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The Print
30-07-2025
- Politics
- The Print
Bangladesh army chief seems to be cosying upto to Yunus. Did 5 people have to die for it?
So, when Waker's troops clashed with political protesters of the Awami League on 16 July, killing five and injuring over a hundred, it called into question not just the troubling matter of military action on civilians, but also changing dynamics between the Army chief and Yunus. With most political parties, including the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), demanding early polls and the Yunus administration coming under attack over continuing attacks on minorities and deteriorating law and order situation in the country, the two seem to have kissed and made up. American president Abraham Lincoln was right when he said, 'Am I not destroying an enemy when I make a friend of him?' It is no easy task for an army chief appointed by the ousted Bangladesh prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, to survive in Bangladesh's chaotic political environment. Especially when General Waker is related to Hasina through his wife's family, and many of those related to Hasina or her party, Awami League, are either in exile or in jail. Waker's relationship with the caretaker to the interim government of Bangladesh, Muhammad Yunus, has reportedly been strained. General Waker has survived so far, but not too long ago, there were speculations of a coup against him. It will soon be one year since Sheikh Hasina's forced exit from Bangladesh and the Muhammad Yunus government's first anniversary. And political alignments in Dhaka are only getting harder to read. Case in point, Bangladesh's chief of army staff, General Waker-Uz-Zaman. Also read: Don't just blame Yunus for Tagore house destruction. Bangladesh radicalism goes way back What happened in Gopalganj? On 16 July, leaders of the National Citizen Party (NCP) had to return to Dhaka from Gopalganj district under the protection of the Army after a series of violent attacks from political protesters. An armoured personnel carrier of the Bangladesh Army guarded them on the way back to Dhaka. Local reports say supporters of the banned Chhatra League and Awami League began pelting stones at the NCP leaders. In response, the police, paramilitary and the army took on the protestors. Five people were killed, and over a hundred were injured. Human rights organisation Ain o Salish Kendra visited Gopalganj on 21–22 July. Witnesses told them that NCP leaders delivered speeches that included inflammatory remarks directed at Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League. The remarks sparked immediate tension and escalated into violent clashes lasting nearly three hours, during which 'local residents' took to the streets in response. Among the five people killed in the violence, only Ramzan Munshi, who died during treatment in Dhaka, underwent a confirmed post-mortem. According to Ain o Salish Kendra, his autopsy report noted gunshot wounds. What happened in Gopalganj raises serious questions about the presence of the army at a political venue inside Bangladesh. A deteriorating law and order situation over inflammatory political speeches should have been dealt with by the local police. But five Bangladeshi civilians shot dead by their own army and over a hundred injured in clashes point to a country at war with itself. It also shows how political equations in Dhaka might be shifting. Also read: Yunus is struggling to remain relevant in Bangladesh Waker then and now On 27 May, I had written a column saying the Bangladesh Army Chief wants elections, and Muhammad Yunus wants to get rid of him. I quoted a report from Bangladesh's highest-selling English newspaper, The Daily Star, that said Waker wanted a national election by December this year. 'Bangladesh needs political stability. This is only possible through an elected government, not by unelected decision-makers,' a source had quoted the army chief as saying in an Officers' Address. Soon after, the news came that Yunus was mulling resignation. NCP leader Nahid Islam had confirmed this. 'He (Yunus) said he is thinking about it (resignation). He feels that the situation is such that he cannot work,' Islam had said. On 24 May, it was clarified that Yunus would remain as the head of Bangladesh's interim government. This is not all. On 21 March, the local press had reported that top leaders of the NCP had publicly blamed Waker for trying to bring the Awami League back into Bangladesh's political arena. They also alleged Waker did not want Yunus as the caretaker to the interim government. This public outrage by the NCP, often referred to as the King's Party in Bangladesh for its close ties to Yunus, set the tone for the next government action. On 10 May, Yunus' government banned all activities of the Awami League, practically barring it from the next round of elections. With this being the relationship between these three entities, the million Bangladeshi-taka question is: Why would the army chief send his troops to defend NCP leaders who had not too long ago publicly attacked him? Kolkata-based political journalist Jaydeep Majumdar, who covers Bangladesh, told me it is one of two things. 'One theory is that the Army platoon that reached Gopalganj on that day did not take prior permission from Waker. The Bangladesh Army is now divided into factions. Or, perhaps what seems more feasible is that Waker is now simply saving himself,' Majumdar said. Majumdar said Waker is scheduled to retire from service in September this year, and that would mean the immunity he gets as Army chief would be gone. The second theory would make sense because it seems highly unlikely that Yunus is going anywhere before the elections scheduled for next year, dates for which are still not clear. My sources in the BNP have told me most political parties want polls as soon as possible, but it is in the interest of Yunus, the NCP, aka the King's party, and the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh to delay it. Waker may simply have read the room. Bangladeshi political commentator Faiyaz Hossain told me it is a matter of international shame that the Bangladeshi army used lethal weapons and fired live ammunition on a civilian population that didn't fire a single bullet. 'The Army acted as bodyguards of the leaders of the King's party and by extension leaned toward the Yunus administration,' he said. With no clarity over poll dates, perhaps Waker has no option left than to side with Yunus. One wishes he hadn't killed civilians to seal the deal. Deep Halder is an author and journalist. He tweets @deepscribble. Views are personal. (Edited by Theres Sudeep)
India Today
09-06-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Can Bangladesh trust Yunus's April 2026 poll promise?
