Latest news with #YouthArmy
BBC News
3 days ago
- Politics
- BBC News
How Russians dey force Ukrainian children to love Russia
For occupied areas of eastern Ukraine, dem dey teach pikin early to love Russia. For one nursery school for Luhansk, ova 70 young children line up and hold one long black and orange Russia military banner for di shape of letter Z, wey be di symbol of Russia invasion of Ukraine. Across di city, seven small girls dey jump up and down and point to Russian flag to di song, "I am Russian" wey dey play from loudspeakers. Wen di music come stop, dem go shout to gada: "I be Russian." For one occupied town wey dem dey call Anthracite, nursery school pikin dem don make trench candles and blankets for Russian sojas. Na all part of one campaign wey no just wan erase Ukraine national identity, but also wan turn young Ukrainians against dia own kontri. To do dat wit children, you need teachers and many Ukrainian teachers don run, di goment for Moscow don dey offer lump amount of 2m roubles (£18,500) to Russian teachers wey like relocate to di occupied parts of Ukraine. Di biggest and most powerful Russian organisation wey get hand inside na Yunarmia (Youth Army). Dem dey linked wit di Russian defence ministry and dem dey accept members wey dey as young as eight years old. Dem dey work throughout Russia and now get branches for di occupied areas of Ukraine. Fidal Bikbulatov wey dey run di Yunarmia section for di occupied areas for di Zaporizhzhia region for south-east Ukraine. Bikbulatov bin dey deployed from Russia Bashkortostan wia e bin dey head di "Youth Guard" division of di ruling United Russia party. Education, military training dey part of how Russia dey indoctrinate Ukraine children Di EU don sanction Yunarmia and Bikbulatov gan-gan say dem dey "militarize Ukrainian pikin dem". Yunarmia also dey targeted by UK sanctions say dem dey part of Russia campaign to "brainwash" Ukrainian pikin dem. No be only Yunarmia dey rum am. Oda Russian sponsored organisations wey don enta include "Movement of di First Ones" and "Warrior", wey be network of centres for "di military and athletic training and patriotic education of young pipo" wey di orders of Russian President Vladimir Putin set up. Dis groups dey arrange competitions like di Zarnitsa games wey get im origin for di Soviet era wia dem dey make Ukrainian pikin dem to demonstrate "general military literacy, knowledge of Russian statehood and military history, firearms firing skills". As di pikin dem dey grow for dia schooling, dem dey teach dem in Russian, wit Russian curriculum and textbooks wey justify di Russia war against Ukraine. One of di books show Ukraine as Western invention wey dem create to spite Russia and argue say human civilisation for end if Russia no invade Ukraine for 2022. Lisa wey go school for occupied Donetsk say students dia bin dey forced to attend events wey celebrate Russia and di USSR. Lisa say, "wen dem bin dey prepare one kain parade. Me, my whole class and di whole of my year bin dey forced to go evri weekend, go train. We bin need to hold posters. I no fit say no, no be my choice. Dem tell me say I need to do am if I wan graduate". She add say, "evri time lessons start, our teachers go make us stand up put hand for chest and listen to di Russian anthem wey she also make us cram join." Lisa now dey stay for di US and don dey post her experiences for TikTok. Serving Russian sojas also get role for di campaign of indoctrination, say dem dey go schools to teach "bravery lessons". Dem dey glorify dia work for di war and show Ukrainian forces as violent, unruly neo-Nazis. Pavel Tropkin, wey be official for di ruling United Russia party wey no base for di occupied part of Kherson region tok say, dis teachings "na so di pikin dem go fit understand di objectives" of wetin di Kremlin dey call "di special military operation" for Ukraine. Outside school, dem dey carry Ukrainian children to go see specially organised exhibitions wey dey glorify Russia and di "special military operation". One centre wey dey run dis kain trips dey host exhibitions wey dem dey call "Russia - My History" and "Special Military Operation Heroes" for Melitopol for Zaporizhzhia region. Di trips no dey end dia. Di Kremlin don also launch one big campaign wey go carry Ukrainian pikin dem on tours to go Russia as part of efforts to ginger pro-Russian thinking. Russia culture minister, Olga Lyubimova claim say ova 20,000 pikin dem from di occupied Ukrainian territories go Russia for one programme wey dem dey call "4+85". According to Russian goment concert agency Rosconcert, wey dey run di programme, dem wan "join di new generations into di unified Russian society". But Russia "integration" campaign big pass just indoctrination. Thousands of Ukrainian children wey dem carry go Russia for di three years of di full scale war, dem no allow dem come back. Ukrainian goment say ova 19,000 Ukrainian children don dey deported by force to Russia. UK goment say say like 6,000 Ukrainian pikin na im dem don move to network of "re-education camps" for Russia. International humanitarian law ban activities like dis. For example, di Fourth Geneva Convention tok say occupying power no suppose enlist children "for formations or organizations subordinate to it" and say dem fit apply "no pressure or propaganda wey go aim to secure voluntary enlistment" of locals for occupied areas to join dia armed or auxiliary forces. For 2023, di ICC put out arrest warrant for President Putin and part of di reason na di unlawful deportation of children. Putin and im goment deny di charges. For dis war wey dem dey run for Ukraine, Russia no dey only come for territory, dem dey also try stamp diaselves for di pipo wey dey live for dia, no mata how young dem be.
