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DW
08-07-2025
- Politics
- DW
Germany: Chancellor Merz's party sees approval rating rise – DW – 07/07/2025
Germany's new government has been in office for two months. So far only Chancellor Friedrich Merz's Conservatives are making progress among voters, while the Social Democrats are struggling to retain trust. Does Germany still need the Social Democratic Party (SPD), and if so — on what issues? This question was clearly hanging in the air at the party conference at the end of June. The center-left Social Democrats were shaken to their core by the February federal election, when the party recorded its worst result since 1887. The result of the latest monthly poll is unlikely to lift their spirits. The SPD, which governs as junior partner with the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU) parties, has only continued to leak support since the election. If national elections were held this Sunday, the SPD would only get 13%, according to the poll, conducted by the research institute infratest-dimap of 1,312 eligible voters between June 30 and July 2. Led by Chancellor Friedrich Merz, the CDU/CSU has gained slightly compared to June, rising to 30% (+1). The Alternative for Germany (AfD), the far-right, anti-immigrant party that is officially considered partly right-wing extremist by Germany's domestic intelligence agency, would still have 23% of the vote. The Green Party and the Left Party, meanwhile, could expect to receive 12% (+/-0) and 10% (+1), respectively. Other parties, including the newly founded Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) (4%; +/-0) and the neoliberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) (3%; -1), would still not have enough of a vote share to enter the Bundestag. The more left-wing members of the Social Democrats have accused their party leadership of doing too little to secure peace in Europe. In June, they issued a manifesto calling for "peacekeeping in Europe through defense capabilities, arms control, and rapprochement." For the signatories, this means more diplomacy with Russia, and less rearmament of the German armed forces. Peace has historically been a signature priority for the SPD — going back to the days of Chancellor Willy Brandt's attempts to normalize relations with the Soviet Union in the late 1960s and early 1970s. But in the latest Deutschlandtrend poll, only 11% of respondents now said they considered the SPD to be a party of peace. Some 31% trust the CDU/CSU most of all the parties to establish and secure peace in Europe, while 14% named the AfD. As many as 57% of respondents said they were frightened by how lightly the term "readiness for war" is currently being discussed in Germany. However, there are big differences on the issue between Germans from the former West and the former East — the term frightens significantly more people in the eastern German states. Defense Minister Boris Pistorius, also of the SPD, has long been calling for the Bundeswehr to be "war-ready" again. Some 62% of those Germans surveyed in the agree with Pistorius and see this as a prerequisite for securing peace in Europe. Not only that, 73% believe that Germany needs more soldiers to defend the country in an emergency. In their opinion, compulsory military service, which was suspended 2011, must be reintroduced. Overall, more than half of those surveyed are in favor of reinstating compulsory military or civilian service for both men and women. However, there is a generational conflict here: About twice as many people under the age of 35 support another suspension than in the overall population. Overall, armed conflicts, peacekeeping, and foreign policy is only the fourth most important issue for Germans — mentioned by 15% of those surveyed. Immigration/refugees (33%), the economy (21%), and social injustice (16%) were all mentioned more frequently. Indeed, both the CDU/CSU and the SPD have said that Germany's economic recovery is the top priority. In fact, only 20% of Germans believe that the situation will actually improve in a year's time, while 41% believe that nothing will change, and 35% even expect the economic situation to deteriorate. However, two-thirds of those surveyed say that this will not affect their personal economic situation. A good 60% of the population, meanwhile, believe that there is social injustice in Germany, the highest figure recorded by the Deutschlandtrend in 15 years. This perception is primarily due to the widening gap between rich and poor, while the tax and social security burden is perceived as too high or unequal. The gap between the lowest wage groups and the "citizen's income," as the basic unemployment benefit is called, is considered too small. In Germany, single people who are temporarily or permanently unable to support themselves and are in need of assistance receive €563 ($663) per