Latest news with #Zanu-PF
Yahoo
27-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Anger as Zimbabwe leader okays new radio levy for motorists
Zimbabwe's President Emmerson Mnangagwa has signed into law a contentious bill that requires all motorists to buy a radio licence before acquiring vehicle insurance. There has been an outcry from some motorists as they will now have to pay $92 (£68) annually in order to listen to the radio in their vehicles. The introduction of the measure is part of a plan to widen revenue sources for the state broadcaster but critics say the licence fee is too high, especially given the difficult economic situation. Leading opposition figure Nelson Chamisa said the new law was "too draconian, anti-citizens and outrightly heartless". Responding to motorists' concerns on social media, Nick Mangwana, a senior official in the ministry of information, said the new law was "necessary" and "fair". There are about 1.2 million registered cars in the country but only 800,000 of them pay insurance, according to local media. The loss-making Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) relies for income on the licence fee as well as government grants, It also generates some revenue through advertising. A man called Bombshell fires up Zimbabwe's succession battle The Zimbabwean agitator unfazed by serial arrests But the broadcaster is struggling to make people pay for their TV and radio licences. Critics have been calling for the scrapping of the fee, accusing ZBC of biased coverage in favour of the governing Zanu-PF. The opposition has complained of unfair coverage by the broadcaster, especially during elections. ZBC has denied the accusation. Under the new Broadcasting Services Amendment Act, all motorists must now pay the radio licence fee before they can renew their vehicle insurance or obtain a licence from the Zimbabwe National Road Authority (Zinara). The changes, which were recently approved by parliament, pegs the fee at $23 per quarter, amounting to $92 per year. However, ZBC can grant exemptions to those who qualify, including tourists visiting the country. But the new amendment aims to eliminate loopholes and boost compliance with the requirement to have a licence. It prohibits all motor insurance companies from selling their products to motorists who do not hold a valid ZBC radio licence, unless they have a ZBC exemption certificate or the vehicle being insured does not have a radio receiver. But the law has drawn sharp criticism from motorists and opposition groups, terming it a burden on taxpayers. "Citizens are being pauperized left, right and centre, why does the citizenry of this country deserve so uncaring & heartless a leadership?" Chamisa posted on X. Another X user described the measure as an "unjust assault on motorists". Under-fire Zimbabwe president names new army chief The bones that haunt Zimbabwe Zimbabwe's 'crocodile' who wants another bite Is Zimbabwe extending an olive branch to its white farmers?
Daily Maverick
12-05-2025
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
When bail becomes a ‘victory' – Zimbabwe's dangerous war on journalism continues
Zimbabwe's government, under Emmerson Mnangagwa, has steadily intensified its crackdown on dissent. Far from the reformist image he attempted to project after long-serving former president Robert Mugabe's unceremonious 2017 ouster, Mnangagwa has led a regime characterised by the weaponisation of law, suppression of opposition, and an unrelenting assault on press freedom. Coming as it did, just three days after the World Press Freedom Day commemorations, the recent granting of bail to Zimbabwean investigative journalist Blessed Mhlanga should not be mistaken for a shift towards a more tolerant regime that is beginning to embrace democratic norms of a free press, justice or judicial independence. Rather, it is likely a begrudging concession to local and international pressure by a regime bent on cowing journalists, and crushing any form of dissent and freedom of expression. It could even be an act sanctioned by an administration that believes that Mhlanga's long and unjustified incarceration has served its purpose of sufficiently intimidating other journalists and showing them the fate that awaits them should they ever diligently exercise their duties of covering and giving a platform to dissenting voices. Mhlanga was arrested on 24 February 2025 and detained for a staggering 72 days. His supposed crime? Broadcasting his interview with ruling Zanu-PF party Central Committee member and war veteran Blessed Geza, who excoriated President Emmerson Mnangagwa for alleged corruption and gross violation of the constitution, and demanded his resignation. For simply giving a platform