BBC News
3 days ago
- Politics
- BBC News
Parades, flags and songs: The campaign to force Ukrainian children to love Russia
Being taught to love Russia starts early for children in occupied areas of eastern a nursery school in Luhansk, more than 70 youngsters line up holding a long black and orange Russian military banner in the shape of a letter Z, the symbol of Russia's invasion of the city, seven little girls jump up and down and gesture in front of a Russian flag to the brash song "I am Russian" that blares out of loudspeakers. When the music stops they shout out together: "I'm Russian."In an occupied town called Anthracite, nursery school children have made trench candles and blankets for Russian is all part of a campaign that seeks not only to erase Ukraine's national identity, but also turn young Ukrainians against their own do that with children you need teachers, and as many Ukrainian teachers have fled, the government in Moscow has begun offering lump-sums of 2m roubles (£18,500) to Russian teaching staff willing to relocate to occupied parts of biggest and most powerful Russian organisation involved with children is Yunarmia (Youth Army).Affiliated with the Russian defence ministry, it accepts members as young as eight. It operates across all of Russia, and now has branches in occupied areas of Ukraine."We're providing children with some basic skills which they'll find useful should they decide to join military service," says Fidail Bikbulatov, who runs Yunarmia's section in occupied areas of the Zaporizhzhia region in south-east was deployed from Russia's Bashkortostan, where he headed the "Youth Guard" division of the ruling United Russia party. The EU has sanctioned Yunarmia, and Bikbulatov personally, for "the militarisation of Ukrainian children". Yunarmia is also targeted by UK sanctions for being part of Russia's campaign of "brainwashing" Ukrainian is not alone. Other Russian state-sponsored organisations that have moved in include "Movement of the First Ones" and "Warrior", a network of centres for "the military and athletic training, and patriotic education of young people" set up on Russian President Vladimir Putin's groups organise competitions such as Zarnitsa games rooted in the Soviet era, where Ukrainian children are required to demonstrate "general military literacy, knowledge of Russian statehood and military history, firearms firing skills".As the children progress through the education system, they are taught in Russian, using the Russian curriculum and textbooks that justify Russia's war against such book portrays Ukraine as little more than a Western invention created to spite Russia, and argues that human civilisation would have possibly ended had Russia not invaded Ukraine in who attended a school in occupied Donetsk, says students there were forced to take part in events celebrating Russia and the USSR."When they were preparing a parade of some sort, I, the whole of my class and the whole of my year were forced to attend every weekend and train. We had to hold posters. I could not say no, it wasn't my choice. I was told I had to do it to graduate," Lisa says."Every time lessons started, our teacher made us stand up, put a hand on our hearts and listen to the Russian anthem, which she made us learn by heart, too."Lisa now lives in the US and has been posting about her experiences on TikTok. Serving Russian soldiers also play a role in the campaign of indoctrination, visiting schools to give so-called "bravery lessons". They glorify their exploits at war and depict Ukrainian forces as violent, unruly Tropkin, an official from the ruling United Russia party now based in the occupied part of Kherson region, says these lessons are held "so that children understand the objectives" of what the Kremlin calls "the special military operation" in school, Ukrainian children are taken to see specially organised exhibitions glorifying Russia and the "special military operation".One centre catering for such trips is hosting exhibitions called "Russia - My History" and "Special Military Operation Heroes" in Melitopol in Zaporizhzhia trips do not stop Kremlin has also launched a big campaign to take Ukrainian children on tours of Russia as part of efforts to instil pro-Russian culture minister Olga Lyubimova claims that more than 20,000 children from occupied Ukrainian territories have been taken to Russia under one programme alone, called "4+85". According to the Russian government's concert agency Rosconcert, which runs the programme, it seeks to "integrate the new generation into a unified Russian society".However, Russia's "integration" campaign goes far beyond of Ukrainian children taken to Russia during the three years of the full-scale invasion have not been allowed to to the Ukrainian government, more than 19,000 Ukrainian children have been forcibly deported to Russia. The UK government estimates that some 6,000 Ukrainian children have been relocated to a network of "re-education camps" in humanitarian law bans activities like this. For example, the Fourth Geneva Convention says that an occupying power may not enlist children "in formations or organizations subordinate to it" and that it may apply "no pressure or propaganda which aims at securing voluntary enlistment" of locals in occupied areas into its armed or auxiliary 2023, the ICC issued an arrest warrant for President Putin, in part for the unlawful deportation of children. Putin and his government deny the its war on Ukraine, Russia is not only after territory. It is also trying to put its stamp on the people who live there, no matter how young they are.
Russia Today
09-05-2025
- Automotive
- Russia Today
From battlefield to Red Square: Russia's parade weaponry explained
This year's Victory Day parade was quite a spectacle – grander and more impressive than ever. Thousands of service members marched in perfect unison across Red Square's cobblestones, a display of discipline, precision, and national pride. On foot, the parade featured Russian Honor Guard units from all three branches of the armed forces, cadets from the Suvorov Military School and the Nakhimov Naval School, military academy trainees, ground troops, National Guard units, Emergency Ministry cadets, and members of the Youth Army. Joining the celebration in a solemn show of camaraderie were marching contingents from Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan. Representing allied nations were cadets from Vietnam's First Army Academy, Egypt's military police, the Chinese People's Liberation Army honor guard, troops from Laos, and ceremonial units from Myanmar's Armed Forces. As always, the real showstopper was the military hardware. RT takes a closer look at the equipment that took center stage on Red Square this year, and how it's being used on the battlefield. In modern warfare, mobility and protection are everything – and the Tigr-M armored vehicle delivers both. One of the most widely used platforms in the Russian Armed Forces today, the Tigr-M blends firepower, armor, and agility into a rugged infantry transport vehicle. Developed by the Military Industrial Company, it features enhanced class 5 ballistic protection capable of withstanding 7.62mm armor-piercing rounds, reinforced anti-mine shielding rated for blasts up to 2kg of TNT, and a stronger frame with improved suspension. Its steel-and-ceramic composite chassis strikes a balance between durability and weight. Under the hood, the Tigr-M is powered by a 215-horsepower turbo diesel engine, reaching speeds up to 120kph and offering a range of 1,000km. It can haul up to 1,500kg and carries a crew of two, plus eight passengers. But versatility is where the Tigr-M truly shines. It comes in multiple variants, including reconnaissance platforms with advanced optics, turret-mounted gun systems like the 12.7mm Kord or 30mm grenade launchers, medical evacuation models, and command vehicles outfitted with comms gear. Widely deployed in the Special Military Operation, the Tigr-M has become a cornerstone of Russia's modern combat force. Whether rolling through Donbass or the Syrian Desert, the VPK-Ural armored truck is a battlefield workhorse. These aren't just troop carriers – they're combat-grade logistics vehicles designed to deliver artillery, supplies, and personnel, even under fire. The cab is reinforced to withstand hits from 12.7mm rounds, and the chassis is optimized to handle mine blasts. Equipped with a 600-horsepower diesel engine, the VPK-Ural excels off-road while carrying heavy loads. It is engineered to operate in extreme temperatures ranging from -45°C to +55°C, and is built to go the distance – up to 500,000km without requiring an overhaul. Built for life-saving missions on the front line, the ZSA-UK Linza is a high-mobility armored medevac vehicle designed to evacuate wounded soldiers quickly and safely. Based on the KamAZ-53949 Typhoon-K 4×4 platform, the Linza offers ballistic protection against 7.62mm armor-piercing rounds and a hull capable of absorbing mine blasts of up to 6kg of TNT. Inside, there's room for four stretchers or six seated casualties, plus a full suite of emergency medical gear, climate control, and onboard life support systems. The Linza can hit speeds