month, as well as support with their rent and heating bills. Couples receive €1,012. The overall costs of this have risen sharply recently, to over €50 billion per year. The CDU wants to introduce tougher sanctions for citizens' income recipients who repeatedly refuse work. Currently, their benefits can be suspended for up to two months. Overall, around half of those surveyed consider the existing sanctions to be appropriate, while 12% think they go too far, and 35% believe that the unemployed should be sanctioned more. In their coalition agreement, the CDU/CSU and SPD agreed in principle to apply stricter rules. But the parties are arguing about what exactly that means. The CDU/CSU wants to drastically reduce spending across the board, while the Social Democrats are opposed. They say that no more than €4.5 billion can be saved in the next two years. Getting people into work also costs money, for example for further training and qualification measures. Should the unemployed be placed quickly in reasonable jobs, or is it more important to provide them with appropriate training and further education so that they can find better jobs? Opinions are divided. However, a look at party preferences shows that the majority of CDU/CSU and AfD supporters would prefer to get people into jobs quickly. Supporters of the Left Party and the Greens, on the other hand, prefer to prioritize training. Among SPD supporters, there are equal numbers of people in favor of either option. The dispute is not just about money. It is also a fundamental socio-political debate about how to treat people who need help and what basic social security in Germany should look you're here: Every Tuesday, DW editors round up what is happening in German politics and society. You can sign up here for the weekly email newsletter, Berlin Briefing.
DW
08-07-2025
- Politics
- DW
Poll shows German Chancellor Merz's approval ratings are up – DW – 07/07/2025
Germany's new government has been in office for two months. So far only Chancellor Friedrich Merz's Conservatives are making progress among voters, while the Social Democrats are struggling to retain trust. Does Germany still need the Social Democratic Party (SPD), and if so — on what issues? This question was clearly hanging in the air at the party conference at the end of June. The center-left Social Democrats were shaken to their core by the February federal election, when the party recorded its worst result since 1887. The result of the latest monthly poll is unlikely to lift their spirits. The SPD, which governs as junior partner with the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU) parties, has only continued to leak support since the election. If national elections were held this Sunday, the SPD would only get 13%, according to the poll, conducted by the research institute infratest-dimap of 1,312 eligible voters between June 30 and July 2. Led by Chancellor Friedrich Merz, the CDU/CSU has gained slightly compared to June, rising to 30% (+1). The Alternative for Germany (AfD), the far-right, anti-immigrant party that is officially considered partly right-wing extremist by Germany's domestic intelligence agency, would still have 23% of the vote. The Green Party and the Left Party, meanwhile, could expect to receive 12% (+/-0) and 10% (+1), respectively. Other parties, including the newly founded Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) (4%; +/-0) and the neoliberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) (3%; -1), would still not have enough of a vote share to enter the Bundestag. The more left-wing members of the Social Democrats have accused their party leadership of doing too little to secure peace in Europe. In June, they issued a manifesto calling for "peacekeeping in Europe through defense capabilities, arms control, and rapprochement." For the signatories, this means more diplomacy with Russia, and less rearmament of the German armed forces. Peace has historically been a signature priority for the SPD — going back to the days of Chancellor Willy Brandt's attempts to normalize relations with the Soviet Union in the late 1960s and early 1970s. But in the latest Deutschlandtrend poll, only 11% of respondents now said they considered the SPD to be a party of peace. Some 31% trust the CDU/CSU most of all the parties to establish and secure peace in Europe, while 14% named the AfD. As many as 57% of respondents said they were frightened by how lightly the term "readiness for war" is currently being discussed in Germany. However, there are big differences on the issue between Germans from the former West and the former East — the term frightens significantly more people in the eastern German states. Defense Minister Boris Pistorius, also of the SPD, has long been calling for the Bundeswehr to be "war-ready" again. Some 62% of those Germans surveyed in the agree with Pistorius and see