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John Ivison: Conservatives used a meat grinder on the Liberals. They needed a wooden stake
John Ivison: Conservatives used a meat grinder on the Liberals. They needed a wooden stake

National Post

time01-05-2025

  • Business
  • National Post

John Ivison: Conservatives used a meat grinder on the Liberals. They needed a wooden stake

Article content But the ideas that formed the basis for the Liberal platform are mostly taken from Carney's book Value(s), which had input from Butts and policy advisor, Tim Krupa. Article content As the prospect of a trade war with the United States crystallized, Butts began crafting the narrative that became 'Trump wants to break us so he can own us.' Article content But the central concept of the Liberals' 'Canada Strong' slogan— that the country has to build a single market and explore trading opportunities elsewhere as a means of increasing leverage for a trade negotiation with Trump — is all Carney. Article content It was Butts's job to turn that into a campaign narrative. He said he attended dozens of focus groups where voters rejected Poilievre, not because he was too like Trump, but because he was too inexperienced. Article content That formed the basis for the ballot question the Liberals pushed: 'Is Pierre Poilievre the person you want sitting across the table from Donald Trump?' Article content People who were motivated by their anxieties about a trade war invariably answered in the negative. Article content But the Conservative agenda, as represented by its anti-establishment, pro-worker 'boots not suits' policy, resonated with people who were unhappy with the status quo and the prospect of a fourth Liberal term. Article content Article content They saw Poilievre as someone who would disrupt a system that wasn't working for them. The resilience of the Conservative vote on election night, particularly in blue-collar towns that hadn't voted Conservative in years like Sudbury and Stoney Creek in Ontario, suggests that the strategy wasn't entirely wrong. Article content But even senior Conservatives concede that you can't build a winning coalition if you alienate women, boomers and university-educated voters. Article content The Liberals succeeded in neutralizing many Conservative initiatives by adopting similar positions when it came to income tax cuts or promising more timely approvals for energy projects. Article content By the time the campaigns hit Montreal for the leaders' debates, the election had settled into an uneasy stalemate. The Conservatives began to whittle away at the Liberal lead in steady increments, but one pollster estimated that at that rate, it would take until May 8th before they would catch up, well after election day. Article content Article content Poilievre needed an incendiary moment to blow up the Liberal trajectory and it looked as if he had one with Carney's platform, which promised $129 billion in new measures and deficits as far as the eye could see. Article content Poilievre's problem was that he had yet to release his own platform, and when he did, it was almost as profligate, with $109 billion in new measures. The only other occasion that threatened to derail the Carney Express was the horrific car-ramming attack in Vancouver. The incident opened the door for the Conservatives to talk about their safe-streets policies, but all sides were aware that politicizing the tragedy would result in a backlash. Article content In the event, Caley, the campaign co-director, and former Vancouver mayor, Gregor Robertson, now a Liberal MP, were able to arrange for Carney to visit the site, alongside community members and B.C. Premier David Eby. The Liberal campaign ended in Victoria, B.C., on Sunday night, three minutes before the election day cut-off. Article content The result has proven to be much closer than the Liberals thought it would be. Internal projections were in the range of high-180, mid-190-seat range. It now looks like the Liberals have fallen short of 172 seat majority status, though recounts may take them above the current count of 169. Article content There were Liberal reversals in places where the received wisdom suggested there would be successes because of the collapse of the NDP vote. Article content In the Niagara region, for example, when Carney visited at the start of the final week, there were hopes the party would pick up an additional seat in Niagara Falls. On the night, they failed to win that seat from the Conservatives and lost Vance Badawey's seat of Niagara South to the Conservatives. This was the type of border community that 'should' have voted Liberal. Article content The Liberals gained 2.8 million new voters in this election, while the Conservatives added 2.2 million. Article content The national turnout was nearly five percentage points higher than the last election, adding two million voters from 2021. Article content But one of the stories of the night was the demise of the smaller parties. The NDP lost 1.8 million voters, the Greens lost 158,000 and the People's Party a whopping 702,000, compared to 2021. Article content Voters, it turns out, have minds of their own and a large number of former NDP supporters appear to have switched to the Conservatives. Article content The collapse of all the minor opposition parties, bar the Bloc Québécois, will have serious implications for future elections, particularly for the one party that needs smaller, progressive parties to draw votes from the Liberals. Article content Poilievre and his team ran a disciplined and well-oiled campaign. But voters ultimately rejected the Conservative leader (literally, in the case of his former constituents in Carleton), while buying Carney's pitch for stability with moderate change. Article content But in large part, the 45th general election was over before it started, with the demolition of Trudeau and Singh.

