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Miami Herald
10 hours ago
- Politics
- Miami Herald
How Young Men Feel About Potential US War With Iran
For many young American men, the idea of another war halfway around the globe doesn't spark the kind of clear-cut patriotism it once did. Unlike older generations that rallied around military action, polls show that younger voters are more apprehensive about supporting intervention abroad. A late-May survey by the Young Men Research Project (YMRP), conducted with YouGov among 1,079 American men aged 18 to 29, found a modest plus-12 margin supporting U.S.-backed regime change in Iran (39 percent support vs. 27 percent oppose), while 34 percent remained unsure. Notably, party differences were minimal: Democrats favored regime change by plus-20, Republicans by plus-18, and both groups showed comparable uncertainty. Support was strongest among young men who prize physical strength (plus-33 margin) and those identifying as Trump Republicans (plus-36 margin), each with about one-quarter uncertain. However, men advocating broader calls for increased masculinity were notably less enthusiastic, with a plus-16 margin. The survey was conducted before Israel's airstrikes and before serious U.S. discussions of involvement. Since then, President Donald Trump ordered airstrikes against three key Iranian nuclear facilities over the weekend. In retaliation, Iran fired missiles at a U.S. military base in Qatar on Monday. A ceasefire was agreed to between Iran and Israel on Monday. But the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) has accused Iran of violating the ceasefire and said it will strike Tehran in retaliation. Iran's military has denied any such violation. Amid such an uncertain environment, further polling indicates growing hesitation among young Americans about military involvement in the Middle East. An Economist/YouGov survey from mid-June found only 16 percent of 18- to 29-year-olds supported U.S. involvement in the Israel-Iran conflict, with 53 percent opposed and 31 percent unsure, mirroring national attitudes. In the same poll, 59 percent of men said they oppose U.S. involvement in the Israel-Iran conflict, while only 19 percent supported U.S. action. Similarly, a J.L. Partners poll in mid-June reported that only 40 percent of men overall supported U.S. action in Iran, with 45 percent opposed. Support shrank to 28 percent among the youngest voters, while 45 percent disapproved. Among the youngest voters, support was even smaller. Only 28 percent said they supported U.S. airstrikes, while 45 percent said they disapprove. Such polls are in line with national surveys which suggest that Americans largely do not support U.S. military action in Iran. A YouGov/Economist survey, conducted from June 20 to 23, 2025, found that public opinion shifted sharply after Donald Trump announced that the U.S. had bombed Iranian nuclear facilities. Among all U.S. adults, just 29 percent said the U.S. should carry out such strikes, while 46 percent said it should not. The Washington Post found modestly higher support than YouGov did for the U.S. military bombing Iran. In the poll, 25 percent of adults supported "the U.S. military launching airstrikes against Iran over its nuclear program," while 45 percent were opposed. The poll also found that 82 percent of Americans were either "somewhat" or "very" concerned about getting involved in a full-scale war with Iran. Meanwhile, analysis by pollster G. Elliott Morris showed that just 21 percent of Americans said last week that they supported U.S. involvement in Iran, while 57 percent opposed. But when broken down by party affiliation, poll results reveal a striking pattern. In the YouGov/Economist poll, support for U.S. military action in Iran among Democrats fell from 16 percent before Trump's announcement to just 5 percent after. Meanwhile, Republican support soared from 34 percent to 70 percent. Independents showed a smaller shift, with support rising from 11 percent to 26 percent. The J.L. Partners poll showed that support for U.S. military action against Iran is strongest among Trump's most devoted base. Two-thirds of self-identified "MAGA Republicans" (65 percent) back U.S. strikes, far surpassing support among "Traditional Republicans" (51 percent). Most Republican voters also view Israel's war with Iran as a shared American cause, with 63 percent saying "Israel's war is America's war"—a figure that rises to 67 percent among MAGA Republicans. On how long the conflict should last, 59 percent of MAGA Republicans say the U.S. should fight until Iran's nuclear program is destroyed, compared to 28 percent who prefer negotiations. Among all voters, however, a majority (53 percent) favored pausing attacks to pursue diplomacy, while only 30 percent want to continue military action. Polls also show that support for military intervention in Iran is lower than it was for previous interventions in the Middle East, analysis by Morris shows. In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, military action in Afghanistan had near-universal approval. A staggering 88 percent of Americans supported the U.S. invasion in 2001, while just 10 percent opposed it. That support remained high in the lead-up to the Iraq War in 2003, with 71 percent backing the strikes and 27 percent against. By 2014, public enthusiasm had cooled significantly. When the U.S. launched operations against ISIS, support had dropped to 54 percent, with opposition rising to 41 percent. And compared to past conflicts, the American public—especially young people—are far more