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The Print
11-08-2025
- Politics
- The Print
With nuke lunacy, Asim Munir joins Pakistan's Hall of Generals who swapped brains for bluster
In reality, they end up destroying themselves and damaging Pakistan. Ayub, Yahya, Zia, Musharraf make a straight line. The first launched a war in 1965 and lost. The second lost half his country. The third diminished Pakistan into the 'University of Jihad'. The fourth ruined the economy and globally affirmed Pakistan as a state sponsor of terrorism. The fifth, Asim Munir, is now using language more alarming than his infamous predecessors. Infamous and miserable in defeat, dishonour, exile or assassination. Munir obviously thinks fate is going to treat him better. You can read his shocking rant in this Praveen Swami exclusive. But then, of course, he's much more of a true believer in scriptural dogma as he has interpreted it. He's saying that unlike others, he's willing to go for broke, even if it risks taking his country 'and half the world' down with him. To understand where he is coming from, I will pick 10 points. Also Read: Kutch was the cue, Sindoor the signal. India needs a 6-month, 2-yr & 5-yr plan for Asim Munir The first, he's attempting to restore the nuclear blackmail that has vanished after Op Sindoor. It was defied in the post-Uri surgical strikes and challenged in Balakot. Op Sindoor buried it. From where Munir sits, if his nuclear blackmail is gone, what's he got left? This closes his options on Kashmir. We have to understand this carefully. The Indian nuclear doctrine is publicly disclosed and adheres to the no-first-use principle. Pakistan has no such disclosure or commitment. The clearest articulation of the Pakistani nuclear threshold was given in 2002 (during Op Parakram) by its then director general of Strategic Plans Division (SPD) Lt Gen Khalid Kidwai. He sent out these thresholds under four heads: space (significant loss of territory), military (loss of a significant portion of Pakistani forces and degradation), economic (strangulation or blockade threatening economic survival) and political (large-scale internal subversion or destabilisation). While this is sweeping and non-specific, it underlines an important doctrinal point—that Pakistan fully sees its nuclear weapons as a loser's option. That's at least a rational view. Munir is now saying, don't count on us being rational. The second point is that not only is he reminding India, but also the rest of the world that Pakistan holds this destructive power and may be inclined to unleash it, whatever the consequences. Thereby, he is trying to shift the global emphasis from the threat of cross-border terrorism to the fear of nuclear war in the Subcontinent. In many India-Pakistan crises from 1987, Pakistan has been the only side to hold out a nuclear threat. The third, therefore, is that Munir is worried India and America have stopped worrying. He's, therefore, putting the gun to his own head. He's taking us back, or at least trying to, to the summer of 1990, when the Pakistanis sent out a threat to the V.P. Singh government that they will start the war with a nuclear strike. Gujral recorded this in his memoir. Munir is now indicating a return to pre-emptive deterrence. In simpler English, it's the return of the nuclear blackmail. Four, he's acknowledging that Pakistan has been left far behind by India. That's where his 'crude analogy' of a 'shining Mercedes driving like a Ferrari' versus a 'dump truck filled with gravel' comes in. So, won't you Indians lose more? Five, we can see the bitter envy play out. Mark the reference to that 'tweet we had put out' with a line from the scriptures on how Allah sent birds to drop stones at enemy war elephants and reduce them to straw, with a picture of Mukesh Ambani. Four decades back, Pakistan was way ahead of India in economic and industrial development. Today, it is far behind, and sliding alarmingly for him. He has no solution to reverse Pakistan's slide. He's only thinking of stopping India's march. Also Read: Asim Munir just stole his 5th star & has nothing to show for it. It'll make him desperate, dangerous Six, he has further elaborated on his DG-ISPR's boast to The Economist that in the next conflict, Pakistan will begin with the east. Some in India have hastily jumped to think of a collusive attack with Bangladesh. Think harder, especially now that Munir has elaborated on it. The east, where he says 'they keep their most valuable' assets. Now, we know that most of our big economic assets are along the west coast and in the south. What he's talking about isn't economic. What he is hinting at, I'd rather not talk about. Smart people in the establishment would know. Seven, he knows that the Pahalgam move backfired. Even if there is no resumption of hostilities, the apprehension over Indus waters will remain. He's reassuring his base with the threat of 'firing 10 missiles and getting rid of a dam' that Indians 'build' on the Indus system. He knows no dam can be built overnight, or in his tenure however long. He thinks he can brag safely right for now. Eight is just a repetition of what he's been saying lately, beginning with that 16 April speech to an overseas Pakistanis' convention, that Pakistan was the only state founded on the Islamic 'Kalma' after the Holy Prophet's Medina. Therefore, the existence of massive minerals under its soil is pre-ordained. This is the snake oil he has sold to Donald Trump. The ninth is of the greatest immediate importance