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Kyodo News
2 days ago
- Business
- Kyodo News
FOCUS: South Korea's Lee to seek stable ties with Japan amid uncertainties
By Keita Nakamura, KYODO NEWS - 9 minutes ago - 23:51 | World, All South Korea's newly elected liberal president, Lee Jae Myung, is likely to pursue stable ties with Japan at least early in his tenure, avoiding a hardline stance as the two countries navigate regional security challenges and uncertainties triggered by the policies of U.S. President Donald Trump. Still, the risk of flareups over issues tied to Japan's colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula lingers, given Lee's past anti-Japan rhetoric and the approaching 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, which could reignite debate over Japan's view of its history. To strengthen bilateral ties, Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba should move quickly to build personal trust with Lee through summit talks, foreign policy experts say, noting that this would also help maintain trilateral cooperation with the United States amid North Korea's nuclear and missile threats and China's regional assertiveness. Following Tuesday's snap presidential election, Lee, 60, will take over from conservative leader Yoon Suk Yeol, who was impeached and ousted over his short-lived martial law declaration in December. He will become the first South Korean president from the progressive camp in three years since Moon Jae In. Under Moon, ties between the two Asian neighbors sank to their lowest point in decades, largely over issues such as wartime labor compensation and the treatment of "comfort women" forced to work in Japanese military brothels. Japanese experts on South Korean affairs are skeptical that ties will immediately unravel once Lee enters the Blue House, with Junya Nishino, a political science professor at Keio University, citing the "current severe international affairs" that require close collaboration between the two nations. "Just because an administration is liberal does not mean it is anti-Japanese," he said. After narrowly losing to Yoon in the 2022 presidential election, Lee grew increasingly critical of Japan, as the conservative president made significant strides to improve frosty bilateral ties, deepened cooperation with key ally the United States and worked to expand three-way collaboration. Later in 2022, Lee, then leader of the main opposition Democratic Party, called for the cancellation of a joint defense drill involving U.S., South Korean, and Japanese forces, arguing that the exercises would help Japan become a "military power" despite being a "country that ruled South Korea by force" and having "not offered a sincere apology" over historical issues. In 2023, Lee escalated his criticism of Japan, likening its discharge of treated radioactive wastewater from the crippled Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant to an "act of terror" reminiscent of its imperialist actions during the Pacific War. But he toned down such remarks after Yoon's martial law turmoil thrust him into the spotlight as a leading presidential contender. In foreign policy and national security pledges announced just over a week before the presidential election, Lee acknowledged Japan as "an important partner for cooperation" and pledged to pursue "pragmatic" diplomacy in the national interest. Nishino said Lee's shift in stance is aimed at presenting himself as a "realistic politician" amid turbulent times while also taking into account public support for improved bilateral ties. "The return of the Trump administration is creating many challenges to the international situation," he said. "So, he(Lee) should basically be thinking that he would not want to add more to his plate by seeing Japan-South Korea ties deteriorate." South Korea saw tensions with the United States rise during the first Trump administration from 2017 to 2021, as Seoul was pressured to significantly increase its share of the cost of hosting U.S. forces, reportedly faced threats of a troop withdrawal, and was pushed to renegotiate a bilateral free trade agreement. Trump has continued his "America First" foreign and trade policy in his nonconsecutive second term, which began in January, imposing higher tariffs on allies, including South Korea and Japan, as part of efforts to extract concessions on trade and other issues. Trump's commitment to Asia remains hazy, with U.S. media reporting in May that his administration is considering withdrawing thousands of U.S. troops from South Korea. The Pentagon has denied the report, but if carried out, the move could weaken deterrence against North Korea and China. Meanwhile, the Aug. 15 anniversary of the end of World War II could be a sensitive time for Japan and its Asian neighbors that endured its wartime aggression. Ishiba, seen as a dove on historical issues between Japan and South Korea, is not expected to issue a Cabinet-approved statement marking the anniversary amid opposition from conservative members of his party. However, any sign of Japan backtracking from its postwar pacifism could provoke a backlash from China and South Korea. Lee has signaled that he has no intention of making concessions on historical and territorial disputes with Japan, but at the same time pledged to take a "future-oriented" approach to cooperation in social, cultural and economic areas. Susumu Kohari, an expert on Korean studies, warned that Lee could ramp up his anti-Japan rhetoric if he struggles with a low public support rate. The University of Shizuoka professor emphasized the importance of promptly arranging summit talks between Ishiba and Lee and maintaining regular leader-level visits, a practice resumed in 2023 after a hiatus of more than a decade. Kohari also suggested that Japan and South Korea collaborate in responding to Trump's tariff blitz, citing shipbuilding, an area where both countries are strong, as potential leverage in trade talks. Tadashi Kimiya, an expert in South Korean politics, said that strengthening ties with the United States and Japan, which share values and security concerns, is a "far more realistic" path for Lee, as the intensifying U.S.