this as a prerequisite for securing peace in Europe. Not only that, 73% believe that Germany needs more soldiers to defend the country in an emergency. In their opinion, compulsory military service, which was suspended 2011, must be reintroduced. Overall, more than half of those surveyed are in favor of reinstating compulsory military or civilian service for both men and women. However, there is a generational conflict here: About twice as many people under the age of 35 support another suspension than in the overall population. Overall, armed conflicts, peacekeeping, and foreign policy is only the fourth most important issue for Germans — mentioned by 15% of those surveyed. Immigration/refugees (33%), the economy (21%), and social injustice (16%) were all mentioned more frequently. Indeed, both the CDU/CSU and the SPD have said that Germany's economic recovery is the top priority. In fact, only 20% of Germans believe that the situation will actually improve in a year's time, while 41% believe that nothing will change, and 35% even expect the economic situation to deteriorate. However, two-thirds of those surveyed say that this will not affect their personal economic situation. A good 60% of the population, meanwhile, believe that there is social injustice in Germany, the highest figure recorded by the Deutschlandtrend in 15 years. This perception is primarily due to the widening gap between rich and poor, while the tax and social security burden is perceived as too high or unequal. The gap between the lowest wage groups and the "citizen's income," as the basic unemployment benefit is called, is considered too small. In Germany, single people who are temporarily or permanently unable to support themselves and are in need of assistance receive €563 ($663) per month, as well as support with their rent and heating bills. Couples receive €1,012. The overall costs of this have risen sharply recently, to over €50 billion per year. The CDU wants to introduce tougher sanctions for citizens' income recipients who repeatedly refuse work. Currently, their benefits can be suspended for up to two months. Overall, around half of those surveyed consider the existing sanctions to be appropriate, while 12% think they go too far, and 35% believe that the unemployed should be sanctioned more. In their coalition agreement, the CDU/CSU and SPD agreed in principle to apply stricter rules. But the parties are arguing about what exactly that means. The CDU/CSU wants to drastically reduce spending across the board, while the Social Democrats are opposed. They say that no more than €4.5 billion can be saved in the next two years. Getting people into work also costs money, for example for further training and qualification measures. Should the unemployed be placed quickly in reasonable jobs, or is it more important to provide them with appropriate training and further education so that they can find better jobs? Opinions are divided. However, a look at party preferences shows that the majority of CDU/CSU and AfD supporters would prefer to get people into jobs quickly. Supporters of the Left Party and the Greens, on the other hand, prefer to prioritize training. Among SPD supporters, there are equal numbers of people in favor of either option. The dispute is not just about money. It is also a fundamental socio-political debate about how to treat people who need help and what basic social security in Germany should look you're here: Every Tuesday, DW editors round up what is happening in German politics and society. You can sign up here for the weekly email newsletter, Berlin Briefing.
Euractiv
07-07-2025
- Politics
- Euractiv
The Brief – The risks of Berlin's borderline behaviour
Nothing quite captures the essence of the European Union like freedom of movement, an ideal that delivers physical benefits while also conveying the profound trust that underpins the undertaking. That sense of "Europe you can feel", as one German MEP put it today, is under siege like never before amid an intensifying border dispute between Germany and Poland that has profound implications for the passport-free travel enshrined in the Schengen treaty. Early Monday, Poland responded to a recent German decision to reintroduce border controls by posting 2,000 sentries of its own along western and northern frontiers. Prime Minister Donald Tusk, who announced the move last week, framed it as a response to illegal border crossings from Germany, a pretext few will (or should) take at face value. Few European borders carry as much weight – or hope – as the one that separates Germany and Poland. Willy Brandt's decision in the early 1970s to accept the so-called Oder-Neisse line was a turning point in the Cold War that ultimately helped pave the way to reunification decades later. Ever since former German Chancellor Olaf Scholz introduced spot checks along the border with Poland in 2023, the Polish