As Bangladesh's interim government head Muhammad Yunus walked out after offering Eid prayers at the National Mosque in Dhaka, some in the crowd shouted that he should stay in power for five years and pay no heed to the 'dalals' who want early elections. Within hours, the video of the incident was all over social media, especially after Yunus's press secretary, Shafiqul Alam, shared it on Facebook. Alam wouldn't have done this without Yunus's approval. advertisementThe Yunus coterie's enthusiasm in publicising this minuscule event, passing off a dozen slogan-shouting admirers as 'the wish of the people', raises questions about making a mountain out of an astroturfed molehill. It also reinforces doubts about Yunus's real intent. The day before Eid, he said in a national address that elections would be held in early April of key political partiesAll parties, except the Jamaat-e-Islami and its allies, as well as the National Citizens Party, want elections to be held by December this year. The former says it is okay with polls in April next year, while the latter still casts aspersions on the possibility of fair polls under the present Election Commission. The most vocal proponent of conducting elections this year is the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which is now poised to win. advertisement BNP leaders like party spokesperson Salahuddin Ahmed have said Yunus's plans for April don't 'fulfil the aspirations of the nation'. Smaller parties close to the BNP have joined Salahuddin in raising concerns about an April election, saying that's when the country holds school-leaving exams involving lakhs of students. It also immediately follows the holy month of Ramzan and Eid, when campaigning would be undesirable. The Awami League, which may not be able to contest the next elections, unless the Election Commission changes its decision, has alleged that plans to conduct polls in April are a ruse. "Yunus has made an April fool of the nation,' said Awami League general secretary Obaidul Quader. "When the nation approaches the election date, Yunus may use the possible difficulties now raised by the political parties to further postpone the polls.'Illegality of interim government Sources close to General Waker say the army chief remains acutely conscious of two factors: one, there is no constitutional basis for the interim government, and two, that he, more than anyone else, will be held accountable for the failures of the interim government and the unseemly controversies generated by it. The very political parties General Waker consulted with to create the interim government are now pushing him to get Yunus to organise the polls soon and step down. There is no provision in the Bangladesh Constitution for an interim government, the creation of which in August last year was justified by the Doctrine of Necessity. General Waker is acutely aware that this 'necessity' cannot be stretched too demand for early elections has also gained support because of the interim government's abject failure in maintaining law and order. An Indian human rights group, the Rights and Risks Analysis Group, has detailed the murders of at least 121 Awami League activists since August last year. Bangladeshi news reports suggest that nearly 3.5 lakhs have been arrested, most of them Awami League supporters, many on trumped-up charges. Yunus's confidante, Nahid Islam, wants polls delayed because of the uncertain law and order situation. The Nobel laureate has said Bangladesh faces a war-like situation and whipped up the bogey of Indian hegemonism, all to justify delayed polls.'Stay for five years'The Army and political parties are apprehensive because the Yunus coterie has made no secret of its desire to stay on for five years by insisting that reforms and justice are as important as holding Waker likely insisted on polls by December because he began doubting Yunus's real intention after his Home Adviser, Lt Gen Jahangir Alam Chowdhury (retired), said during a visit to Sylhet that people wanted them to stay in power for five years. Before that, Sarjis Alam, one of the founders of the newly formed National Citizens Party and a former member of Yunus's advisory council, said that a "statesman like Yunus should run the country for five years'.Sarjis Alam belongs to the core leadership of the July-August 2024 agitation, which Yunus himself described as 'meticulously planned' during his visit to the Clinton Foundation last year. Yunus, in fact, introduced one of the student leaders, Mahfuz Alam, who remains on his advisory council, as the 'mastermind' of the agitation. Immediately after General Waker's renewed pitch for elections by December this year, one of his advisers, Syeda Rezwana, challenged the army chief and said, "People have put us here not just to hold elections but to bring about reforms and ensure justice to the victims of fascism.'July declaration The student-youth brigade and Islamist groups like the Jamaat-e-Islami, who spearheaded the agitations last year, have said they are putting together the July Declaration to embody the spirit of the revolution in governing the country. This declaration, possibly designed as a revolutionary proclamation, will perhaps seek to supplant the existing constitution. advertisementBNP leaders say that Yunus's promise for polls in April 2026 is perhaps a bait to get them to sign the July Declaration and then pave the way for a national government based on negotiated power-sharing rather than an elected government. Such a government can not only bring down President Mohammed Shahabuddin Chuppu but also get his chosen successor to sack the army chief and other service chiefs supporting those who follow Bangladesh closely, the impending July Declaration, not the elections, is the next battleground that will decide whether the country remains a parliamentary democracy or continues to be run by an unelected cabal headed by a business leader who has no qualms in extending major favours to his companies, even getting the latest national budget to waive taxes on Nobel and Magsaysay awards he won.(Subir Bhaumik is a former BBC and Reuters correspondent and author who has worked in Bangladesh as a senior editor with expressed in this opinion piece are those of the author)Tune InMust Watch