-China rivalry has made it increasingly difficult for Seoul to pursue balanced diplomacy between the world's two largest economies. Related coverage: Japan PM pledges stable ties with key partner South Korea under Lee
The Mainichi
2 days ago
- Business
- The Mainichi
S. Korea's Lee to seek stable ties with Japan amid uncertainties
TOKYO (Kyodo) -- South Korea's newly elected liberal president, Lee Jae Myung, is likely to pursue stable ties with Japan at least early in his tenure, avoiding a hardline stance as the two countries navigate regional security challenges and uncertainties triggered by the policies of U.S. President Donald Trump. Still, the risk of flareups over issues tied to Japan's colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula lingers, given Lee's past anti-Japan rhetoric and the approaching 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, which could reignite debate over Japan's view of its history. To strengthen bilateral ties, Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba should move quickly to build personal trust with Lee through summit talks, foreign policy experts say, noting that this would also help maintain trilateral cooperation with the United States amid North Korea's nuclear and missile threats and China's regional assertiveness. Following Tuesday's snap presidential election, Lee, 60, will take over from conservative leader Yoon Suk Yeol, who was impeached and ousted over his short-lived martial law declaration in December. He will become the first South Korean president from the progressive camp in three years since Moon Jae In. Under Moon, ties between the two Asian neighbors sank to their lowest point in decades, largely over issues such as wartime labor compensation and the treatment of "comfort women" forced to work in Japanese military brothels. Japanese experts on South Korean affairs are skeptical that ties will immediately unravel once Lee enters the Blue House, with Junya Nishino, a political science professor at Keio University, citing the "current severe international affairs" that require close collaboration between the two nations. "Just because an administration is liberal does not mean it is anti-Japanese," he said. After narrowly losing to Yoon in the 2022 presidential election, Lee grew increasingly critical of Japan, as the conservative president made significant strides to improve frosty bilateral ties, deepened cooperation with key ally the United States and worked to expand three-way collaboration. Later in 2022, Lee, then leader of the main opposition Democratic Party, called for the cancellation of a joint defense drill involving U.S., South Korean, and Japanese forces, arguing that the exercises would help Japan become a "military power" despite being a "country that ruled South Korea by force" and having "not offered a sincere apology" over historical issues. In 2023, Lee escalated his criticism of Japan, likening its discharge of treated radioactive wastewater from the crippled Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant to an "act of terror" reminiscent of its imperialist actions during the Pacific War. But he toned down such remarks after Yoon's martial law turmoil thrust him into the spotlight as a leading presidential contender. In foreign policy and national security pledges announced just over a week before the presidential election, Lee acknowledged Japan as "an important partner for cooperation" and pledged to pursue "pragmatic" diplomacy in the national interest. Nishino said Lee's shift in stance is aimed at presenting himself as a "realistic politician" amid turbulent times while also taking into account public support for improved bilateral ties. "The return of the Trump administration is creating many challenges to the international situation," he said. "So, he(Lee) should basically be thinking that he would not want to add more to his plate by seeing Japan-South Korea ties deteriorate." South Korea saw tensions with the United States rise during the first Trump administration from 2017 to 2021, as Seoul was pressured to significantly increase its share of the cost of hosting U.S. forces, reportedly faced threats of a troop withdrawal, and was pushed to renegotiate a bilateral free trade agreement. Trump has continued his "America First" foreign and trade policy in his nonconsecutive second term, which began in January, imposing higher tariffs on allies, including South Korea and Japan, as part of efforts to extract concessions on trade and other issues. Trump's commitment to Asia remains hazy, with U.S. media reporting in May that his administration is considering withdrawing thousands of U.S. troops from South Korea. The Pentagon has denied the report, but if carried out, the move could weaken deterrence against North Korea and China. Meanwhile, the Aug. 15 anniversary of the end of World War II could be a sensitive time for Japan