, Philippine forces 'have always been stretched thin,' which is why the main focus should be on boosting deterrence as soon as possible. This not only includes procuring advanced missile systems, but also 'improving the foundational infrastructure for our platforms and our logistics systems, which have long been neglected,' Teodoro said. The county's modernization push also includes increasing the sophistication of its asymmetric arsenal as well as its unmanned platforms and cybersystems along with enhancing the Philippine forces' maritime and air domain awareness. But help is already on its way. U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth (left) shakes hands with Philippines defense chief Gilberto Teodoro before a bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue security conference in Singapore on Friday. | AFP-JIJI On Saturday, the defense chiefs of 'the Squad' grouping, which brings together Japan, Australia, the U.S. and the Philippines, agreed to expand the scope and frequency of South China Sea maritime patrols with more like-minded partners, while further synchronizing defense investments in the Philippines and boosting its cybersecurity capabilities. They also agreed to explore planning joint intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance activities in the East and South China seas as they ramp up information-sharing in an effort to establish "a common operating picture" in the region. Teodoro said the grouping has made 'much progress' since it was formed in 2023, signaling its expansion — possibly to include countries such as India and New Zealand — would be something the Philippines welcomes. 'I think the Squad is an open-architecture security grouping based on a common thread,' he said. 'I can't speak for the others, but my feeling is that it is open to those that are aligned with the common goals and those with Philippine goals, as the grouping is centered on Philippine resilience.' The remarks come after Ely Ratner, a U.S. assistant secretary of defense for Indo-Pacific security affairs under former President Joe Biden, made waves for suggesting in an essay in Foreign Affairs magazine that regional allies and partners should reconsider transforming the 'informal' U.S.-led minilateral defense initiatives into a collective defense pact. Asked about the possibility, Teodoro said that while it remained early, such a proposal would be one 'model of what the Squad may evolve into.' For the time being, though, he said, efforts should focus on strengthening the Squad, making it more interoperable and delivering more concrete results. 'Then let's see where it goes.'


The Independent
23-05-2025
- Business
- The Independent
South Korea denies talks held about US troop withdrawal amid Pentagon review
South Korea 's defence ministry denied that it was talking to the US about pulling out some of its 28,500 soldiers stationed in the East Asian country. The Wall Street Journal had reported that the Donald Trump administration was 'weighing a withdrawal of thousands of American troops from South Korea '. Citing unnamed defence officials familiar with the discussions, the newspaper said that 'an option being developed by the Pentagon is to pull out roughly 4,500 troops and move them to other locations in the Indo-Pacific region, including Guam'. In a statement contradicting the report, the South's defence ministry said it remained committed to working closely with the US to uphold a strong joint military posture aimed at deterring North Korea. Seoul and Washington agreed a five-year deal on defence cost-sharing last year, but Mr Trump recently indicated that expenses tied to the American military presence could become a point of negotiation in broader trade talks. But South Korean officials insisted on tackling the issue of defence contributions separately. The agreement mandates Seoul to pay $1.1bn in 2026 for the upkeep of the US forces, an 8.3 per cent increase from 2025. The ministry said that alongside its own military, the US forces in Korea, have 'contributed to the peace and stability of the Korean peninsula by maintaining a firm combined defence posture and deterring North Korea 's invasion and provocation', state news agency Yonhap reported. 'We will continue to cooperate with the US side to advance in such a direction.' South Korea is set to hold a snap presidential election on 3 June following months of political upheaval that has left a leadership void as Seoul looks to ease US tariffs on its export-driven economy. In its report, the Wall Street Journal said the Pentagon was preparing the idea of withdrawing troops from South Korea for 'consideration by president Trump as part of an informal policy review on dealing with North Korea'. The report emerged amid speculation that Washington could pursue greater 'strategic flexibility' for US forces in Korea, expanding their role to counter China's rising assertiveness rather than focusing solely on North Korean threats, Yonhap noted. US defence secretary Pete Hegseth has reportedly ordered the Pentagon's next National Defence Strategy to emphasise 'burden-sharing' with allies and countering China's influence. The strategy, due by 31 August, could include hiking South Korea's financial contribution for hosting American forces.