hesitant about war. During World War II, after Japan bombed Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, Americans largely embraced military service and supported the war effort with strong patriotism. Gallup polls from the 1940s showed more than 90 percent support for U.S. involvement. However, attitudes changed dramatically during the Vietnam War. By the late 1960s and early 1970s, many Americans opposed the war, influenced by rising casualties and graphic media coverage. In 1970, Gallup found that about 60 percent of Americans supported the conflict. After Vietnam, American's views on war became more conditional, particularly among young people. The 1990-91 Gulf War initially received broad support. But skepticism returned with the protracted wars in Iraq and Afghanistan after 2001. Pew Research Center surveys from the mid-2000s showed declining support as those conflicts dragged on. In recent years, young Americans have grown increasingly reluctant to endorse military interventions. A 2021 Cato Institute survey found millennials and Gen Z are less supportive of war compared to older generations. Economic concerns and a preference for diplomacy over military force also factor into their attitudes. The YMRP survey results reinforce these complexities. Young men experiencing financial hardship showed much less support. Those reporting financial instability had just a +1 support margin, and those believing the economy was worsening actually opposed the policy by a small margin (-1), both with high uncertainty (41 percent). In contrast, financially stable young men supported the policy by +24, and those optimistic about the economy showed a +36 margin. The changing mindset may also be contributing to Trump's falling approval among young voters. While young men helped fuel Trump's victory in 2024—with 53 percent of those aged 18 to 44 supporting him, up from 45 percent in 2020—recent polling suggests that support has eroded. Analysis by YouGov shows Trump's net approval among 18- to 29-year-olds has dropped from +5 at the start of his second term to -39—a 44-point swing. The decline is far steeper than in other age groups. Among voters aged 30 to 44, Trump's net approval now stands at -13, down from -6. Among those 45 to 64, it fell from +12 to -5. Among voters 65 and older, it has remained steady at -4. Related Articles IDF Shares Iran Nuclear Assessment as Trump Doubles Down on 'Obliteration'Trump Bombed Iranian Nuclear Sites-Was It a Good Idea? Newsweek Contributors DebateAs Trump Defends Iran Nuclear Site Destruction, Kim Jong Un Takes NotesTrump on Iran Nuclear Sites: It Was Total Obliteration 2025 NEWSWEEK DIGITAL LLC.
Newsweek
14 hours ago
- Politics
- Newsweek
How Young Men Feel About Potential US War With Iran
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. For many young American men, the idea of another war halfway around the globe doesn't spark the kind of clear-cut patriotism it once did. Unlike older generations that rallied around military action, polls show that younger voters are more apprehensive about supporting intervention abroad. A late-May survey by the Young Men Research Project (YMRP), conducted with YouGov among 1,079 American men aged 18 to 29, found a modest plus-12 margin supporting U.S.-backed regime change in Iran (39 percent support vs. 27 percent oppose), while 34 percent remained unsure. Notably, party differences were minimal: Democrats favored regime change by plus-20, Republicans by plus-18, and both groups showed comparable uncertainty. Support was strongest among young men who prize physical strength (plus-33 margin) and those identifying as Trump Republicans (plus-36 margin), each with about one-quarter uncertain. However, men advocating broader calls for increased masculinity were notably less enthusiastic, with a plus-16 margin. The survey was conducted before Israel's airstrikes and before serious U.S. discussions of involvement. Since then, President Donald Trump ordered airstrikes against three key Iranian nuclear facilities over the weekend. In retaliation, Iran fired missiles at a U.S. military base in Qatar on Monday. A ceasefire was agreed to between Iran and Israel on Monday. But the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) has accused Iran of violating the ceasefire and said it will strike Tehran in retaliation. Iran's military has denied any such violation. President Donald Trump speaks from the East Room of the White House in Washington on June 21, 2025, after the U.S. military struck three Iranian nuclear and military sites, joining Israel's effort to decapitate the... President Donald Trump speaks from the East Room of the White House in Washington on June 21, 2025, after the U.S. military struck three Iranian nuclear and military sites, joining Israel's effort to decapitate the country's nuclear program. More Carlos Barria/AP Growing Reluctance Toward War Amid such an uncertain environment, further polling indicates growing hesitation among young Americans about military involvement in the Middle East. An Economist/YouGov survey from mid-June found only 16 percent of 18- to 29-year-olds supported U.S. involvement in the Israel-Iran conflict, with 53 percent opposed and 31 percent unsure, mirroring national attitudes. In the same poll, 59 percent of men said they oppose U.S. involvement in the Israel-Iran conflict, while only 19 percent supported U.S. action. Similarly, a J.L. Partners poll in mid-June reported that only 40 percent of men overall supported U.S. action in Iran, with 45 percent opposed. Support shrank to 28 percent among the youngest