to dissenting views — a cornerstone of journalistic duty — Mhlanga was charged under the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act for allegedly 'inciting violence'. His case was investigated not just by the regular police, but by the Counter-Terrorism Unit — a worrisome escalation that reveals the paranoid Zimbabwean government's dangerous conflation of journalism with terrorism. Why this is important The context of his arrest is essential. Zimbabwe's government, under Mnangagwa, has steadily intensified its crackdown on dissent. Far from the reformist image he attempted to project after long-serving former president Robert Mugabe's unceremonious 2017 ouster, Mnangagwa has led a regime characterised by the weaponisation of law, suppression of opposition, and an unrelenting assault on press freedom. Mhlanga is just the latest in a long line of journalists subjected to arbitrary arrest, surveillance, physical attacks, and harassment. There is no reason to believe he will be the last. It took three separate court appearances before Mhlanga was finally granted bail on 6 May 2025 by High Court Judge Gibson Mandaza. In arriving at his decision, Justice Mandaza cited 'changed circumstances', including the completion of the docket against Mhlanga and the passage of time. Yet these factors existed or were foreseeable from the beginning. Why, then, was bail denied repeatedly beforehand? Why did the courts parrot state claims that his release would 'undermine peace and security' or lead to 'witness interference'? The judiciary's role in Zimbabwe is increasingly controversial and suspect. Courts are supposed to be independent of other arms of the state. They ought to be bastions of justice and constitutional order. Yet many Zimbabweans now believe that they appear instead to operate as extensions of the executive. The opacity surrounding their decisions — especially in politically charged cases — erodes public trust. In Mhlanga's case, the lack of substantive reasoning behind both the initial bail denials and the eventual approval fuels suspicions of political interference. The timing of the bail, just three days after World Press Freedom Day commemorations, also suggests the regime and the courts may have bowed to rising international condemnation and local civil society pressure. Abnormality of Zimbabwe's political environment That Zimbabweans and press freedom advocates around the world must breathe a collective sigh of relief over bail being granted is a testament to the debasement and abnormality of Zimbabwe's legal and political environment. In any functioning democracy, bail is not a privilege to be celebrated — rather, it is a constitutional right. But under Mnangagwa, Zimbabwe has been reduced to a country where even basic liberties are luxuries dispensed by the state in dribs and drabs, very much like the state and its cronies distribute educational opportunities, farming inputs, healthcare and other essential services to a few chosen bootlickers. Mhlanga is out on bail, but we remain very far from a resolution. This is because the unwarranted charges against him remain in place. The sword still dangles, and the chilling message to other journalists remains the same — do your job at your peril. The broader climate of fear, persecution and repression of journalists, human rights activists and ordinary citizens persists. The government is not showing any signs of repenting from its nefarious agenda to frame independent journalism as a national security threat. By deploying the Counter-Terrorism Unit in Mhlanga's case, the state sent a loud signal that it no longer distinguishes between terrorism and journalism. This dangerous narrative undermines press freedom and the public's right to information and democratic participation. Mhlanga's ordeal fits into a broader pattern. Laws such as the Patriotic Act, the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act, and various provisions of the Criminal Law Act are frequently deployed not to maintain order, but to sanitise the persecution of real and imagined dissenters. Unsurprisingly, Zimbabwe has become a nation wherein fear suppresses truth, and repression is enforced through a veneer of legality. Palpable irony In all the regime's machinations, there remains a palpable irony that cannot be ignored. Not too long ago, Mnangagwa immensely benefited from a courageous press. When he fell out of favour with Mugabe in 2017, it was the independent media — including Mhlanga — that provided him with a platform to air his views and remain politically relevant. Today, having entrenched himself in power, he has turned against the very institutions that once stood by him. This self-inflicted amnesia shows a leader and a government