and its Asian neighbors that endured its wartime aggression. Ishiba, seen as a dove on historical issues between Japan and South Korea, is not expected to issue a Cabinet-approved statement marking the anniversary amid opposition from conservative members of his party. However, any sign of Japan backtracking from its postwar pacifism could provoke a backlash from China and South Korea. Lee has signaled that he has no intention of making concessions on historical and territorial disputes with Japan, but at the same time pledged to take a "future-oriented" approach to cooperation in social, cultural and economic areas. Susumu Kohari, an expert on Korean studies, warned that Lee could ramp up his anti-Japan rhetoric if he struggles with a low public support rate. The University of Shizuoka professor emphasized the importance of promptly arranging summit talks between Ishiba and Lee and maintaining regular leader-level visits, a practice resumed in 2023 after a hiatus of more than a decade. Kohari also suggested that Japan and South Korea collaborate in responding to Trump's tariff blitz, citing shipbuilding, an area where both countries are strong, as potential leverage in trade talks. Tadashi Kimiya, an expert in South Korean politics, said that strengthening ties with the United States and Japan, which share values and security concerns, is a "far more realistic" path for Lee, as the intensifying U.S.-China rivalry has made it increasingly difficult for Seoul to pursue balanced diplomacy between the world's two largest economies. (By Keita Nakamura)
Japan Today
3 days ago
- Japan Today
2 Japanese killed in China's Dalian; Chinese suspect detained
Two Japanese nationals have been killed in Dalian, northeastern China, and a Chinese suspect has been detained, an official from the Japanese Embassy in Beijing said Tuesday. The two victims were male, according to sources familiar with Sino-Japanese relations. The Japanese Consulate General in Shenyang was informed by Chinese security authorities on May 25 that the duo had been murdered, with a business dispute cited as the motivation. The incident follows a fatal stabbing of a 10-year-old Japanese schoolboy in Shenzhen, southern China, in September and a knife attack in June last year at a Japanese school bus stop in Suzhou near Shanghai, in which a Chinese woman was killed and a Japanese mother and child injured. Two Chinese men convicted of the fatal stabbings in Shenzhen and Suzhou were separately executed earlier this year. A Japanese government source said the murder in Dalian was caused by "a grudge over business" and it was "not politically motivated or triggered by anti-Japan sentiment." © KYODO
Japan Forward
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Japan Forward
Confront the CCP's Historical Lies and Seek Liberation
このページを 日本語 で読む President Xi Jinping's Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is now rewriting history on a global scale. This manipulation was displayed during Russia's WWII Victory Day ceremony on May 9. Let's take a closer look at China's historical fabrication, its serious implications for Japan, and potential countermeasures. During his state visit to Russia, Xi became the first Chinese leader to order the People's Liberation Army to take part in Russia's victory parade. President Vladimir Putin praised the occasion, noting it featured the largest number of foreign troops ever to participate in the event. In response, Xi said, "China and Russia will uphold the correct history." He went on to boast that the CCP led the Chinese people, fought alongside the Soviet Union to defeat Japan, and contributed to the global fight against fascism. In truth, however, the CCP's contribution to the "anti-Japan resistance" was virtually nonexistent. Haiying Yang is a cultural anthropologist and professor at Shizuoka University The CCP, founded in 1921, shifted its strategy to armed struggle following intense internal disputes. It established bases in the mountainous regions of southern China and formed a regime known as the Chinese Soviet Republic. When China's Kuomintang (KMT) forces overran these strongholds, the remnants of the CCP began a retreat in 1934. They attempted to flee westward through Sichuan and Tibet toward Soviet territory. Along the way, they engaged in looting and arson, even as they suffered casualties in clashes with Tibetan forces. Mao Zedong later admitted that he had "snatched a few supplies from the Tibetans." Mao and his group initially characterized their escape to the north as a strategic withdrawal. However, they later rebranded it with the noble-sounding name of the Northward Resistance Against the Japanese. In reality, the group had little knowledge of how far Japanese forces had advanced and lacked a clear understanding of Manchukuo, which had been established for over two years. Without accurate perception, they referred to Manchukuo simply as the Northeast. Therefore, when the Maoists settled in Yan'an, Shaanxi Province, in late autumn of 1935, they remained apprehensive about potential attacks from neighboring Inner Mongolia. Mao issued the "Proclamation of the Chinese Soviet Republic" in 1931, publicly asserting that the Inner Mongolians had the same right to secession as the Ukrainians and the peoples of the Caucasus. He also declared that if the Mongolian people chose to remain within Chinese territory in the future, it would be under a federal system. Mao's CCP forces did not advance eastward from Yan'an to confront the Japanese on the front lines. Instead, they