of 100kph and has a range of up to 1,200km, making it a critical link in frontline medical support. Nicknamed the 'aircraft killer' and 'guardian of the skies', Russia's S-400 Triumf is one of the most advanced air defense systems in existence. Its radar can spot hostile aircraft or missiles up to 400km away, tracking threats at altitudes from five meters to 30km. The long-range 40N6 missile can target both aircraft and ballistic missiles, and the system's total engagement envelope allows it to intercept objects traveling at speeds up to 4.8km per second. With the ability to simultaneously track and engage up to 36 targets, the S-400 has proven particularly effective in intercepting US-supplied ATACMS missiles in Ukraine. Its 360-degree strike capability stands in stark contrast to the sector-limited targeting of the American Patriot system. Mounted on mobile BAZ and MZKT platforms, the S-400 can deploy in minutes. It is currently used by several international partners, including China, India, Türkiye, and Algeria – a testament to its global reputation as a formidable shield against aerial threats. Russia's Tornado-S multiple launch rocket system is the modern replacement for the iconic Smerch. Designed for both wide-area saturation and pinpoint strikes, it bridges the gap between traditional rocket artillery and precision-guided munitions. With a range of up to 120km, the Tornado-S fires guided rockets equipped with inertial navigation and satellite correction, achieving an impressive accuracy of 5-7 meters. A single volley can blanket 40 hectares, while its arsenal includes high-explosive fragmentation rounds, cluster munitions, and thermobaric warheads – tailored to engage everything from entrenched infantry to light armor and hardened bunkers. Tornado-S systems are mounted on high-mobility platforms developed by the Minsk Automobile Plant and can be deployed in under three minutes by a three-man crew. Equipped with advanced targeting, navigation, and fire control systems, the Tornado-S marks a leap forward in Russian artillery – shifting from area bombardment to precision battlefield engagement. The 2S43 Malva and 2S44 Hyacinth-K are wheeled artillery platforms based on the BAZ-6010-027 8x8 chassis, designed for mobile fire support. Both systems offer speeds up to 80kph and a range of 1,000km. The Malva mounts a 152mm 2A64 howitzer with a firing range of up to 29km, while the Hyacinth-K uses the longer-range 2A36 gun, reaching 40km with rocket-assisted shells. Each system carries 30 rounds and can fire 5-6 rounds per minute. With modern targeting and mobility, these howitzers offer a fast, flexible artillery solution for 21st-century TOS-2 Tosochka is Russia's latest heavy flamethrower system, replacing the iconic TOS-1A. Built on a wheeled Ural chassis for better mobility, it launches thermobaric munitions capable of devastating enemy fortifications and personnel. Featuring automated targeting, smoke screen generators, and laser warning sensors, the Tosochka integrates firepower and protection. Its launcher carries 18 tubes for thermobaric rockets – highly effective in suppressing enemy positions and supporting infantry advances. The Iskander-M (9K720) is a top-tier operational-tactical missile system, designed for quick, precise strikes against high-value targets. Capable of launching both cruise and ballistic missiles, it has an operational range of up to 500km. The system works in concert with reconnaissance and targeting assets, enabling near-instantaneous retaliation against enemy forces. Iskander-M units have expanded their role to include maritime strike capabilities and have taken part in exercises involving simulated nuclear payloads. All system components are mobile: The launcher and reloading units are mounted on MZKT-7930 chassis, while support vehicles use KamAZ platforms. The Iskander-M ensures rapid response and strategic deterrence – anytime, anywhere. The Yars ICBM is a symbol of strategic deterrence and technological dominance. Mounted on the MZKT-79221 eight-axle chassis, this road-mobile missile system is designed for constant movement across vast deployment zones, rendering it hard to track or target. The Yars carries a MIRV (multiple independently targetable reentry vehicle) warhead capable of delivering three to six thermonuclear payloads with pinpoint accuracy – down to 150 meters at distances of up to 12,000km. Designed for rapid launch from virtually any position, Yars units form the core of Russia's nuclear shield. Over 200 have been deployed across mobile and silo-based platforms, serving as a stark reminder that strategic