The Guardian
19-05-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
Alarm over defence agreement giving US ‘unhindered access' to Danish airbases
When Copenhagen signed a new defence agreement giving the US 'unhindered access' to Danish airbases in December 2023, the idea of granting sweeping powers to US forces on Danish soil was quite a different proposition to what it is today. The US, then under the Biden administration, was an unwavering Nato ally that Denmark had followed into wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and Nordic neighbours Sweden, Finland and Norway had similar agreements with the US. But then Donald Trump returned to power, making an unprecedented push to acquire or seize Greenland, a strategically vital part of the Danish kingdom. He has refused to rule out using military force to take over the island, and US intelligence agencies have reportedly been ordered to increase espionage in the territory. Now, little more than a year on, as Denmark prepares to adopt the agreement next month after a vote in parliament on 11 June, when it is expected to be approved, fears are growing about its potential implications. The deal means US soldiers will be in Denmark under US jurisdiction, meaning that if they were to commit a crime anywhere in Denmark they would in the first instance be punished under the US, not Danish, legal system. It also gives US soldiers access to Danish air bases in three Danish cities – Karup, Skrydstrup and Aalborg - and gives American soldiers and military police powers over Danish civilians at these locations and outside them. And it allows the US to carry out military activities in and from Denmark – including stationing personnel, storing military material and equipment, maintenance, training and exercise activities. 'If the bill is passed, we risk that American soldiers will have the right to crack down on a demonstration outside one of their bases, in order to maintain security and control of the base,' Peter Vedel Kessing, a senior researcher at the Danish Institute for Human Rights, which has advised the defence committee on legal issues, told the Guardian. 'If armed American soldiers use excessive force against demonstrators, Denmark will not have the possibility to prosecute them.' He added: 'If the bill is passed and American soldiers carry out illegal acts in Denmark, it will be beyond Danish control and outside the reach of the Danish legal system to prosecute such actions.' The bill should not be passed, said Vedel Kessing, until there is 'certainty' that the agreement does not violate 'the unwritten constitutional prohibition that forbids other states, including the US, from exercising official authority on Danish territory'. Alarm bells were raised last month when a ministry of defence consultation note said that Americans would be given the right to 'exercise powers over civilians on Danish territory if necessary for the use, operation and defence of, and control over, the agreed facilities and areas by the American forces'. At the time, the Danish unity party called the new US powers 'alarming'. The party's foreign affairs spokesperson, Trine Pertou Mach, told Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten: 'It is quite far-reaching that we are handing over law enforcement powers to a foreign country's military police.' According to the agreement it is irrevocable for 10 years. But last week, the Danish foreign minister, Lars Løkke Rasmussen, said that if the US were to take over Greenland, Denmark would be able to pull out early. 'It goes without saying that a complete or partial American annexation of Greenland would entitle Denmark to terminate the defence cooperation agreement,' he wrote in a parliamentary response. The Danish ministry of defence told the Guardian that the new agreement will 'authorise the US forces to exercise all rights and authority necessary for US forces' use, operation, defence or control of agreed facilities and areas.' It would, they said, include 'taking proportionate measures to maintain or restore order and to protect US forces, US contractors, Danish contractors and dependents'. The spokesperson said these rights and authorities must be exercised in accordance with security plans that have been coordinated with appropriate authorities of Denmark. 'The Danish authorities will oversee how the security plans are implemented in practice in cooperation with US forces. The authority given to US forces on Danish territory according to article 6 is therefore not unlimited,' the spokesperson added. 'Finally, it is important to mention that the agreement specifies that, as a general principle for the agreement in its entirety, all activities under it are to be conducted with full respect for the sovereignty, constitution and constitutional practice, laws, and international legal obligations of Denmark.'


Asharq Al-Awsat
14-05-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Houthi Ceasefire Reportedly Followed US Intel Showing Militias Sought Off-ramp
Days before a surprise US ceasefire agreement with Houthis, US intelligence started picking up indications the Yemeni militias were looking for an exit after seven weeks of relentless US bombings, four US officials said. Houthi leaders began reaching out sometime around the first weekend in May to US allies in the Middle East, two of the officials told Reuters. "We started getting intel that the Houthis had had enough," one of the sources said, speaking on condition of anonymity to recount the internal discussions about the intelligence, which haven't been previously reported. Interviews with current and former US officials, diplomatic sources and other experts show how a campaign that the US military's Central Command once envisioned might stretch through most of this year came to abrupt halt on May 6 after 52 days, allowing President Donald Trump to declare victory before heading to the Middle East this week. Since November 2023, the Houthis have disrupted commerce by launching hundreds of drone and missile attacks on vessels in the Red Sea, saying they were targeting ships linked to Israel in solidarity with Palestinians over the war in Gaza. Two sources said Iran played an important role in encouraging the Iran-aligned Houthis to negotiate, as Tehran pursues its own talks with the United States over its nuclear program aimed at ending crippling US sanctions and preventing a military strike by the US or Israel. But the culmination of the ceasefire accord underscored how quickly the Trump administration moved on initial intelligence to secure what in March seemed unthinkable to many experts in the short term: a Houthi declaration it would stop striking US ships. Trump's unconventional approach included bypassing close US ally Israel, which is not covered by the agreement, and which was not told ahead of time, an Israeli official and a person familiar with the matter said. The Houthis weren't the only ones feeling pressure. The bombing campaign has also been costly to the United States, which has burned through munitions and lost two aircraft and multiple drones. After the early May tips on the Houthis, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth initiated a series of meetings at the White House on Monday morning, and concluded there was a window of opportunity with the Iran-aligned fighters, one of the officials said. Trump's Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff, who was already leading US negotiations on Iran's nuclear program, worked through Omani mediators and held indirect talks with the chief Houthi negotiator and spokesperson, Mohammed Abdulsalam, two US officials told Reuters. Abdulsalam was in turn in contact with the Houthis' top leader, Abdul Malik al-Houthi, one of the officials said. A framework agreement was reached later on Monday, one of the officials said. By Tuesday, May 6, Trump was ready to announce an accord, declaring the Houthis had capitulated. "They said please don't bomb us any more and we're not going to attack your ships," he told reporters. Asked about Reuters' findings, the Houthis' Abdulsalam said the group communicated only via Oman and agreed to the ceasefire because the Houthis had been responding to the United States defensively. "So if they stopped their aggression, we stopped our response," Abdusalam told Reuters, declining further comment. A spokesperson for Witkoff did not immediately respond to a request for comment. OFF-RAMP Each side saw some benefit to striking a deal. For the Houthis, it offered an off-ramp that could allow them to rebuild and relieve pressure that, over months or years, could have strategically put them at risk, US officials and experts say. At the start of the US campaign on March 15, al-Houthi was defiant, saying in a televised address that his fighters would target US ships in the Red Sea as long as the US continued its attacks on Yemen. At the time, it appeared the United States might be locked in a costly standoff, as US forces used up munitions during more than 1,100 strikes. Hegseth said the US would only halt its bombings once the Houthis agreed to stop striking US ships and drones. The Houthis shot down seven US MQ-9 drones -- each worth tens of millions of dollars -- since Trump took office. The Harry S. Truman aircraft carrier, whose deployment in the Middle East was extended by Hegseth, lost two fighter jets, including one falling from the deck of the ship after the massive vessel was forced to make a hard turn because of a Houthi attack in the area.