focused on expanding their power and undermining the KMT forces. In northern Shaanxi and the Ordos Plateau of Inner Mongolia, they cultivated poppies and trafficked refined opium into KMT-controlled areas and Mongolia. This opium trade weakened the KMT's will to fight and brought poverty to Mongolian society. The CCP forces ambushed retreating KMT troops from the front lines, treating them as if they were allies of the Japanese. In the territories the CCP occupied, they executed wealthy farmers, labeling them as "the exploiting class of landowners." The confiscated land was then handed over to hoodlums and vagrants to bolster the CCP's support base. By the time the eight-year war against Japan ended, much of the country had been turned into revolutionary bases for the party. This is the true extent of the CCP's so-called "anti-Japan resistance." After the war, the CCP mobilized Japanese technicians from the Manchukuo Film Association to produce numerous anti-Japanese films. The titles, such as "Railway Guerrilla Unit," clearly reveal that the CCP forces were not engaged in large-scale, modern warfare against the Japanese. Allied forces of the Soviet Union and the Mongolian People's Republic, which had advanced into Manchukuo and Inner Mongolia, were effectively aligned. The Soviet Union guided the CCP forces into Manchukuo and handed over the high-quality arms and ammunition left behind by the Japanese military. This enabled the CCP to gain the upper hand in the Chinese Civil War and ultimately brought Mao Zedong to power. The Mongolian People's Republic sought to liberate its fellow Inner Mongolians, hoping to unify all of Mongolia north of the Great Wall. For Mongolia, this was a war of national liberation. Yet that aspiration was cut short, as Inner Mongolia was to be occupied by China under the secret terms of the Yalta Agreement, signed by the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union in the spring of 1945. Today, the Xi administration no longer acknowledges the southward advance of the Soviet Union and the Mongolian People's Republic, concealing the true nature of anti-fascist history. At Xi's invitation, Putin is scheduled to visit Beijing this fall to attend China's Victory Day parade. Because the CCP played no real role in resisting Japan during the war, "anti-Japan" has instead become a national policy and a tool for preserving its grip on power today. Japan is not only defenseless against the CCP's historical fabrications, but influential Diet members have taken a conciliatory stance, repeatedly visiting Beijing to beg for giant pandas. Even after these delegations returned, Chinese state vessels continued to intrude into the waters around the Senkaku Islands in Okinawa Prefecture, insisting they have a unilateral claim to the territory. The CCP's aim in targeting the Senkakus is to turn its historical distortions into reality. Japan's current administration has failed to confront China's historical revisionism and its attempts to reshape the international order. Worse still, on the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, the government is again engaged in "re-examining the earlier war." It's a process that risks culminating in yet another apology, with no effort to break free from the spell of self-flagellation. Such self-flagellation not only hinders Japan's healthy development but risks enabling the CCP's aggressive encroachment. Countermeasures must be urgently devised. RELATED: ( Read this in Japanese .) Author: Haiying Yang このページを 日本語 で読む
Japan Forward
25-04-2025
- Politics
- Japan Forward
Why the Rise of Lee Jae-myung Is Unnerving Tokyo and Washington
Lee Jae-myung, leader of South Korea's main opposition Democratic Party, is swiftly emerging to fill the vacuum left by President Yoon Suk-yeol's abrupt ouster. On April 4, the Constitutional Court unanimously ruled to remove Yoon from office, citing his controversial declaration of martial law. Lee's ascent is already in full throttle. On Sunday, April 20, he secured a second decisive victory in the DP's primary. Recent polls show him outpacing top contenders from the ruling People Power Party in hypothetical head-to-head matchups. Barring any major shift in public sentiment or an unexpected alliance among his rivals, Lee appears well-positioned for the June 3 presidential race. Such a prospect, however, is rattling policymakers in Japan and the United States. Since taking office, Yoon has made revitalizing ties with Tokyo and Washington a cornerstone of his foreign policy. Those efforts culminated in two landmark agreements: the Camp David Accords and the Washington Declaration in 2023. But all of this now hangs in the balance, as a staunchly left-leaning — arguably anti-Japan and anti-American — candidate leads in the polls. From the outset, Lee has lambasted Yoon's Japan policy as one of "humiliation and subservience." He fiercely opposed the Yoon administration's third-party compensation plan for wartime labor victims — a workaround meant to resolve tensions stemming from the preceding Moon Jae In era. DP lawmakers hold a meeting denouncing Yoon's pro-Japan policy, calling it a humiliating concession. (©Park Chan-dae Facebook) In August 2023, amid Tokyo's release of treated water from the Fukushima nuclear plant, Lee escalated his rhetoric, likening the move to a "second Pacific War." Lee has openly called for scrapping the wartime compensation scheme and has questioned the safety of Fukushima water release on several occasions. Lee and DP lawmakers march in protest against the release