News18
28-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
Bangladesh Army Crushes Yunus' Dangerous Plot: India's Stance Vindicated
Yunus appears determined to cling to power and advance a broader foreign policy agenda—but now, the Bangladesh Army has stepped in, triggering a political meltdown A major showdown is brewing in Bangladesh. Like pieces on a chessboard, key players are taking their positions. On the one side is Muhammad Yunus, whose unelected regime continues to govern without elections. On the other is the military, led by Army Chief General Waker-uz-Zaman, who is demanding polls without further delay. The clash between them is growing increasingly confrontational. COUP, CORRIDOR AND CHAOS Yunus is under mounting pressure to hold elections. Political parties, including the dominant Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), are closing ranks against him. Meanwhile, the military's patience is wearing thin. Army Chief General Waker-uz-Zaman recently issued a sharp public warning, stating, 'Bangladesh needs political stability. This is only possible through an elected government, not by unelected decision-makers. The army is meant for defending the nation, not for policing. We must return to our barracks after the election." advetisement The trigger for this escalation seems to be Yunus' proposal for the Rakhine Corridor—a passage from Cox's Bazar to the state of Rakhine in Myanmar. The United States is pushing for this corridor under the pretext of humanitarian aid. But General Waker has called it a 'bloody corridor," fearing it could serve as a launchpad for military logistics or proxy operations in Myanmar. The corridor, he warned, endangers national sovereignty and risks dragging Bangladesh into conflicts with both the Burmese junta and regional militant groups. The army has made its red lines clear: 'We will not compromise on issues related to the corridor, national security, and national sovereignty." Despite alleged attempts by the U.S. to win over General Waker, he remains unconvinced. His recent visit to Russia, along with his resistance to Yunus' attempts to cosy up to Pakistan, China, and the U.S., in the current manner, speaks volumes. Waker has now called for elections by December 2025, making it clear that Yunus' time is running out. Meanwhile, Yunus is believed to be plotting a counter-move by engaging with other senior military officials. One such figure is Lieutenant General Faizur Rahman, reportedly aligned with Pakistani interests. Rahman has allegedly held meetings to sway the military away from Waker. However, sources indicate that Waker got wind of this and placed Rahman under surveillance. Since the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on August 5 last year, Bangladesh has been without elections. Law and order have deteriorated, and economic growth has stagnated. Public trust is eroding. Yunus, who was meant to be a temporary caretaker, has failed to deliver on his mandate—and some argue that this failure is intentional. THE YUNUS AGENDA Instead of focusing on stability and elections, Yunus has pursued sweeping changes that would alter Bangladesh's strategic trajectory for decades—moves that only an elected leader should undertake. Advertisement He has undermined India-Bangladesh relations, erasing decades of cooperation. He has warmed up to Pakistan, disregarding the scars of the 1971 war. He has allegedly offered the Lalmonirhat airbase—near India's sensitive Siliguri Corridor—to China. Clearly, Yunus wants a strategic alignment with Pakistan and China against India. And fourthly, he wants to turn his country into a mercenary by serving up the Rakhine corridor to the US. These are sweeping foreign policy and strategic pivots that Yunus simply has no legitimate rights to undertake. Yunus seems intent on clinging to power, using his position to push a broader agenda, particularly in foreign policy. His role was meant to be temporary, but he plans to overstay his welcome. This is also clear from his focus on foreign engagements meant to cement his rule. advetisement Yunus has been all over the world in less than a year— from the US and China to Switzerland, Azerbaijan, Egypt, UAE, Thailand, Qatar, and the Vatican City. It seems that by brushing shoulders with world leaders, Yunus is seeking to offset the need for elections back home. That strategy backfired recently when French President Emmanuel Macron refused to meet him at an upcoming UN conference. Following the snub, Yunus cancelled his trip. The facade is not lost on anyone. Legitimacy will only come from the ballot box, not photo ops. advetisement Under tremendous pressure to hold elections, Yunus even hinted at quitting from his position, but it soon became clear that this was more of a threat and a tactic to mobilise