to him. He's signalling to his own population that they should know (if there were any doubts) he's fully the boss now. That he hasn't yet taken over the presidency formally doesn't matter. Nor does it mean that he won't do so. Army chiefs always have a tenure and those wasting away in the line of succession will get impatient at some point. The model that's worked in Pakistan is uniform with the presidency. And the 10th should set us thinking hard, even as we ridicule Munir. He's insecure. In Pakistan, insecurity doesn't just mean losing your job. You can't hand over to any next guy and go home to play golf. However his propaganda packages it, the world has seen pictures of his damaged air bases. A puffed-up bully is often a recent loser. That makes for a very dangerous combination in Pakistan. The final lesson, therefore, is for India. Be alive to not just the possibility, but the likelihood that he will be at our throats again. History tells us that every Pakistani war has been launched on us through one intellectually challenged man's miscalculation. Also Read: What is Asim Munir thinking?
Hindustan Times
11-08-2025
- Politics
- Hindustan Times
Decoding the threat in Munir's desperate talk
History is the best place to learn where Asim Munir's reckless nuclear boast is coming from. It's an established fact that Pakistani military dictators aren't particularly gifted with strategic intellect, political discretion, or a vision for their nation. They trade minor tactics for high strategy. In reality, they end up destroying themselves and damaging Pakistan. Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, Zia-ul-Haq, and Pervez Musharraf make a straight line. The first launched a war in 1965 and lost. The second lost half his country. The third diminished Pakistan into the 'University of Jihad'. The fourth ruined the economy and globally affirmed Pakistan as a State sponsor of terrorism. The fifth, Munir, is now using language more alarming than his infamous predecessors, as first reported by ThePrint's Praveen Swami. Infamous and miserable in defeat, dishonour, exile, or assassination. Munir thinks fate is going to treat him better. But then, of course, he's much more of a true believer in scriptural dogma as he has interpreted it. He's saying that unlike others, he's willing to go for broke, even if it risks taking his country 'and half the world' down with him. To understand where he is coming from, I will pick 10 points. First, he's attempting to restore the nuclear blackmail that has vanished after Op Sindoor. It was defied in the post-Uri surgical strikes, challenged in Balakot, and Op Sindoor buried it. From where Munir sits, if his nuclear blackmail is gone, what has he got left? This closes his options in Kashmir. The Indian nuclear doctrine is publicly disclosed and adheres to the no-first-use principle. Pakistan has no such disclosure or commitment. The clearest articulation of the Pakistani nuclear threshold was given in 2002 (during Op Parakram) by its then director general of Strategic Plans Division (DG SPD) Lt Gen Khalid Kidwai. He sent out these thresholds under four heads: Space (significant loss of territory), military (loss of a significant portion of Pakistani forces and degradation), economic (strangulation or blockade threatening economic survival), and political (large-scale internal subversion or destabilisation). While this is sweeping and non-specific, it underlines an important doctrinal point: Pakistan fully sees its nuclear weapons as a loser's option. That's at least a rational view. Munir is now saying: Don't count on us being rational. Second, not only is he reminding India but also the rest of the world that Pakistan holds this destructive power and may be inclined to unleash it, whatever the consequences. Thereby, he is trying to shift the global emphasis from the threat in the subcontinent from cross-border terrorism to the fear of nuclear war. In many India-Pakistan crises since 1987, Pakistan has been the only side to hold out a nuclear threat. Third, Munir is worried India and the US have stopped worrying. He's, therefore, putting the gun to his head. He's taking us back, or at least trying to, to the summer of 1990, when the Pakistanis sent out a threat to the VP Singh government that they would start the war with a nuclear strike. IK Gujral recorded this in his memoir. Munir is now indicating a return to pre-emptive deterrence. In simpler English, it is the return of nuclear blackmail. Fourth, he's acknowledging that Pakistan has been left far behind by India. That's where what he calls a 'crude analogy' of a 'shining Mercedes driving like a Ferrari' versus a 'dump truck filled with gravel' comes in. So, won't you Indians lose more, is the argument. Fifth, we can see the bitter envy play out. Mark the reference to that 'tweet we had put out' with a line from the scriptures on how Allah sent birds to drop stones on enemy war elephants and reduce them to straw, with a picture of Mukesh Ambani. Four decades ago, Pakistan was way ahead of India in economic and industrial development. Today, it is far behind and sliding alarmingly for him. He has no solution to reverse this. He's only thinking of stopping India's march. Sixth, he has further elaborated on his director general of Inter-Services Public Relations (DG ISPR)'s boast to The Economist that, in the next conflict, Pakistan will begin with India's east. Some in India have hastily jumped to think of a collusive attack with Bangladesh. Think harder, especially