voters, while 45 percent disapproved. Among the youngest voters, support was even smaller. Only 28 percent said they supported U.S. airstrikes, while 45 percent said they disapprove. Such polls are in line with national surveys which suggest that Americans largely do not support U.S. military action in Iran. A YouGov/Economist survey, conducted from June 20 to 23, 2025, found that public opinion shifted sharply after Donald Trump announced that the U.S. had bombed Iranian nuclear facilities. Among all U.S. adults, just 29 percent said the U.S. should carry out such strikes, while 46 percent said it should not. The Washington Post found modestly higher support than YouGov did for the U.S. military bombing Iran. In the poll, 25 percent of adults supported "the U.S. military launching airstrikes against Iran over its nuclear program," while 45 percent were opposed. The poll also found that 82 percent of Americans were either "somewhat" or "very" concerned about getting involved in a full-scale war with Iran. Meanwhile, analysis by pollster G. Elliott Morris showed that just 21 percent of Americans said last week that they supported U.S. involvement in Iran, while 57 percent opposed. The Trump Factor But when broken down by party affiliation, poll results reveal a striking pattern. In the YouGov/Economist poll, support for U.S. military action in Iran among Democrats fell from 16 percent before Trump's announcement to just 5 percent after. Meanwhile, Republican support soared from 34 percent to 70 percent. Independents showed a smaller shift, with support rising from 11 percent to 26 percent. The J.L. Partners poll showed that support for U.S. military action against Iran is strongest among Trump's most devoted base. Two-thirds of self-identified "MAGA Republicans" (65 percent) back U.S. strikes, far surpassing support among "Traditional Republicans" (51 percent). Most Republican voters also view Israel's war with Iran as a shared American cause, with 63 percent saying "Israel's war is America's war"—a figure that rises to 67 percent among MAGA Republicans. On how long the conflict should last, 59 percent of MAGA Republicans say the U.S. should fight until Iran's nuclear program is destroyed, compared to 28 percent who prefer negotiations. Among all voters, however, a majority (53 percent) favored pausing attacks to pursue diplomacy, while only 30 percent want to continue military action. Generational Shift Away From War Polls also show that support for military intervention in Iran is lower than it was for previous interventions in the Middle East, analysis by Morris shows. In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, military action in Afghanistan had near-universal approval. A staggering 88 percent of Americans supported the U.S. invasion in 2001, while just 10 percent opposed it. That support remained high in the lead-up to the Iraq War in 2003, with 71 percent backing the strikes and 27 percent against. By 2014, public enthusiasm had cooled significantly. When the U.S. launched operations against ISIS, support had dropped to 54 percent, with opposition rising to 41 percent. And compared to past conflicts, the American public—especially young people—are far more hesitant about war. During World War II, after Japan bombed Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, Americans largely embraced military service and supported the war effort with strong patriotism. Gallup polls from the 1940s showed more than 90 percent support for U.S. involvement. However, attitudes changed dramatically during the Vietnam War. By the late 1960s and early 1970s, many Americans opposed the war, influenced by rising casualties and graphic media coverage. In 1970, Gallup found that about 60 percent of Americans supported the conflict. After Vietnam, American's views on war became more conditional, particularly among young people. The 1990-91 Gulf War initially received broad support. But skepticism returned with the protracted wars in Iraq and Afghanistan after 2001. Pew Research Center surveys from the mid-2000s showed declining support as those conflicts dragged on. In recent years, young Americans have grown increasingly reluctant to endorse military interventions. A 2021 Cato Institute survey found millennials and Gen Z are less supportive of war compared to older generations. Economic concerns and a preference for diplomacy over military force also factor into their attitudes. The YMRP survey results reinforce these complexities. Young men experiencing financial hardship showed much less support. Those reporting financial instability had just a +1 support margin, and those believing the economy was worsening actually opposed the policy by a small margin (-1), both with high uncertainty (41 percent). In contrast, financially stable young men supported the policy by +24, and those optimistic about the economy showed a +36 margin. Declining Support For Trump Among Young Men The changing mindset may also be contributing to Trump's falling approval among young voters. While young men helped fuel Trump's victory in 2024—with 53 percent of those aged 18 to 44 supporting him, up from 45 percent in 2020—recent polling suggests that support has eroded. Analysis by YouGov shows Trump's net approval among 18- to 29-year-olds has dropped from +5 at the start of his second term to -39—a 44-point swing. The decline is far steeper than in other age groups. Among voters aged 30 to 44, Trump's net approval now stands at -13, down from -6. Among those 45 to 64, it fell from +12 to -5. Among voters 65 and older, it has remained steady at -4.