his supporters. Yunus now says that the country is in a 'war-like state," pushing for elections only between December 2025 and June 2026—after what he calls 'necessary reforms." The problem with that is Yunus does not have the mandate to carry out such changes and now he's asking for another year in power. In fact, the streets in Dhaka are plastered with posters demanding 'reforms first, elections later" and to 'keep Yunus in power for five years". That may explain why Yunus appears reluctant to relinquish control. Backed by student groups and radical Islamist parties including the Jamaat, Yunus may be inclined to hold on to power for as long as it takes. His followers are radical but not strong enough to win elections. Instead, the BNP and Sheikh Hasina's Awami league remain the dominant political forces. Yunus' recent ban on the Awami league also shows his fear of free and fair elections. The Jamaat wants to hold off on elections until Sheikh Hasina is tried in court. But Hasina is reportedly in India, and India has no plans to force her out. These delay tactics are meant to buy Yunus time and continue to blame India for Bangladesh's woes. Yunus continues to claim that foreign conspiracies are undermining the government's reform agenda. In a recent address, he warned that if efforts to ensure fair elections and uphold justice are disrupted, the government—along with the people—will 'take necessary steps." Without the support of the military, Yunus has only one strength — street power. Violence has been raging through the streets of Bangladesh. It's ironic that Yunus cries 'foreign plot'—when his own actions reek of external influence. Sheikh Hasina, too, has entered the fray. In an audio message, exiled Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina accused Yunus of 'selling out" the nation to foreign powers. 'My father did not agree to America's demands for St. Martin's Island. He had to give his life for that. I never thought of selling the country to stay in power." She described Yunus as a 'militant leader" who took power with the help of extremists and terrorists, many of whom had previously been imprisoned and are now roaming free. 'The prisons have been emptied. Militants rule Bangladesh now," she said. St. Martin's Island, a tiny but strategic 3-square-kilometer territory near the Myanmar border in the Bay of Bengal, holds geostrategic importance with oversight of the Malacca Strait. Sheikh Hasina has repeatedly claimed that her refusal to hand it over to American interests cost her father his life—and cost her her own premiership. 'I could have remained in power," she said earlier, 'if I had surrendered the sovereignty of St. Martin's Island and allowed America to hold sway over the Bay of Bengal." INDIA'S DILEMMA For India, this rift between Yunus and the army is concerning as much as it is vindicating. Relations with the Yunus regime are at rock bottom. Bangladesh has restricted yarn imports through land ports, prompting India to retaliate by limiting Bangladeshi imports through the same route. A $770 million bilateral textile trade is now at risk. Contracts have been cancelled on both sides — including a $21 million shipping deal by Bangladesh and an Indian decision to possibly drop an economic zone in Chittagong. But beyond trade, there's a bigger strategic worry. Yunus' reference to India's northeast as a landlocked region, with potential to become an 'extension" of the Chinese economy — and his offer to China for access to an airbase near India's Siliguri Corridor — a potential chokepoint in a future conflict — is a major red flag with direct consequences for India's northeast. The proposed Rakhine corridor could also destabilise Myanmar and trigger a refugee crisis that spills into India's northeast. top videos View All India may see Gen. Waker—with all his flaws—as the lesser evil. He supports the 1971 independence spirit, opposes militant groups, opposes foreign interference and demands a return to democracy. This aligns with New Delhi's stance — Free, fair, inclusive elections must be held. But that also means the ban on Awami League must be lifted. Waker's opposition to the Rakhine corridor aligns with India's regional concerns. But Waker is also a wildcard — paranoid about being overthrown, and still carrying the baggage of his own role in Hasina's ouster. It is unlikely that the military will seize power but it is not beyond the realm of possibilities, especially as Yunus refuses to restore democracy in the name of revolution. Bottomline is, Yunus' unelected regime is inflicting tremendous damage on India-Bangladesh relations seemingly at the behest of China, Pakistan—his external allies and the Islamist forces within. If he is allowed to continue down this path, the future of this relationship will be stolen from the people on both sides of the border. Elections are the only way forward. That does not mean that challenges will not remain. Bangladesh's election process will remain tarnished with the rise of Islamists and the violent state-led suppression of the Awami league. But an elected government, accountable to its people, is more likely to uphold diplomatic engagement and maintain true autonomy, rather than be swayed by external actors. Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: May 28, 2025, 16:20 IST News opinion Bangladesh Army Crushes Yunus' Dangerous Plot: India's Stance Vindicated | Finepoint
Wakala News
24-05-2025
- Politics
- Wakala News
Why is Bangladesh's interim leader Muhammad Yunus considering resigning?