now that Munir has elaborated on it. The east, where he says 'they keep their most valuable' assets. Now, we know that most of our big economic assets are along the west coast and in the south. What he's talking about isn't economic. What he is hinting at, I'd rather not talk about. Smart people in the establishment would know. Seventh, he knows that the Pahalgam move backfired. Even if there is no resumption of hostilities, the apprehension over Indus waters will remain. He's reassuring his base with the threat of 'firing 10 missiles and getting rid of a dam' that Indians 'build' on the Indus system. He knows no dam can be built overnight, or in his tenure, however long. He thinks he can brag safely right for now. Eighth is just a repetition of what he's been saying lately, beginning with that April 16 speech to an overseas Pakistanis' convention, that Pakistan was the only State founded on the Islamic Kalma after the Prophet's Medina. Therefore, the existence of massive minerals under its soil is preordained. This is the snake oil he has sold to Donald Trump. Ninth, and of the greatest immediate importance to him, he's signalling to his own population that they should know he's fully the boss now. That he hasn't yet taken over the presidency formally doesn't matter. Nor does it mean that he won't do so. Army chiefs always have a tenure, and those wasting away in the line of succession will get impatient at some point. The model that's worked in Pakistan is uniform with the presidency. And the tenth should set us thinking hard, even as we ridicule Munir. He's insecure. In Pakistan, insecurity doesn't just mean losing your job. You can't hand over to any next guy and go home to play golf. However his propaganda packages it, the world has seen pictures of his damaged air bases. A puffed-up bully is often a recent loser. That makes for a very dangerous combination in Pakistan. The final lesson, therefore, is for India: Be alive to not just the possibility, but the likelihood that he will be at our throats again. History tells us that every Pakistani war has been launched on us through one intellectually challenged man's miscalculation. (By special arrangement with ThePrint; podcast version on the author's YouTube show, CutTheClutter) Shekhar Gupta is founder and editor-in-chief, ThePrint. The views expressed are personal.
Daily Tribune
01-03-2025
- Politics
- Daily Tribune
Suicide blast at Taliban religious school in Pakistan kills six
A suicide attack at an Islamic religious school in Pakistan known as the 'University of Jihad' -- where key Taliban leaders have studied -- killed six people yesterday, police said. Among those who died was Hamid ul Haq Haqqani, the head of the Dar-ul-Uloom Haqqania school, in Akora Khattak, about 60 kilometres (35 miles) east of Peshawar. 'Initial reports suggest the blast occurred after Friday prayers as people were gathering to greet Hamid ul Haq. It appears to be a suicide attack,' Abdul Rasheed, the district police chief, told AFP. The explosion left six dead including the suicide bomber and 16 injured, three of whom are in a critical condition, Rasheed said, adding that an Afghan national is among the dead. Rasheed said that Haqqani, the head of a local right-wing Islamist party, appeared to be the target of the bomber. He was the son of Sami ul Haq Haqqani, who was assassinated in 2018 and known as the 'father of the Taliban' for teaching the insurgent group's founder Mullah Omar at the same religious school. The explosion happened as people gathered for weekly Friday prayers, the most important day of the week. Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and interior minister Mohsin Naqvi condemned the incident as a 'terrorist' act. The sprawling campus in Pakistan's Akora Khattak is home to roughly 4,000 students who are fed, clothed and educated for free. It became known as the 'University of Jihad' for its fiery ideology and the number of Taliban fighters it has produced. Omar, who led an insurgency against the United States and NATO troops in Afghanistan before his death in 2013, graduated from the school along with Jalaluddin Haqqani, the founder of the feared Haqqani network which took its name from the school. The Haqqani network is responsible for some of the worst attacks in Afghanistan. Jalaluddin Haqqani was the father of Sirajuddin Haqqani, the current interior minister for the Taliban government in Afghanistan, himself also a graduate of the school. Abdul Mateen Qani, the spokesman for the interior ministry in Kabul, said the government 'strongly condemned the attack' and blamed it on the jihadist Islamic State group. IS, a rival of the Taliban movement but with which it shares a similar hardline Islamic ideology, has been responsible for several attacks against the Taliban government since it retook power in 2021. No group has yet claimed the bombing. Incubators for militancy The school has sat at the crossroads of regional militant violence for years, educating many Pakistanis and Afghan refugees -- some of whom returned home to wage war against the Russians and Americans or preach jihad. For decades, Pakistani 'madrassas' have served as incubators for militancy, indoctrinating tens of thousands of refugees who have few other options for education than the fiery lectures from hardline clerics. Rather than crack down on the institutions, successive governments in Islamabad -- which rely on the support of Islamist parties in coalition governments -- have largely given the schools a free hand.