far-right has exploited the situation, with vigilantes patrolling the German border for migrants. Their activism has been cheered by the recently elected President Karol Nawrocki, who commended their "patriotism". The border dispute between two of Europe's largest countries, whose relationship remains fraught even 80 years after the war, has been especially unedifying for the Commission. The executive has done precious little to intervene either in the German-Polish case or in any of the other border flashpoints of recent years (in the process tarnishing what many present as Europe's "crown jewel"). As a consequence, a succession of unilateral Schengen suspensions has gone unchecked. Under the Schengen rules, border controls are supposed to be triggered as a "last resort". In reality, they have become a weapon that governments reach for when they need to assert their authority and counter domestic critics. And whilst these actions have been questioned by the European Court of Justice and the European Parliament, they have yet to impose any penalties. This failure to act was all the more conspicuous in June as Schengen celebrated 40 years. Rather than take the opportunity to reaffirm the principles of the 1985 treaty, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz doubled down on his predecessor's border patrols, further souring relations with Poland. Poland's opposition party Law and Justice (PiS) has latched onto the ensuing uproar, its co-founder Jarosław Kaczyński claiming, without evidence, that "Germany regularly transfers illegal migrants to our side." This line was echoed by the outgoing president Andrzej Duda: "Germany created this migration problem and must deal with it on their own. We will not solve it for them." If anyone can de-escalate the tension, it must be Merz, who himself acknowledged a "common problem" but stopped short of agreeing to a climb-down, focusing instead on the 13 checkpoints Poland has set up on its border with Lithuania, rather than the 52 along its border with Germany. Poland's interior minister indicated that the measures could be revoked, provided that Germany does so first. Merz, a former MEP, likes to present himself at home and abroad as a consummate European. This is his chance to prove it. The Roundup Tariffs delayed – Despite recent hints that American tariffs on some EU goods could be stayed until August 1 after the EU Trade Chief failed to secure a US-EU trade deal last week, the Commission announced it is still working to develop an agreement by the original 9 July deadline. Strategic stockpiling – The Commission is preparing a new strategy to strengthen the EU's response to future health crises, including pandemics and threats from chemical or biological warfare. The plan, expected in July, focuses on medical countermeasures like vaccines, treatments, diagnostics, and PPE. Pricetags on nature – The Commission has devised a plan to reward farmers and landowners for environmental actions and sustainable management beyond legal obligations, but critics have pushed back against the program, calling it a means for corporations to keep destroying nature as long as they pay for it. Across Europe Escalating border controls – At midnight on Sunday, border control checkpoints were established at 52 places on the Poland-German border by Warsaw in retaliation to Berlin's own controls. The checks apply to all crossings, and highlight tensions between the two countries. Division in Italy – Italy's right-wing coalition showed rare public signs of division this weekend as Forza Italia clashed with its allies over a proposal to expand access to citizenship for children of immigrants. Bulgaria baulks on drug procurement – Bulgaria's parliamentary majority has been blocking the adoption of a key drug procurement bill, which requires private hospitals to conduct public tenders when purchasing medicines, for more than two months. The Commission has been pressing the country to pass the reform, threatening sanctions.
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Korea Herald
25-02-2025
- Politics
- Korea Herald
[Bartosz M. Rydlinski] What Germany's election means
Germany's Social Democrats are one of the West's oldest political parties, with a legacy of advocating parliamentary democracy, opposing Nazism, and leading the modernization of postwar Germany. In addition to the many notable labor, economic, and human rights reforms that the party has implemented over the years, former SPD leader and West German Chancellor Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik in the 1970s laid the groundwork for Germany's reunification in 1990. But today's SPD is a shadow of its former self: The party won only 16.4 percent of the vote in Sunday's federal election, putting it behind both the Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU) and the far-right Alternative fur Deutschland (AfD). It