On the surface, it was a routine closed-door meeting between Bangladesh's interim leader and Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus and the chiefs of the country's three armed forces, to discuss law and order. But the May 20 meeting came amid what multiple officials familiar with the internal workings of the government described to Al Jazeera as an intensifying power struggle in Dhaka. Portrayed in both social and mainstream media in Bangladesh as a 'cold war' between the armed forces and the interim administration, these tensions now threaten the future of Yunus's role, nine months after he took charge following the ousting of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the ruling Awami League. Hasina fled to India in August 2024 amid a mass uprising against her 15-year-long rule, during which she was accused of orchestrating extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances. We unpack the latest tumult in Bangladesh, and what it means for the country's fledgling efforts to return to electoral democracy. Why are tensions mounting between the military and the government? The Bangladesh Army has remained deployed since July 2024, following the mass protests that led to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's ouster. Their continued presence was necessitated by the collapse of civilian law enforcement during the upheaval, including a nationwide police strike that left many stations abandoned and public order in disarray. Although the police resumed operations in mid-August, the army's presence has been maintained as part of a civil-military consensus, because of unrest in the country. On Wednesday, Bangladesh's army chief, General Waker-Uz-Zaman, publicly urged that national elections be held by December this year, warning that prolonged deployment of the army for civil duties could compromise the country's defences. According to a report by The Daily Star, General Waker told a high-level gathering at Dhaka Cantonment, 'Bangladesh needs political stability. This is only possible through an elected government, not by unelected decision-makers.' The comments came during a rare address in which he delivered a 30-minute speech, followed by more than an hour of questions and answers. Officers from across the country and at Bangladeshi UN missions reportedly joined the event, both physically and virtually, in full combat uniform – a show of unity and resolve. 'The army is meant for defending the nation, not for policing … We must return to barracks after elections,' Waker was quoted in The Daily Star as saying. His remarks indicate a difference of opinion with the Yunus administration's stated intention of holding elections no earlier than mid-2026, to allow time for political and electoral reforms first, in order to ensure a fair election. According to local media reports, Waker is also strongly opposed to key initiatives being considered by the interim government. On a proposed humanitarian corridor into Myanmar's Rakhine State, he reportedly said: 'There will be no corridor. The sovereignty of Bangladesh is not negotiable.' He warned that any such move could drag Bangladesh into a dangerous proxy conflict. 'Only a political government elected by the people can make such decisions,' he said, according to the paper. The army chief also voiced concern about making other decisions without an electoral mandate – including the potential foreign management of Chattogram Port, Bangladesh's main seaport, and the launch of Starlink, Elon Musk's satellite internet service – which he said could compromise national security. 'The army will not allow anyone to compromise our sovereignty,' The Daily Star quoted him as saying. His remarks came amid widespread speculation – still unaddressed by either the military or the government – that the Yunus administration had attempted to remove General Waker from his post last week. Though unconfirmed, the rumour has dominated public discourse and prompted questions about civil-military relations during the transitional period. The timing, therefore, of General Waker's assertive public statement – and its emphasis on constitutional process and national sovereignty – is widely viewed as a signal of growing unease within the military over the interim government's expanding civilian initiatives, according to analysts. Are there tensions with political parties as well? Yes. Since its formation on August 8 last year, the interim government has faced escalating pressure from different sides. While the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) insists that national elections must be held by December, the National Citizen Party (NCP) – a student-led party formed earlier this year – and several other political groups argue that sweeping reforms and the prosecution of former Awami League (AL) leaders for killings resulting from the brutal crackdown on student-led protests last year must precede any election. Bangladesh's largest political party, the BNP, has launched a wave of protests over other demands as well, including that its candidate, who lost an allegedly rigged mayoral election in Dhaka on February 1, 2020, under the Awami League regime, be reinstated