of treated water from the Fukushima nuclear plant, denouncing it as nuclear terror. (©Park Chan-dae Facebook) Ruriko Kubota, a veteran journalist from The Sankei Shimbun , warned that Lee could reignite long-dormant historical disputes if elected. "We may see the wartime labor and other sensitive issues like the comfort women flare up again," she said. While Lee appears to have dialed down incendiary language, Kubota argues it's a calculated election strategy to sway undecided centrist voters. "For Lee, South Korea's establishment is synonymous with pro-Japanese collaboration," she said. "He's weaponized that resentment, turning anti-Japan sentiment into a driving force behind his political rise." "Animosity toward Japan runs deep, and it's dangerous to assume he's truly abandoned that position," Kubota added, cautioning against reading too much into his recent tone. Lee's long-standing animosity toward Japan has naturally extended into the regional security realm. In August 2023, for instance, while opposing deeper trilateral military cooperation with Tokyo and Washington, he said, "There can be no blind military cooperation with a Japan that shows not the slightest remorse for its past." His remarks notably came just days before the Camp David summit. Leaders of Japan, South Korea, and the United States meet at Camp David on August 18, 2023, for a trilateral summit. (©The White House) Even with escalating regional security concerns, the firebrand has branded Yoon's attempt to deepen security ties with Japan as an extreme pro-Japan policy. Such views are deeply embedded in his political record. In 2016, while serving as mayor of Seongnam, Lee described Japan as a "military adversary" capable of threatening South Korea's national security. Lee's steadfast resistance is rooted in two main reasons. First, he sees Japan's deeper military involvement as a gateway to remilitarization reminiscent of its imperial past — one that could ultimately threaten the contested territory of Takeshima [Dokdo]. The other stems from his insistence that security cannot be separated from unresolved historical grievances. Lee has repeatedly argued that meaningful military coordination with Japan must be "preceded by a reckoning with the past." Japan is not alone in its unease over Lee Jae-myung's ascent. Across the Pacific, American lawmakers and experts have voiced similar apprehensions. In a January 17 interview with the Chosun Ilbo, US Representative Young Kim said, "If the factions behind the impeachment in South Korea continue to steer the current situation, North Korea and China will seize this opportunity to weaken the US–South Korea alliance." Her remarks reflect growing concerns in Washington that Seoul's posture could shift dramatically under a left-wing leadership. CPAC Board Members Gordon Chang and Erik Prince discuss the rise of communist forces in South Korea during a CPAC event in February 2025. (©AT News snapshot) A recent vote in the National Assembly offered a glimpse of that trajectory. On March 13, 23 opposition lawmakers abstained, while 17 voted against a bill to strengthen military cooperation with the US. Ironically, most dissenters belonged to Lee's party — the same party that had introduced the resolution. Lee and his party's affinity for Beijing also raises red flags in the Trump circle, where containing China remains a core pillar of its diplomatic strategy. CAPTION: Opposition leader Lee Jae-myung meets with then-Chinese Ambassador to South Korea Xing Haiming, June 8, 2023 (©DP Facebook) Opposition leader Lee Jae-myung meets with then-Chinese Ambassador to South Korea Xing Haiming, June 8, 2023 (©DP Facebook) "From everything we've seen, Lee wants to take South Korea down a path of aligning with Beijing and drifting closer to socialism," said Gordon Chang, an American attorney and China expert. "If South Korea were to fall under a pro-communist regime, it would severely undermine President Trump's Indo-Pacific strategy." Beyond defense, Washington sees South Korea's leftward drift complicating collaboration in critical sectors such as civilian nuclear energy, shipbuilding, and economic security. While fears of unraveling hard-won détente between Seoul and Tokyo are warranted, some argue the current dynamics are more nuanced than the Moon era. "Political approaches rooted in anti-Japan rhetoric are losing their effectiveness," said Masatoshi Muto, former Japanese Ambassador to South Korea. "South Koreans are, by and large, becoming more favorable toward Japan, while Japanese interest in Korean culture, cuisine, and society continues to grow," he added. "The challenge now is how to cultivate this positive momentum." Other factors point to a more cautious but optimistic outlook. anti-Japan sentiment has been replaced by increasing anti-China sentiment. Japan Press Research Institute reported in a 2024 survey that 44% of South Koreans viewed Japan positively, marking a record high for the second consecutive year. Meanwhile, negative perceptions of China have surged, especially among the younger generation. Much of the previous frictions, moreover, stemmed from the personal dynamics at the top. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and President Moon's relationship was defined by mutual distrust, with both leaders often benefiting domestically from their hardline policies. That tension-filled dynamic no longer exists. And so long as Seoul's cozy relationship with Tokyo remains intact, any serious recalibration with Washington remains unlikely. Author: Kenji Yoshida