that is unwilling to tolerate accountability. Mhlanga may be out of jail for now, but ordinary Zimbabweans, civil society, and media watchdogs must not allow themselves to be placated by this 'victory'. Bail is not freedom. The charges against Mhlanga remain, and they should not. There is no legitimate case to answer. Journalism is not a crime. Conducting interviews is not terrorism. Asking difficult questions or broadcasting dissenting views is not a sedition. To allow these charges to stand is to endorse the regime's dangerous narrative that independent journalism is a threat to national security. We must remain vigilant because it is Not Yet Uhuru. We must continue the fight for justice. True justice will only be served when the charges against Mhlanga are dropped unconditionally. True justice will only be served when journalists can operate without fear of persecution, and when the legal system upholds its duty to protect, rather than punish, those who seek to inform the public. DM
Daily Maverick
11-05-2025
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
When bail becomes a ‘victory': Zimbabwe's dangerous war on journalism continues
Coming as it did, just three days after the World Press Freedom Day commemorations, the recent granting of bail to Zimbabwean investigative journalist Blessed Mhlanga should not be mistaken for a shift towards a more tolerant regime that is beginning to embrace democratic norms of a free press, justice or judicial independence. Rather, it is likely a begrudging concession to local and international pressure by a regime bent on cowing journalists, and crushing any form of dissent and freedom of expression. It could even be an act sanctioned by an administration that believes that Mhlanga's long and unjustified incarceration has served its purpose of sufficiently intimidating other journalists and showing them the fate that awaits them should they ever diligently exercise their duties of covering and giving a platform to dissenting voices. Mhlanga was arrested on 24 February 2025 and detained for a staggering 72 days. His supposed crime? Broadcasting his interview with ruling Zanu-PF party Central Committee member and war veteran Blessed Geza, who excoriated President Emmerson Mnangagwa for alleged corruption and gross violation of the constitution, and demanded his resignation. For simply giving a platform to dissenting views — a cornerstone of journalistic duty — Mhlanga was charged under the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act for allegedly 'inciting violence'. His case was investigated not just by the regular police, but by the Counter-Terrorism Unit — a worrisome escalation that reveals the paranoid Zimbabwean government's dangerous conflation of journalism with terrorism. Why this is important The context of his arrest is essential. Zimbabwe's government, under Mnangagwa, has steadily intensified its crackdown on dissent. Far from the reformist image he attempted to project after long-serving former president Robert Mugabe's unceremonious 2017 ouster, Mnangagwa has led a regime characterised by the weaponisation of law, suppression of opposition, and an unrelenting assault on press freedom. Mhlanga is just the latest in a long line of journalists subjected to arbitrary arrest, surveillance, physical attacks, and harassment. There is no reason to believe he will be the last. It took three separate court appearances before Mhlanga was finally granted bail on Tuesday, 6 May 2025 by High Court Judge Gibson Mandaza. In arriving at his decision, Justice Mandaza cited 'changed circumstances', including the completion of the docket against Mhlanga and the passage of time. Yet these factors existed or were foreseeable from the beginning. Why, then, was bail denied repeatedly beforehand? Why did the courts parrot state claims that his release would 'undermine peace and security' or lead to 'witness interference'? The judiciary's role in Zimbabwe is increasingly controversial and suspect. Courts are supposed to be independent of other arms of the state. They ought to be bastions of justice and constitutional order. Yet many Zimbabweans now believe that they appear instead to operate as extensions of the executive. The opacity surrounding their decisions — especially in politically charged cases — erodes public trust. In Mhlanga's case, the lack of substantive reasoning behind both the initial bail denials and the eventual approval fuels suspicions of political interference. The timing of the bail, just three days after World Press Freedom Day commemorations, also suggests the regime and the courts may have bowed to rising international condemnation and local civil society pressure. Abnormality of Zimbabwe's political environment