as mayor. On Thursday, the BNP held a news conference demanding an election by the end of the year, as well as the resignation of two student advisers and the national security adviser. The party warned that without these steps, continued cooperation with the Yunus-led administration would become untenable. On Saturday, Yunus is expected to meet with both the BNP and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (BJI), the largest Islamic political party in Bangladesh. Is Yunus preparing to resign? Amid this growing turbulence, speculation has intensified that Yunus may be preparing to resign. Local media began reporting that he had indicated that he intended to step down and address the nation in a televised statement, during a cabinet meeting on Thursday afternoon, following widespread social media chatter. That evening, Nahid Islam – a student leader from the July uprising against the previous government and now head of the newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP) – met Yunus along with two student advisers to make an appeal for him to stay on. After the meeting, Nahid confirmed to BBC Bangla that Yunus was seriously considering stepping down. By Friday evening (13:00 GMT), sources within the interim administration told Al Jazeera that Yunus was still weighing his options. However, two government sources said Yunus is likely to convene an emergency cabinet meeting on Saturday, during which he is expected to discuss the next course of action. One of the sources confirmed that Yunus's resignation remains a possibility. Why might Yunus want to resign? Yunus is contemplating resigning because of intensifying political pressure, according to local media reports. Two advisers quoted in the Samakal newspaper said Yunus told cabinet members on Thursday that the political parties and other government institutions had failed to deliver on promises to cooperate with the transitional government to implement state reforms and a peaceful democratic transition since the fall of Hasina's government last year. It had become impossible to carry out his responsibilities, he was reported as saying. Pressure is also mounting to hold an election. 'The prospect of a fair election in the current situation is slim,' he said. He was concerned any election would be interfered with or rigged and he did not want to have to take responsibility for it. Later on Thursday evening, Yunus met Information Adviser Mahfuj Alam, Local Government Adviser Asif Mahmud Shojib Bhuyain and NCP convenor Nahid Islam at his official residence, the Jamuna State Guest House in Dhaka. Speaking to BBC Bangla afterwards, Nahid confirmed Yunus was considering resigning and quoted him as saying he felt 'held hostage' by protests and political gridlock. 'I cannot work like this if you, all the political parties, cannot reach a common ground,' Nahid quoted Yunus as saying. He urged the interim leader to 'remain strong', stressing the hopes the public had pinned on him after the July uprising that ousted the Awami League government. Meanwhile, Yunus's ambitious reform agenda is reportedly faltering, with analysts noting that key arms of the state – including the police and civil bureaucracy – are increasingly slipping beyond the interim government's control. One striking example among many, they say, is a proposal to split the National Board of Revenue (NBR), the country's authority for tax administration, overseeing the collection of income tax, value-added tax (VAT) and customs duties, into two separate entities – a move that the government says is aimed at enhancing efficiency and the integrity of Bangladesh's tax system. This has been met with strong resistance from senior officials of the NBR over fears that experienced revenue officers will be sidelined. What does the BNP want? Speaking to Al Jazeera, BNP leader Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury said his party does not want Yunus to resign. 'Nobody asked for his resignation, and we do not want him to do so,' he stated. 'The people are waiting to cast their vote and bring back democracy. They have been deprived of this for nearly two decades,' said Khasru. 'We expect him to go for a free and fair election and peacefully hand over power. That's how he came in.' He questioned the delay in setting an election timeline. 'What is the wait for? This is something (about which) a very strong conversation is going on in the country.' Khasru said the BNP wants the administration to move into caretaker mode – with a leaner cabinet and the removal of some controversial figures, particularly those with political ambitions or affiliations. 'They have already floated a political party,' he said, referring to the student representatives. 'Others made partisan statements. These should go if you're serious about a credible election.' He dismissed any contradiction between reforms and elections, saying both could move forward simultaneously. 'Where there is consensus, reforms can be completed within weeks.' Khasru also voiced confidence in the Election Commission and the role of the army in ensuring a fair vote. 