is worth considering how this defeat came about, and what it means for the future of Western social-democratic forces. Support for the SPD began to fall toward the end of the 2000s. In the 2005 and 2009 federal elections, the party received, respectively, 34.2 percent and 23 percent of the vote — a drastic decline from the 1998 federal election, when it won nearly 41 percent of the vote. This drop-off can be largely attributed to the Agenda 2010 and Hartz reforms that Chancellor Gerhard Schroder introduced in the early 2000s. Schroder's neoliberal project, which sought to revive a stagnant German economy by deregulating the labor market and reducing welfare benefits, put the SPD at odds with its working-class base, organized in powerful trade unions. It also led the charismatic finance minister and former party leader Oskar Lafontaine to defect to a left-wing alliance, taking the SPD's socialist faction with him. Despite this exodus of voters, the SPD could rest on its laurels as the junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU — its main competitor — under Germany's 'Iron Chancellor,' Angela Merkel. When Merkel retired in 2021, the SPD won that year's election with one-quarter of German votes. But SPD leader and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz had to form a 'traffic-light coalition' (so named for the parties' colors), with the Greens and the liberal, market-oriented Free Democrats. This led his government to pursue conflicting goals: advancing social justice and lowering taxes; constructing social housing and boosting support for entrepreneurs; combating climate change and protecting Germany's automotive industry. Such a wide-ranging agenda did little to win back the trust of workers, especially with fear of globalization on the rise. In the lead-up to the recent election, neither Scholz nor his party seemed to gauge German voters' primary concerns accurately. According to Infratest dimap's ARD-DeutschlandTREND survey, 37 percent of Germans consider immigration to be the most important problem facing the country — an issue on which the SPD has been ambivalent and indecisive. The party tacitly supported Merkel's 'open-door policy' in 2015, when Germany accepted more than one million asylum-seekers from Syria, Afghanistan, and other countries in the Middle East and North Africa. And yet, Scholz has advocated deporting 'serious criminals' to Syria and Afghanistan following terror attacks. Instead of winning over voters, this muddled approach to migration and security has bolstered the anti-immigration AfD's claim that it was right all along about the 'Muslim threat.' The second most important issue for voters, according to the Infratest dimap survey, is the economy, with 34 percent of respondents agreeing that it should be the government's top priority. The German economy contracted for the second consecutive year in 2024, the number of unemployed people is rising, industry is cutting jobs, and consumer confidence has tanked. The fact that this occurred on Scholz's watch undermined his image as a successful economic steward, burnished during Merkel's term. This resulted in a devastating loss of working-class support for the SPD. According to Infratest dimap's exit poll, the AfD won 38 percent of workers' votes, compared to just 12 percent for the SPD. Scholz fell short in other areas, too. The much-heralded turning point (Zeitenwende) in foreign policy and national security after Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has not materialized. Germany barely met NATO's 2 percent defense-spending target and has not honored its commitments to Ukraine. As Benjamin Tallis concluded in his report titled 'The End of the Zeitenwende' for the German Council on Foreign Relations, Scholz's project has been a failure. The SPD's electoral disaster is reminiscent of the Democrats' defeat in the 2024 US presidential election. Both parties failed to formulate an effective response to migration concerns, win over working-class voters, and adopt major progressive economic reforms. Instead, they chose to emphasize cultural liberalism, which appealed to the winners of globalization — people who do not fear for their future. But fear of being left behind economically and socially proved to be potent fuel for both Donald Trump and the AfD. So long as social democrats fail to address this fear, the far right will continue to exploit it. If center-left parties want to regain their relevance, they must confront and analyze their electoral failures and declining support while finding new ways to make inroads with workers and shield them from the effects of deindustrialization, automation, and artificial intelligence. Bartosz M. Rydlinski is an assistant professor of political science at Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University in Warsaw. The views expressed here are the writer's own. -- Ed.