That Zimbabweans and press freedom advocates around the world must breathe a collective sigh of relief over bail being granted is a testament to the debasement and abnormality of Zimbabwe's legal and political environment. In any functioning democracy, bail is not a privilege to be celebrated — rather, it is a constitutional right. But under Mnangagwa, Zimbabwe has been reduced to a country where even basic liberties are luxuries dispensed by the state in dribs and drabs, very much like the state and its cronies distribute educational opportunities, farming inputs, healthcare and other essential services to a few chosen bootlickers. Mhlanga is out on bail, but we remain very far from a resolution. This is because the unwarranted charges against him remain in place. The sword still dangles, and the chilling message to other journalists remains the same — do your job at your peril. The broader climate of fear, persecution and repression of journalists, human rights activists and ordinary citizens persists. The government is not showing any signs of repenting from its nefarious agenda to frame independent journalism as a national security threat. By deploying the Counter-Terrorism Unit in Mhlanga's case, the state sent a loud signal that it no longer distinguishes between terrorism and journalism. This dangerous narrative undermines press freedom and the public's right to information and democratic participation. Mhlanga's ordeal fits into a broader pattern. Laws such as the Patriotic Act, the Maintenance of Peace and Order Act, and various provisions of the Criminal Law Act are frequently deployed not to maintain order, but to sanitise the persecution of real and imagined dissenters. Unsurprisingly, Zimbabwe has become a nation wherein fear suppresses truth, and repression is enforced through a veneer of legality. Palpable irony In all the regime's machinations, there remains a palpable irony that cannot be ignored. Not too long ago, Mnangagwa immensely benefited from a courageous press. When he fell out of favour with Mugabe in 2017, it was the independent media — including Mhlanga — that provided him with a platform to air his views and remain politically relevant. Today, having entrenched himself in power, he has turned against the very institutions that once stood by him. This self-inflicted amnesia shows a leader and a government that is unwilling to tolerate accountability. Mhlanga may be out of jail for now, but ordinary Zimbabweans, civil society, and media watchdogs must not allow themselves to be placated by this 'victory'. Bail is not freedom. The charges against Mhlanga remain, and they should not. There is no legitimate case to answer. Journalism is not a crime. Conducting interviews is not terrorism. Asking difficult questions or broadcasting dissenting views is not a sedition. To allow these charges to stand is to endorse the regime's dangerous narrative that independent journalism is a threat to national security. We must remain vigilant because it is Not Yet Uhuru. We must continue the fight for justice. True justice will only be served when the charges against Mhlanga are dropped unconditionally. True justice will only be served when journalists can operate without fear of persecution, and when the legal system upholds its duty to protect, rather than punish, those who seek to inform the public. DM
The Citizen
24-04-2025
- Politics
- The Citizen
Zim on the brink: Analysts warn of political implosion and economic collapse
With Mnangagwa accused of clinging to power and the opposition in tatters, Zimbabwe's future looks increasingly bleak. As Zimbabwe's socioeconomic crisis deepens, analysts warned this week that the country may be heading for an implosion. According to Harare-based human rights lawyer Thulani Mzala, the mineral and tobacco-rich middle-income country has been hit by 'multifaceted problems'. These include political repression, economic collapse and institutional decay, with President Emmerson Mnangagwa seeking to extend his rule to 2030. In addition scores of human rights activists are in jail, medicines and bed linen are scarce in most hospitals, leading to dysfunctional health care and prisons are running out of food. Zanu-PF factionalism and opposition collapse Despite stability hinging on political parties, including the ruling Zanu-PF, commencing negotiations, Mzala said a collapse in the Zimbabwean opposition and the factionalism plaguing the governing party remained among the 'negative factors'. 'The collapse of the Zimbabwean opposition can be traced to infiltration by Zanu-PF and Central Intelligence Organisation agents. 