Yahoo
28-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Suicide bombing mastermind killed in suicide attack
A split in Afghanistan's Taliban government has violently spilled into Pakistan after a suicide bombing mastermind was himself killed in a suicide attack. Hamid ul Haq Haqqani died in a blast at his Dar-ul-Uloom Haqqania school – dubbed the 'University of Jihad'– in northern Pakistan on Friday, shortly after prayers had concluded. At least six others were killed in the attack, with 20 so far reported injured, police said. Taliban sources told The Telegraph that the cleric was likely another casualty of an internal power struggle that has brought the group to the brink of civil war. He had days earlier urged the group's members in both countries to pledge allegiance to Sirajuddin Haqqani, Afghanistan's interior minister, over Haibatullah Akhundzada, the supreme leader, who is facing an internal revolt over women's rights, the sources added. Hamid ul Haq Haqqani was the son of Sami ul Haq Haqqani, who was assassinated in 2018 and known as the 'father of the Taliban' for teaching the insurgent group's founder Mullah Omar at the Dar-ul-Uloom school. The school's sprawling campus in Pakistan's Akora Khattak is home to around 4,000 students who are fed, clothed and educated for free. Rahmatullah Nabil, former director of Afghanistan's national directorate of security said: 'This is a human being in the guise of the devil. He and his father were both merchants of death.' The cleric Haqqani had close ties to the Haqqani network in Afghanistan, which is at odds with the Taliban supreme leader. A Haqqani network commander earlier this month ordered the arrest of an elderly British couple in Afghanistan, in what is thought to have been a political move related to a struggle between factions loyal to the supreme leader Akhundzada and the interior minister Haqqani. The interior ministry, responsible for detentions and potential releases, is controlled by the Haqqani network, which appeared to engineer the situation to challenge the establishment in Kandahar, where the supreme leader is based. Tensions are mounting between the group and top Taliban leaders in Kandahar, who are battling a rebellion over the regime's crackdown on women's rights. A Taliban official in Kandahar said: 'A week ago, at the same school, he [Hamid ul Haq Haqqani] gave a major speech praising Sirajuddin [Haqqani], urging all Taliban members in both Afghanistan and Pakistan to support him over the supreme Mullah.' He added: 'He described [Sirajuddin] Haqqani as a true fighter who deserves more. These remarks did not sit well with many here, and it is possible that someone opposed to Sirajuddin carried out the attack.' While the Taliban initially presented a unified front during their takeover of Afghanistan following the withdrawal of US and allied forces in 2021, divisions within the leadership have become increasingly apparent. Ahmad Saeedi, an Afghan analyst, said the attack in Pakistan would prompt the Haqqani network to retaliate against figures close to supreme leader Akhundzada. He said: 'Hamid ul Haq was a close friend of Sirajuddin and his father and a key pillar of this faction within the Taliban – now, they will seek to strike back.' Abdul Mateen Qani, the spokesman for the interior ministry in Kabul, said the government 'strongly condemned the attack' and blamed the Islamic State. Isis, a rival of the Taliban but with which it shares a similar hardline Islamic ideology, has been responsible for several attacks against the Taliban government since it retook power in 2021. Omar Samad, former Afghan ambassador to Canada and France and a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, said internal divisions within the Taliban could create opportunities for other groups to exploit the situation and advance their own interests. He said: 'It's now the Pakistani government's responsibility to investigate the attack and reveal who was behind it.' Following the killing of Sirajuddin Haqqani's uncle, the Taliban's minister for refugees, in Kabul last year, some blamed rival factions within the group for his death. Mr Samad said: 'Today's attack being a continuation of what happened last year is one of the possible scenarios.' Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