Yahoo
23-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Cheat sheet on Germany's colour-coded politics
Germany holds elections on Sunday after its three-party "traffic light" coalition collapsed last year and could soon have a "black-red" government while a "Jamaica" or "blackberry" alliance is less likely. Confused? Here is a cheat sheet for Germany's colour-coded party politics ahead of the pivotal vote in Europe's most populous country and biggest economy. Every German party is traditionally associated with a colour, and national flags and other imagery are commonly used as shorthand for possible coalition combinations. Here are Germany's main parties, their colours, leaders and what they stand for: - Red: Social Democratic Party (SPD) - The centre-left party of embattled Chancellor Olaf Scholz, 66, is Germany's oldest with origins in a labour association founded in the mid-1800s. Its key demands are fair wages, safe pensions and social benefits, and its symbol is a red rose. The SPD prides itself on its principled opposition to the Nazis before it was banned and its members exiled. Party lore says that dialogue with Moscow, rather than confrontation, helped end the Cold War. Prominent former SPD chancellors include Willy Brandt, Helmut Schmidt and Gerhard Schroeder. - Black: Christian Democratic Union (CDU) - Germany's main conservative party, led by former corporate lawyer Friedrich Merz, 69, prioritises boosting the economy, law and order and traditional social values. Merz has promised to steer the party back to its right-wing roots, away from the more centrist course charted by former chancellor Angela Merkel. He has vowed to strongly restrict irregular immigration and perhaps bring back nuclear energy, phased out under Merkel. The CDU is in a permanent alliance with Bavaria's Christian Social Union (CSU) led by Markus Soeder. Well-known former CDU chancellors include the first post-WWII leader Konrad Adenauer and Helmut Kohl, dubbed the father of Germany's 1990 reunification. - Yellow: Free Democratic Party (FDP) - The FDP, which promotes liberal economic policies and small government, was long Germany's main "third party" and has had a key role in building and bringing down governments. Its leader, former finance minister Christian Lindner, 46, provoked the government crisis that came to a head when Scholz fired him on November 6. The turmoil recalled a 1982 power play when the FDP switched sides, bringing down Schmidt, who was replaced by Kohl. The FDP is sometimes mocked as the party of the rich but sees itself as a watchdog against government overreach, bureaucracy and red tape. - Green: Alliance 90/The Greens - The Greens emerged from the environmental, anti-nuclear and peace protest movement of the 1970s. Its first MPs were elected in the early 1980s and they shocked the staid Bundestag when they showed up in knitted pullovers and put their feet on the benches. But the party has since firmly entered the mainstream and advocates strong military support for Ukraine against Russia. The current alliance was built in 1993 with activist groups from the formerly communist East Germany. Vice-Chancellor Robert Habeck, 55, is the top election candidate of the Greens, which is also the party of Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock. - Blue: Alternative for Germany (AfD) - The far-right party started off a decade ago as a eurosceptic fringe party but has since embraced a virulent anti-immigration agenda. It railed against Merkel's 2015 green light to allow in more than a million migrants, many from war-torn Syria. AfD politicians tend to doubt climate change, hold pro-Moscow positions and support US President Donald Trump whose ally Elon Musk has strongly backed the AfD. Some AfD key figures have used Nazi-era phrases, and the domestic security services consider elements in the party to be extremists, fuelling calls to ban it. With its top candidate Alice Weidel, 46, the AfD has been polling at around 20 percent, with most of its support in the ex-communist east. All other parties have committed to an anti-AfD "firewall" of non-cooperation, although Merz breached this in late January when he accepted AfD support in parliament to pass a motion calling for an immigration crackdown. - Violet: Linke and Alliance Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) - Germany's two far-left parties have hovered around the five-percent cutoff mark for reentry into parliament. Die Linke has enjoyed a late poll surge above that mark, boosted by a spirited anti-fascist speech by its top candidate Heidi Reichinnek, 36. The Linke's former leading figure, Sahra Wagenknecht, 55, left last year to form her own "left-wing conservative" BSW, which is sceptical of immigration. Wagenknecht, who grew up in the communist East, promotes anti-capitalist views and opposes NATO, has struggled to maintain the initial buzz around her new party. - Colourful coalitions - Scholz's collapsed red-yellow-green coalition was dubbed the "traffic light" government. In 2017 Germany almost got a black-yellow-green "Jamaica" coalition, before the FDP pulled out of talks. Polling suggests Germany could next be headed for a CDU-led "black-red" grand coalition with the SPD that may need a third partner. If the FDP were to join in, their colours would match the national flag for a "Germany" coalition. If instead the Greens joined, this would lead to a black-red-green "Kenya" coalition. Also seen at the state level before, but highly unlikely at the national level, is a black-red-violet alliance of the CDU, SPD and BSW, dubbed the "blackberry". bur-fz/gv