EDWARDS: Carney's interventionist philosophy not what Canada needs
EDWARDS: Carney's interventionist philosophy not what Canada needs

Toronto Sun

time27-04-2025

  • Business
  • Toronto Sun

EDWARDS: Carney's interventionist philosophy not what Canada needs

As Canadians confront stagnant productivity, geopolitical headwinds, and a deepening housing crisis, policy clarity and economic agility are more essential than ever. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. THIS CONTENT IS RESERVED FOR SUBSCRIBERS ONLY Subscribe now to read the latest news in your city and across Canada. Unlimited online access to articles from across Canada with one account. Get exclusive access to the Toronto Sun ePaper, an electronic replica of the print edition that you can share, download and comment on. Enjoy insights and behind-the-scenes analysis from our award-winning journalists. Support local journalists and the next generation of journalists. Daily puzzles including the New York Times Crossword. SUBSCRIBE TO UNLOCK MORE ARTICLES Subscribe now to read the latest news in your city and across Canada. Unlimited online access to articles from across Canada with one account. Get exclusive access to the Toronto Sun ePaper, an electronic replica of the print edition that you can share, download and comment on. Enjoy insights and behind-the-scenes analysis from our award-winning journalists. Support local journalists and the next generation of journalists. Daily puzzles including the New York Times Crossword. REGISTER / SIGN IN TO UNLOCK MORE ARTICLES Create an account or sign in to continue with your reading experience. Access articles from across Canada with one account. Share your thoughts and join the conversation in the comments. Enjoy additional articles per month. Get email updates from your favourite authors. THIS ARTICLE IS FREE TO READ REGISTER TO UNLOCK. Create an account or sign in to continue with your reading experience. Access articles from across Canada with one account Share your thoughts and join the conversation in the comments Enjoy additional articles per month Get email updates from your favourite authors Don't have an account? Create Account Yet instead of bold reform, the Liberal government's Canada Strong – Fiscal and Costing Plan doubles down on technocratic tactics and moralized market engineering, with little effort for fiscal restraint or reduction of bureaucratic bloat. This is a vision long championed by Liberal leader Mark Carney as articulated in his book and as evidenced by his economic counsel to former prime minister Justin Trudeau. In his 2021 book Value(s), Carney urges policymakers to reimagine markets through a moral lens, incorporating fairness and effort into economic valuation. While compelling in theory, this framework often manifests in practice as centralized intervention, layered regulations, and tax-based behavioural controls. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. The risk isn't just philosophical, it's fiscal, and it's showing up in how Canada now presents its public finances. Capitalizing services: A misleading fiscal framework One of the most serious issues with Carney's proposed fiscal plan is the reclassification of operating expenditures as capital investments. This manoeuvre allows the government to present shrinking operating deficits, approaching zero by 2028, while true recurring costs are pushed into the capital ledger, where they're theoretically amortized over time. This technique conceals the structural nature of government spending and erodes fiscal transparency. Our analysis identified over $11 billion in proposed spending next year alone that falls into this category of 'Capitalized Services.' These are expenditures that fund personnel, program delivery, or recurring support, yet are budgeted as long-term infrastructure investments. They are not. Your noon-hour look at what's happening in Toronto and beyond. By signing up you consent to receive the above newsletter from Postmedia Network Inc. Please try again This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Among the key examples: — RCMP 'operating investments', which fund ongoing law enforcement needs but are treated as capital. — Defence operating programs, climbing to $6.75 billion by 2028, labelled capital despite their recurring nature. — Mental health programs, DEI programs, and other health-care services, many of which deliver critical but non-permanent (non-capital) outcomes. Recommended video The result? A distorted picture of Canada's fiscal position and long-term obligations. This is not just poor accounting. It is a deliberate policy choice that defers responsibility for today's spending to tomorrow's generations. It's a policy choice that compromises future flexibility as rating agencies take note and debt servicing costs rise. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Productivity down, spending up These fiscal techniques come at a time when Canada's economic fundamentals are already weakened. Our labour productivity declined 1.8% in 2023, while the OECD average rose 1.4%. The fact is we have trailed OECD averages for years. Rather than correcting this with strategic reductions in taxes, unnecessary business burdens, government bloat, and capitalizing on our expansive low cost energy and natural resources, the Liberal plan introduces a wide range of low-yield social programs, scattered incentives, and some vague promises of regulatory offsets. They carry little to no measurable return on productivity or GDP, nor an improvement on our ability to compete globally. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. While the plan contains initiatives around digital infrastructure, apprenticeships, and critical minerals, these are outpaced by funding for highly specific grants, PR-style commitments, and cultural subsidies. Government hand picking the winners and losers in a 'new' economy is a tired recipe with little hope of success. With new proposed spending exceeding $35 billion in 2025-26 alone, the economic philosophy is clear: We will combat U.S. tariffs (taxes) with more government and more taxes. Broader governance concern This budgeting approach mirrors Carney's long-held belief in shaping markets via 'moral recalibration' and centralized frameworks. In his theory, this builds a more equitable system. In practice, it leads to regulatory complexity, opaque incentives, and political micromanagement of investment flows. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Fiscal plans built on such ideals emphasize redistribution over economic growth, steering resources toward preferred outcomes rather than unleashing them through simplified, neutral tax and investment frameworks. For businesses and households alike, the result is greater uncertainty, higher costs, slower progress, and lower confidence. A call for fiscal clarity and policy discipline Rather than manipulating the structure of budget documents to tell a palatable political story, our governments should commit to: — Transparent accounting standards, including public disclosure of 'Capitalized Services' — Independent review of reclassified expenditures by the Parliamentary Budget Officer — Outcomes-based investment criteria, focusing on productivity, growth, and global competitiveness This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Canada has all the tools: talent, an abundance of natural resources, and low-cost energy to thrive in a competitive global economy. But to do so, we need streamlined, bold, and growth-oriented policy frameworks. Facing great uncertainty, the choices are stark. Should the government continue to be our largest employer, with an administrative state deciding winners and losers? Or should it get out of the way? Either way, we need honest budgeting and transparency. Mark Carney's worldview, as sophisticated and well-meaning as it may be, prescribes a policy regime of government intervention, central design, and fiscal opacity. Canadians deserve better: A government that trusts markets and tells the fiscal truth. — Dr. Gary Edwards is a business strategist specializing in data-driven decision-making in complex organizational and regulatory environments. Canada Sunshine Girls Sports Columnists Columnists