Yahoo
24-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
The plight of boys and men, once sidelined by Democrats, is now a priority
For Democrats, reaching male voters became a political necessity after last fall's election, when young men swung significantly toward President Donald Trump. But for some — like Maryland Gov. Wes Moore — it's also a personal goal. The first-term governor, who has spoken about his own struggles as a teenager, recently announced plans to direct his 'entire administration' to find ways to help struggling boys and men. 'The well-being of our young men and boys has not been a societal priority,' Moore said in an interview. 'I want Maryland to be the one that is aggressive and unapologetic about being able to address it and being able to fix it.' Moore's not the only Democrat vowing to help boys and men. In her State of the State address, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer shared plans to help boost young men's enrollment in higher education and skills training. And Connecticut Gov. Ned Lamont announced what he called 'a DEI initiative, which folks on both sides of the aisle may appreciate,' to get more men into teaching. The announcements come at a critical time. Researchers have argued that the widening gender gap reflects a crisis that, if not addressed, could push men toward extremism. And Democratic pollsters fret that if liberal politicians, in particular, do not address these issues, the party is at risk of losing more men to the GOP. 'When Trump talks about fixing the economy and being strong, they hear someone who gets it,' said John Della Volpe, director of polling at Harvard Kennedy School's Institute of Politics, and an adviser to Joe Biden's 2020 presidential campaign. 'That doesn't mean they trust him. But it does mean he's speaking to their reality in a way most Democrats aren't.' On the campaign trail, Kamala Harris often spoke about issues of importance to women, emphasizing reproductive rights, for instance, and paid family leave policies. But soul-searching over her loss has prompted Democrats to reach out more aggressively to men, by engaging more with sports, for instance, and looking for ways to make the party seem less 'uncool' to young voters. Shauna Daly, a Democratic strategist and co-founder of the Young Men Research Project, said candidates need to do more than show young men that they can hang. 'Where the Democratic Party has really fallen short with this cohort is that they don't feel like Democrats are fighting for them,' she said. They need policies like those the governors have proposed, Daly said, that address men's tangible problems. In every state, women earn more college degrees than men. Boys are more likely to be disciplined in class, and less likely to graduate high school on time than girls. Men die by suicide at higher rates than women and are more likely to rely on illicit drugs and alcohol. And while women increasingly participate in the workforce at higher rates, men have steadily dropped out of the labor market. The governors' speeches touched on many of these issues, and earned cautious applause from masculinity researchers, who said they reflected a promising shift. 'I think it's part of a growing recognition among Democrats that neglecting the problems of boys and men is neither good policy nor good politics,' said Richard Reeves, founder of the American Institute for Boys and Men, who has informally advised Moore's staff. 'If Democrats weren't thinking about male voters, and especially young male voters, then it would be a pretty serious dereliction of duty, looking at the polls.' In the past, Democrats might have been wary of targeting programs toward boys and men for fear of excluding girls. Whitmer seemed aware of this dynamic in her speech, when she followed her announcement about young men with a shoutout to women and a vow not to abandon her 'commitment to equal opportunity and dignity for everyone.' A handful of other states, including some run by Republican governors, have already launched initiatives targeting men in recent years. Utah established a task force that aims to help 'men and boys lead flourishing lives,' and North Dakota created the position of a men's health coordinator to study and raise awareness of disparities affecting men. Moore said he was partly inspired by his own experience growing up in the Bronx after his father passed. He has described how troubles in his youth — including a brush with the police for vandalism, skipping school and getting poor grades — led his mother to send him away to military school, which he credits with helping him straighten up. 'It is very personal for me, because I was one of those young men and boys that we're trying to reach,' he said. 'And I felt like so many of the conversations that were being had about me were not being had with me.' Moore will hold a cabinet meeting in April to discuss plans for the state agencies, but he has some initial goals: to encourage more men in his state to pursue jobs in education and health care, help boys within the juvenile justice system, and make sure he solicits input from boys and men on how the initiatives are designed. For Della Volpe, from the Harvard Kennedy School, the governors' announcements are encouraging. 'The truth is, young men are speaking,' he said. 'They've been telling us they want respect, opportunity, and strength. If Democrats don't listen — and act — they'll keep losing ground. But this moment offers hope.' This article was originally published on