deterrence remains alive and well. The BTR-82A is a thoroughly modernized iteration of the Soviet-era BTR-80 and now serves as the primary wheeled APC of the Russian military. It integrates a modern combat module featuring a stabilized 30mm 2A72 automatic cannon and a coaxial 7.62mm PKTM machine gun. The fire control system allows for accurate targeting on the move, while improved armor resists 12.7mm projectiles and mine blasts. Powered by a 300-horsepower KamAZ engine, the BTR-82A can reach speeds of 80kph on roads and 10kph in water. It is amphibious, fully enclosed, and fitted with fire suppression and anti-drone countermeasures. With seating for a three-man crew and seven troops, the BTR-82A is used across infantry, marine, and recon units, proving its worth in modern conflict. Tailored for Russia's elite Airborne Forces, the BTR-MD Rakushka merges high mobility with robust armor in a lightweight frame. Made from aluminum alloys with ceramic inserts, it offers protection from 12.7mm rounds and mine blasts. Its V-shaped hull and WMD shielding make it adaptable for CBRN environments. Despite weighing just 13.2 tons, the Rakushka fits two crew and 13 paratroopers. It's powered by a 450-horsepower diesel engine, hits 71kph on the highway, and is fully amphibious. It can be airdropped from Il-76 or An-124 transport aircraft and carried by Mi-26 helicopters. Armed with two 7.62mm machine guns, it is designed for mobility and rapid deployment in high-risk airborne operations. The BMP-1AM Basurmanin breathes new life into a Cold War-era classic. Retrofitted with modern armor, fire suppression systems, and a new BPU-1 combat module, the vehicle now boasts a 30mm 2A72 autocannon and 7.62mm machine gun, with optional Kornet ATGMs. Powered by a 300-horsepower UTD-20S1 diesel engine, it maintains highway speeds of 65kph and is fully amphibious. With a range of 600km, it's a cost-effective upgrade option for countries still operating older BMP-1s. The Basurmanin's modernization makes it relevant in today's mechanized battlefield. The BMP B-11, based on the Kurganets-25 platform, is a new-generation infantry fighting vehicle built for Russia's motorized units. It features a powerful 57mm 2A94 cannon, capable of destroying most modern armored targets, complemented by a 7.62mm PKTM machine gun and four Kornet-D ATGMs. Its modular armor can withstand 30mm rounds, with optional reactive armor and the Arena-M active protection system for added survivability. The vehicle carries a crew of three and eight troops, powered by an 800-hp diesel engine with amphibious capability. The B-11 integrates advanced targeting systems and networked communications, allowing it to operate as part of an integrated digital battlefield – marking a leap in Russia's IFV design. The T-90M Proryv represents the latest evolution of the T-90 series, merging legacy design with cutting-edge upgrades. It is equipped with Relikt reactive armor, composite plating, and internal Kevlar lining. Ammunition is stored in isolated compartments with blow-off panels to enhance crew survivability. Armed with a 125mm 2A46M-5 smoothbore gun and capable of firing Refleks-M guided missiles, the T-90M also sports coaxial and turret-mounted machine guns. It is powered by a 1,130-horsepower V-92S2F engine, hitting 70kph on the road with a range of 550km. A digital fire control system, panoramic sights, and thermal imaging enable effective combat in any condition. Proven on the battlefield, the T-90M is now the backbone of Russia's modern armored fleet. The Lancet drone is a game-changer in Russia's drone warfare strategy. Designed as a kamikaze UAV, it targets vehicles, fortifications, and air defenses with precision. The Lancet comes in two versions: The lighter Product-52 with a 1-3kg warhead and 40km range, and the heavier Product-51 with a 3-5kg warhead and up to 60km range. Launched via catapult, it features an X-wing design, electric motor, and electro-optical guidance. With a flight time of 30-40 minutes, it has proven highly effective against armored and air defense systems in Ukraine. The Garpiya-1 is a short-range strike drone with a 100km range, optimized for suppressing enemy radar and SAM sites. In contrast, the Geran-2 has a strategic reach of up to 1,500km and carries a 40+ kg warhead – ideal for long-range strikes on critical infrastructure. Both drones are piston-powered with low radar signatures and are often launched in swarms at low altitudes to overwhelm defenses. Together, they form a layered drone strike capability – disrupting air defenses and executing deep strikes with high precision.