How counter-tariffs could make it harder to support Canadian books
How counter-tariffs could make it harder to support Canadian books

CBC

time28-03-2025

  • Business
  • CBC

How counter-tariffs could make it harder to support Canadian books

The Canadian government is proposing additional counter-tariffs on U.S. goods. On the list of items that could be affected are U.S. books coming into Canada. The thing is, Canada's publishing industry is more entwined with the States than many readers may realize. Today on Commotion, The Globe and Mail's business & culture reporter Josh O'Kane joins host Elamin Abdelmahmoud to explain why this proposed policy has Canadian book stakeholders concerned. We've included some highlights below, edited for length and clarity. For the full discussion, listen and follow Commotion with Elamin Abdelmahmoud on your favourite podcast player. WATCH | Today's episode on YouTube: Elamin: I think the obvious question is, how does a counter-tariff on books coming from the United States into Canada end up impacting the book economy here? And it just so happens that Liberal leader Mark Carney's book is maybe the perfect way to illustrate how that works. Do you want to tell people how it works? Josh: Yeah. So last week, indie bookstores across the country started rapidly talking to each other about what's going to happen with the counter-tariffs. And Paul MacKay, the manager of King's Co-op Bookstore in Halifax, basically just put out a little tweet thread and then at the end of it he's like, "You want a really good example? Mark Carney." His 2021 book Value(s), the latest edition that Paul had at King's Co-op Bookstore, he opened it up and it said, "Printed in the United States." So what does that mean? It means that the sitting prime minister at that moment had a book printed in the United States — which if the federal government were to put counter-tariffs on books, as is currently on the proposed list, [then] even the prime minister's book would be subject to tariffs coming into the country. Elamin: I have to imagine somebody listening to this going, "Wait, what do you mean it's printed in the United States?" Because I do think that is part of things that people maybe don't understand. I should say, we both have books out…. Mine was printed here in Canada, because I'm a patriot, and yours was printed in the United States, presumably because you're not. Do you want to maybe talk a little bit about how that works? Because we are both Canadian. We are both with Canadian publishers. And yet part of the supply chain of how large publishers work is some printers are in the U.S. Josh: Yeah, and I know everyone tunes into Commotion because they want to hear about supply chains. Elamin: They do today, baby. Let's go. Josh: A lot of this has to do with the fact that, I think it's just under 95 per cent of English-language books sold in Canada are through the larger multinational companies, so Penguin Random House Canada, Simon & Schuster, HarperCollins in particular. The big three here in this country, they have integrated supply chains around the world. They also, because they have so much of the market, have a lot of Canadian authors, including both of us. And as a result, with these — again, I'm so hesitant to use this phrase — integrated supply chains around the world, of course they're going to print where it makes the most sense for those organizations. This is the result of globalization. Which is, again, I'm sure exactly why people want to tune in to this show. Elamin: But this stuff really informs how you get the entertainment that you get and the books that you get. Josh: Exactly. The same thing about record labels, radio stations across North America over the last 30 odd years; it isn't just books. So as a result, because so many different books are printed in the United States, including by Canadian authors, you are going to have books by Canadian authors who could be subject to this tariff.

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