'This is not the era of Sheikh Hasina,' he remarked, suggesting a more conducive political environment for elections. On the question of trying former Awami League leaders, he said judicial processes could continue in parallel. 'The judiciary must do its job – the elected government will continue if more is needed.' 'BNP suffered the most under the previous regime,' he added. 'The trials are a national consensus.' BNP Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed echoed this sentiment in a TV interview on Friday: 'If Yunus is personally unable to carry out his duties, the state will find an alternative.' But he added: 'As a globally respected figure, we hope he will understand the situation and announce an election roadmap by December.' What do other political parties want? NCP's Senior Joint Convenor Ariful Islam Adeeb rejected the BNP's narrative, telling Al Jazeera: 'All parties were meant to support the interim government after the July uprising, but the BNP stuck to old tactics based on muscle power – that's the root of the crisis.' He urged unity, saying: 'BNP and all other parties must come together for the national interest.' Meanwhile, demonstrations and behind-the-scenes meetings continued across Dhaka. On Thursday evening, top leaders of five political parties, including the NCP, attended an emergency meeting at the headquarters of another Islamic political party, Islami Andolan Bangladesh (IAB), called by its chief Mufti Syed Muhammad Rezaul Karim. They urged all 'anti-fascist forces' to unite, defend national sovereignty, and support a credible election under Yunus after key reforms. Several of these parties, including BJI, argue that elections must come after key reforms – such as adopting a proportional voting system and ensuring accountability for past abuses – to prevent any repeat of past authoritarian practices. They believe holding elections without these changes would undermine public trust and risk another crisis. BJI chief Shafiqur Rahman joined the IAB meeting via phone and endorsed the resolution. On Thursday, he urged Yunus to convene an all-party dialogue to resolve the crisis. Then, on Friday night, BJI's Shafiqur Rahman requested a meeting with Yunus, proposing to convene at 12:00 GMT (6pm local time) on Saturday. Speaking to Al Jazeera on Friday night, NCP Joint Convenor Sarwar Tushar said: 'Whatever the rumours, we believe Dr Muhammad Yunus is committed to his historic responsibility. 'There is massive expectation – both from the international community and the people,' he added. While acknowledging political divisions, Tushar said: 'If everyone moves beyond party agendas and focuses on a national agenda, the crisis can be resolved through dialogue.' What can we expect next? Political analyst Rezaul Karim Rony told Al Jazeera that talk of Yunus's resignation may reflect growing frustration over the lack of unity within the transitional setup. 'The unity that had formed around the post-uprising interim government appears to be weakening due to vested interests,' he said. 'The resignation talk might be a signal underscoring the need to rebuild that unity.' Rony suggested that certain government appointments may have alienated political parties, raising questions about whether some actors have agendas beyond the official reform mandate. 'This could be one reason why the government is struggling to gain broad political cooperation and function effectively,' he noted. Rony added: 'At this point, advocating for elections may (make the administration) appear politically aligned with the BNP. But in the end, it should be up to the people to decide who they want to lead.' NCP's Nahid Islam, however, sees otherwise. He warned in a Facebook post on Friday night: 'There's a conspiracy to sabotage the democratic transition and stage another 1/11-style arrangement.' The term '1/11' refers to January 11, 2007, when the military-backed caretaker government took control in Bangladesh amid political chaos and ruled for two years, suspending democratic processes. 'Bangladesh has repeatedly been divided, national unity destroyed, to keep the country weak,' Nahid wrote. Urging Yunus to stay in office and deliver on promises of reform, justice and voting rights, he said, 'Dr Yunus must resolve all political crises while in office.' He also outlined NCP's demands: a timely July declaration, elections within the announced timeframe (Yunus has repeatedly promised that the election will be held between December 2025 to July 2026), a July Charter with core reforms before polls, visible justice for the July killings, and a roadmap for a new constitution through simultaneous elections to a Constituent Assembly and legislature. Meanwhile, public anxiety is rising. On Friday, the Bangladesh Army issued a Facebook alert debunking a fake media release circulated a day earlier, which falsely used the military's logo in what it described as 'an apparent attempt to sow confusion and create rifts' between the armed forces and the public. 'Do not believe rumours. Do not be misled,' the statement warned. As the weekend approaches, all eyes are on Muhammad Yunus – and whether he will resign, stand firm, or forge a new consensus to lead the country through its second transition since last year's dramatic uprising.