Telegraph
28-02-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
Suicide bombing mastermind killed in suicide attack
A split in Afghanistan 's Taliban government has violently spilled into Pakistan after a suicide bombing mastermind was himself killed in a suicide attack. Hamid ul Haq Haqqani died in a blast at his Dar-ul-Uloom Haqqania school – dubbed the 'University of Jihad'– in northern Pakistan on Friday, shortly after prayers had concluded. At least six others were killed in the attack, with 20 so far reported injured, police said. Taliban sources told The Telegraph that the cleric was likely another casualty of an internal power struggle that has brought the group to the brink of civil war. He had days earlier urged the group's members in both countries to pledge allegiance to Sirajuddin Haqqani, Afghanistan's interior minister, over Haibatullah Akhundzada, the supreme leader, who is facing an internal revolt over women's rights, the sources added. Hamid ul Haq Haqqani was the son of Sami ul Haq Haqqani, who was assassinated in 2018 and known as the 'father of the Taliban' for teaching the insurgent group's founder Mullah Omar at the Dar-ul-Uloom school. The school's sprawling campus in Pakistan's Akora Khattak is home to around 4,000 students who are fed, clothed and educated for free. Rahmatullah Nabil, former director of Afghanistan's national directorate of security said: 'This is a human being in the guise of the devil. He and his father were both merchants of death.' The cleric Haqqani had close ties to the Haqqani network in Afghanistan, which is at odds with the Taliban supreme leader. A Haqqani network commander earlier this month ordered the arrest of an elderly British couple in Afghanistan, in what is thought to have been a political move related to a struggle between factions loyal to the supreme leader Akhundzada and the interior minister Haqqani. The interior ministry, responsible for detentions and potential releases, is controlled by the Haqqani network, which appeared to engineer the situation to challenge the establishment in Kandahar, where the supreme leader is based. Tensions are mounting between the group and top Taliban leaders in Kandahar, who are battling a rebellion over the regime's crackdown on women's rights. A Taliban official in Kandahar said: 'A week ago, at the same school, he [Hamid ul Haq Haqqani] gave a major speech praising Sirajuddin [Haqqani], urging all Taliban members in both Afghanistan and Pakistan to support him over the supreme Mullah.' He added: 'He described [Sirajuddin] Haqqani as a true fighter who deserves more. These remarks did not sit well with many here, and it is possible that someone opposed to Sirajuddin carried out the attack.' While the Taliban initially presented a unified front during their takeover of Afghanistan following the withdrawal of US and allied forces in 2021, divisions within the leadership have become increasingly apparent. Ahmad Saeedi, an Afghan analyst, said the attack in Pakistan would prompt the Haqqani network to retaliate against figures close to supreme leader Akhundzada. He said: 'Hamid ul Haq was a close friend of Sirajuddin and his father and a key pillar of this faction within the Taliban – now, they will seek to strike back.' Abdul Mateen Qani, the spokesman for the interior ministry in Kabul, said the government 'strongly condemned the attack' and blamed the Islamic State. Isis, a rival of the Taliban but with which it shares a similar hardline Islamic ideology, has been responsible for several attacks against the Taliban government since it retook power in 2021. Omar Samad, former Afghan ambassador to Canada and France and a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, said internal divisions within the Taliban could create opportunities for other groups to exploit the situation and advance their own interests. He said: 'It's now the Pakistani government's responsibility to investigate the attack and reveal who was behind it.' Following the killing of Sirajuddin Haqqani's uncle, the Taliban's minister for refugees, in Kabul last year, some blamed rival factions within the group for his death. Mr Samad said: 'Today's attack being a continuation of what happened last year is one of the possible scenarios.'