'Another factor is the infighting within Zanu-PF, with Vice-President General Constantino Chiwenga, who led the military coup to oust former president Robert Mugabe, at loggerheads with Mnangagwa over the extension of his term of office to 2030. ALSO READ: 'Help bring us home' – Zimbabwean permit holders say life in SA has become intolerable Power struggles and military response fears 'There has been a document circulating that is expected to go to Cabinet for the approval of the extension of Mnangagwa term. The document will thereafter move to parliament, with MPs expected to vote in favour of extending the president's term to 2030,' said Mzala. He described the Zimbabwean situation as 'very tense amid a standoff between Mnangagwa and expelled Zanu-PF central committee member Blessed Geza. 'Geza has been mobilising mass demonstrations and stayaways. He calls the president corrupt and says he is butchering the constitution in wanting to extend his term. No-one knows what is going to happen due to Zanu-PF internal factionalism. Whether Chiwenga still has support in the military remains to be seen amid talk of a military takeover. 'But the president seems to be in control of the military.' 'Not interested in democracy' Political analysts Dale McKinley and Sandile Swana said Zimbabwe was far from the restoration of normality Said McKinley: 'Zimbabwe is in a deep, structural, political, economic and social crisis. 'At heart of it is Zanu-PF, which runs the government and the military that supports it, and is not interested in democracy. 'They are interested in maintaining power at all costs, with the economic crisis going on for the past 20 years in varying degrees – irrespective of the removal of Mugabe. 'The predatory elite use the state – a vampire state trying to suck out everything. It will take a social and political revolution in Zimbabwe to change the status quo – people rising up, combined with pressure from outside.' ALSO READ: Meet the ageing war veteran standing up to Zimbabwe's president 'The crisis will continue' under Zanu-PF Swana said: 'The crisis will continue for as long as Zanu-PF does not want to share power. The Zimbabwean intelligentsia do not recognise the continuing role of Zanu-PF and President Mnangagwa. 'Normality in Zimbabwe will come when Zimbabweans agree among themselves that Zanu-PF does not have the right to lead Zimbabwe. 'For as long as the crisis exists, Zimbabweans will live in Botswana, South Africa and other neighbouring countries because the Zimbabwe economy is terrible.' He said the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) leaders 'have been mutually protecting each other'. 'Those like Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, who criticised the arrangement with Zimbabwe, have been ridiculed by SADC members for likening Zimbabwe to the Titanic sinking. Citizen participation Prof Zwelinzima Ndevu, a public leadership expert from the University of Stellenbosch, urged Zimbabweans to 'play a more active role in the country's affairs'. 'Elections failed to produce the desired outcome, with change in leadership not achieved. There is a need for an impact-driven grassroots movement to focus beyond politics on the general wellbeing of people.' NOW READ: Zimbabwean man killed in brutal hit-and-run in Rivonia
The Citizen
24-04-2025
- Politics
- The Citizen
Why the Zimbabwe disaster matters to South Africa
South Africa cannot afford to ignore Zimbabwe's freefall into economic and social ruin, not with the border under pressure and our moral credibility in tatters. There may be those who, reading our story today about Zimbabwe sliding further into collapse and poverty – while the Zanu-PF government still wields the stick of oppression – might say: why should we care? And, certainly, today's reporting is difficult to distinguish from that of the last 20 years about our northern neighbour, other than that the disaster appears to be getting worse. That means that we can expect even more illegals to flood across our border, seeking not merely that cliched better life, but survival as their country retreats to a pre-industrial era. For that reason alone, we should care. Likewise, this also concerns us because our government has allowed this tragedy to happen on our doorstep without doing anything to stop it. ALSO READ: Meet the ageing war veteran standing up to Zimbabwe's president From the time Thabo Mbeki's government looked the other way when then president Robert Mugabe stole elections in the 2000s, our ANC leaders have been reluctant to air even the mildest criticism about the regime in Harare. The reason is clear: any criticism of African leaders plays into the hands of the colonialists… and we will never be colonised again. That is utter rubbish. Unless Africans can call out other Africans for despotic behaviour, this continent has no future.