India Today
21-05-2025
- Politics
- India Today
Army chief puts Yunus on notice: What it means for a beleaguered Bangladesh
Bangladesh Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zaman has finally sent a stern message to interim government chief adviser Muhammad Yunus: hold early elections, stop interfering with military matters, and keep the military in the loop on key issues like the proposed Rakhine Wednesday, in a Durbar bringing together 'all available officers in combat uniform' at Dhaka's Senaprangan, General Waker declared that the interim government will have to hold national elections by December this year. After the violent ouster of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in August last year, Waker installed the interim government to create conditions for "a free, fair, and inclusive election".advertisementGeneral wisdomGeneral Waker avoided the temptation of going for a direct seizure of power because he seems to be driven by a sense of history. He is known to tell his friends that Generals who seized power in the Bengali nation ended up in death or disgrace. Instead, he focused on three tasks: restoring democracy, maintaining stability, and upholding the Bangladesh Army's professional standards that made it one of the leading contributors to United Nations peacekeeping missions. This explains his push for early elections. He wants to take the army back to the barracks, playing the role of a saviour, not a usurper. But this push is also at the centre of his spat with Yunus, who, on the one hand, lambasts Hasina for rigging elections, but on the other, wants to rule without a close to the development say Waker also suspects Yunus is trying to orchestrate his ouster by combining street agitation with external machinations. Hence, the stern words to Yunus on Tuesday, with the Air Force and Navy chiefs by his side. This show of strength was meant to drive home three important messages: that the military is united behind the chief, that it will not tolerate "being kept in the dark" about important national matters related to security and defence (as Waker stressed during his speech), and that the military will no longer tolerate chaos and anarchy (hinting at the street agitations through Islamist mobs, a pet tactic of the Yunus brigade).Corridor of powerGeneral Waker raised the issue of the Chittagong-to-Rakhine corridor, which Yunus was willing to create to deliver humanitarian supplies to Myanmar, but which the US is likely to use to send military supplies to the country's rebel groups. By calling it a 'bloody corridor', the army chief made it clear he is firmly against dragging Bangladesh into the festering Burmese civil war. Senior US diplomats lobbying for this corridor met the General this week, but it seems he hasn't changed his attempts to pilot this project appear aimed at pleasing the US — something that could help him continue to run the country without being elected. Bangladesh's leading political parties, the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, as well as Left parties, have all opposed the Rakhine corridor, which was seen as part of an American power play to block China's land-to-sea access granted by the Burmese military and shufflesadvertisementAnother sore point between the two was the appointment of former diplomat and now US citizen, Khalilur Rahman, as Bangladesh's National Security Adviser, a position created by Yunus to, perhaps, offset the military's control of security matters. Rahman, seen as the man behind the corridor idea, backed out on Wednesday, telling the press after the army Durbar that there was 'no military dimension' to the proposed appointment was followed by rumours that Yunus was promoting Lieutenant General Kamrul Hassan, the Principal Staff Officer of the Armed Forces Division in the Prime Minister's Office, as a possible replacement for General no prime minister following Hasina's ouster, Hassan reports to Yunus and has made several important overseas trips, like the one to Pakistan. Bangladesh military sources say the General will likely push Yunus to remove Hassan and a few other officers he believes are not loyal to him. Kamrul Hassan's meeting with senior US diplomats last week, without prior clearance from the army chief, was the tipping General's worries about an ouster attempt also stem from a recent pitch by Yunus's student-youth brigade to finalise the July Declaration and use it to run the country in keeping with the 'spirit of the July-August revolution'. The nascent National Citizens Party is already out in the streets, demanding a proclamation that will nullify the 1972 secular constitution and help Yunus run the country without holding would surely mean the end of the current presidency, and the ouster of President Mohammed Shahabuddin Chuppu would be a prelude to a massive rejig in the military ranks and the ouster of the three service chiefs, including General Waker-Uz-Zaman. This roadmap is acceptable to the Islamist radical groups but not to the country's major political parties. On Wednesday, military officers at the Durbar made a strong pitch for the 'spirit of the 1971 Liberation War' and said that it was Wednesday's Durbar at the army headquarters was meant to send out a clear message: if Yunus does not stop his manipulative games, the military will act. All it has to do is get the president to declare an emergency, dismiss the interim government, for which there is no provision in the Constitution, and get cracking with elections.(Subir Bhaumik is a former BBC and Reuters correspondent and author who has worked in Bangladesh as a senior editor with expressed in this opinion piece are those of the author)Must Watch