Khaleej Times
17-02-2025
- Politics
- Khaleej Times
Berets, boots and flags: Russia teaches young children to revere army
On a small stage in a school outside Moscow, a masked soldier presented Ivan with an army flag, a thank you gift signed by Russian troops fighting in Ukraine to the seven-year-old who has sent dozens of letters and gifts to them. Encouraged by his mother, Ivan has offered words of support and praise for those taking part in what the Kremlin calls its "special military operation". Such events have become common as the Kremlin rallies its youngest citizens to support the initiative and embeds its narratives on the conflict into the curriculum. Thousands like Ivan learn from new history books that justify the Ukraine operation as the latest in a string of successful Russian and Soviet campaigns to defend the motherland. Instilling patriotism in the classroom is just one strand of President Vladimir Putin's wider attempt to elevate the status of the military and champion soldiers and veterans as the country's new elite. "Children, right from the youngest age, need to learn that they have a duty to protect themselves, their family and their nation," Ivan's mother Alyona Ilyina told AFP. At the school, the masked former Wagner group fighter, codenamed "Raven", posed with Ivan on stage for a photo. His comrade, Yuri, a 39-year old soldier back from a mission near the Ukrainian city of Bakhmut, said he fixed the letters to the walls of his shelter near the front. "They were like icons for us," he said. Russian children are also being encouraged to join pro-military youth movements, a throwback to the days of the USSR. Ivan's school in Istra has set up a small museum displaying objects that belonged to Soviet soldiers in World War II alongside some from those now fighting in Ukraine -- including helmets riddled with bullet holes. Around 20 of the 300 pupils, aged between seven and 18, have joined a group called the "Youth Army" — which says it has 1.7 million members nationwide. "I explain to our children the essence of the ongoing conflict, why it started, that it was an unavoidable decision of our president," said Tatiana Kalugina, a music and art teacher who chairs the Youth Army's Istra branch. Putin has long framed the conflict as an existential battle against Ukrainian "neo-Nazis", drawing parallels with the Soviet Union's fight against Adolf Hitler's Germany in World War II. Kyiv and the West reject that narrative, saying Russia wants to conquer and subjugate Ukraine. The Youth Army's agenda covers everything from sports competitions to how to handle a Kalashnikov rifle. "The motivation for parents... is that the child is disciplined," Kalugina said. They learn "what an order is" and how to be "responsible" towards their comrades, she added. The Kremlin launched its drive to bring its messages on the Ukraine conflict into schools in 2022, with a programme of special lessons, called "Important Conversations". Those efforts have become more systematic as the fighting moves towards its fourth year. In a new textbook on Russia's military history for 16 to 17 year-olds, a section on the "special military operation" says it was launched to "defend the population of the Donbas". Kyiv rejects that claim. Alexei, 16, is another young Russian who supports the Russian army. "It was a blow for the whole country initially, but then somehow the whole country rose up, realised that we have to help," he said, dressed in the movement's uniform: beige military trousers, boots and a red beret. Still, the teenager — who at one point wanted to be a soldier, but now plans to start a career in construction — wants the fighting to stop. "I really hope it will end always was, is, and will be bad," he said. Speculation over a ceasefire has shot up the agenda since Donald Trump's election victory in the United States last year. Kalugina from the Youth Army said she was encouraged by the recent talks between Putin and Trump. "Every Russian mother and I think, every Ukrainian mother, supports these negotiations. Everybody is tired of this war. How many people have been killed?" she said. "No mother gives birth to her child to put a weapon in his hands."