NBC News
24-03-2025
- Politics
- NBC News
The plight of boys and men, once sidelined by Democrats, is now a priority
For Democrats, reaching male voters became a political necessity after last fall's election, when young men swung significantly toward President Donald Trump. But for some — like Maryland Gov. Wes Moore — it's also a personal goal. The first-term governor, who has spoken about his own struggles as a teenager, recently announced plans to direct his 'entire administration' to find ways to help struggling boys and men. 'The well-being of our young men and boys has not been a societal priority,' Moore said in an interview. 'I want Maryland to be the one that is aggressive and unapologetic about being able to address it and being able to fix it.' Moore's not the only Democrat vowing to help boys and men. In her State of the State address, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer shared plans to help boost young men's enrollment in higher education and skills training. And Connecticut Gov. Ned Lamont announced what he called 'a DEI initiative, which folks on both sides of the aisle may appreciate,' to get more men into teaching. The announcements come at a critical time. Researchers have argued that the widening gender gap reflects a crisis that, if not addressed, could push men toward extremism. And Democratic pollsters fret that if liberal politicians, in particular, do not address these issues, the party is at risk of losing more men to the GOP. 'When Trump talks about fixing the economy and being strong, they hear someone who gets it,' said John Della Volpe, director of polling at Harvard Kennedy School's Institute of Politics, and an adviser to Joe Biden's 2020 presidential campaign. 'That doesn't mean they trust him. But it does mean he's speaking to their reality in a way most Democrats aren't.' On the campaign trail, Kamala Harris often spoke about issues of importance to women, emphasizing reproductive rights, for instance, and paid family leave policies. But soul-searching over her loss has prompted Democrats to reach out more aggressively to men, by engaging more with sports, for instance, and looking for ways to make the party seem less 'uncool' to young voters. Shauna Daly, a Democratic strategist and co-founder of the Young Men Research Project, said candidates need to do more than show young men that they can hang. 'Where the Democratic Party has really fallen short with this cohort is that they don't feel like Democrats are fighting for them,' she said. They need policies like those the governors have proposed, Daly said, that address men's tangible problems. In every state, women earn more college degrees than men. Boys are more likely to be disciplined in class, and less likely to graduate high school on time than girls. Men die by suicide at higher rates than women and are more likely to rely on illicit drugs and alcohol. And while women increasingly participate in the workforce at higher rates, men have steadily dropped out of the labor market. The governors' speeches touched on many of these issues, and earned cautious applause from masculinity researchers, who said they reflected a promising shift. 'I think it's part of a growing recognition among Democrats that neglecting the problems of boys and men is neither good policy nor good politics,' said Richard Reeves, founder of the American Institute for Boys and Men, who has informally advised Moore's staff. 'If Democrats weren't thinking about male voters, and especially young male voters, then it would be a pretty serious dereliction of duty, looking at the polls.' In the past, Democrats might have been wary of targeting programs toward boys and men for fear of excluding girls. Whitmer seemed aware of this dynamic in her speech, when she followed her announcement about young men with a shoutout to women and a vow not to abandon her 'commitment to equal opportunity and dignity for everyone.' A handful of other states, including some run by Republican governors, have already launched initiatives targeting men in recent years. Utah established a task force that aims to help 'men and boys lead flourishing lives,' and North Dakota created the position of a men's health coordinator to study and raise awareness of disparities affecting men. Moore said he was partly inspired by his own experience growing up in the Bronx after his father passed. He has described how troubles in his youth — including a brush with the police for vandalism, skipping school and getting poor grades — led his mother to send him away to military school, which he credits with helping him straighten up. 'It is very personal for me, because I was one of those young men and boys that we're trying to reach,' he said. 'And I felt like so many of the conversations that were being had about me were not being had with me.' Moore will hold a cabinet meeting in April to discuss plans for the state agencies, but he has some initial goals: to encourage more men in his state to pursue jobs in education and health care, help boys within the juvenile justice system, and make sure he solicits input from boys and men on how the initiatives are designed. For Della Volpe, from the Harvard Kennedy School, the governors' announcements are encouraging. 'The truth is, young men are speaking,' he said. 'They've been telling us they want respect, opportunity, and strength. If Democrats don't listen — and act — they'll keep losing ground. But this moment offers hope.'
