Latest news with #autonomy
CNN
4 hours ago
- Politics
- CNN
Ukrainians protest new bill reducing autonomy at anti-corruption agencies
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky signed a bill reducing the autonomy of two Ukrainian anti-corruption bureaus on Tuesday, according to Ukraine's parliamentary website. Ukrainians protested in Lviv and Kyiv, concerned that the bill could lead to more corruption and threaten Ukraine's chances of entering the European Union.
CNN
4 hours ago
- Politics
- CNN
Ukrainians protest new bill reducing autonomy at anti-corruption agencies
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky signed a bill reducing the autonomy of two Ukrainian anti-corruption bureaus on Tuesday, according to Ukraine's parliamentary website. Ukrainians protested in Lviv and Kyiv, concerned that the bill could lead to more corruption and threaten Ukraine's chances of entering the European Union.
Al Bawaba
10 hours ago
- Politics
- Al Bawaba
The Druze in Suwayda: A Community at the Crossroads
Dr. Gil Feiler Suwayda governorate in southern Syria—known historically as Jabal al‑Druze—is home to around 700,000 members of the Druze religious minority. While Druze in Israel are well-integrated, those in Syria have long sought autonomy from central regimes in Damascus. Since the collapse of Bashar al‑Assad in December 2024, regional tensions have intensified, driven by competing Druze visions for Syria's future, local rivalries with Sunni Bedouin tribes, and external interventions. In early 2025, Druze militias in Suwayda formed the Suwayda Military Council (SMC), an umbrella coalition of local armed groups led by former Syrian army officer Tareq al‑Shoufi. The council emerged with aspirations of local autonomy, coordination with Syria's new interim leadership under President Ahmed al‑Sharaa, and alignment with other decentralized forces such as the Kurdish-led SDF. It has drawn in groups like Men of Dignity and the Ahrar Jabal al‑Arab Gathering. However, Druze religious leadership is divided: Sheikh Hikmat al‑Hijri, one of Syria's three Druze 'sheikhs al‑Aql,' rejects cooperation with the central government and accuses Damascus of complicity in massacres of Druze civilians. He frames the struggle as existential for his community and supports federalist or even secessionist tendencies. By contrast, Sheikh Youssef Jarbou, another spiritual leader, endorses integration with Damascus, backs cooperation with security forces, and supports initiatives for religious delegation visits—including one to Israel in March 2025—believing in working within state structures. This internal rift shapes the region's politics: while some factions lean toward relative autonomy, others push for union with central authority. Local Spark: Druze vs. Bedouin Clashes Tensions escalated in July 2025 following tit-for-tat kidnappings between local Sunni Bedouin tribes and Druze militias, especially those allied with Hikmat al‑Hijri. Violence quickly spiraled into widespread street fighting, ambushes, and retaliatory raids in and around Suwayda city. Government forces were deployed to restore order. Promised ceasefires collapsed rapidly, with both sides accusing each other of violations. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reported anywhere from 100 to over 360 dead in initial days, including civilians and security personnel. The Syrian transitional government under President al‑Sharaa initially deployed troops into Suwayda city to intervene. But they soon faced accusations—from Druze leaders and independent monitors—of extrajudicial killings and targeting of Druze civilians. Field executions by individuals identified as government-affiliated or security forces were widely reported, including summary shootings near Suwayda and Harvest Guest House, with many victims in civilian clothing. President al‑Sharaa publicly condemned violence, announced investigations into human rights offenses by troops or militias, and pledged accountability. He also announced plans to turn security control over to Druze elders and local factions under a broader ceasefire framework. Israeli Intervention On July 15, Israel launched airstrikes near Damascus and Suwayda, claiming to protect Syria's Druze community—a group with which it shares close ties. Initial strikes hit Syrian military vehicles and the defence ministry complex in Damascus. Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu said its aim was to prevent government forces from harming Druze civilians and to establish a buffer zone in southern Syria. Israel's actions created regional controversy. Critics linked the interventions to geopolitical motives and a broader strategy to weaken Damascus. Many Druze in Syria saw Israel's involvement with suspicion, arguing it was more self-serving than protective . Escalation: Mass Displacement and Executions As fighting intensified, reports emerged of Druze militias—particularly those loyal to Sheikh al-Hijri—carrying out mass executions of Bedouin men, burning villages, and forcibly displacing entire Bedouin communities. Accounts describe mutilations, rape of women and children, and villages emptied of inhabitants. Over 130,000 people fled their homes amid what the UN called a humanitarian crisis. Human Rights Watch and UN officials demanded investigations into the atrocities. Among the victims were a Syrian‑American Druze family—including Hossam Saraya, a U.S. citizen from Oklahoma—abducted and executed; his case drew international attention and condemnation, and congressional requests for clarity. By this point, the death toll reached several hundred, and Al Jazeera reported over 300 fatalities, while other sources suggested numbers closer to or exceeding 600. Ceasefire and Current Stakes By mid‑July, a mediated ceasefire—brokered by Turkey, Jordan, the U.S., and Arab states—called for Syrian troops to withdraw from Suwayda city and hand over local security to Druze clerics and factions. Jordan and Turkey supported local ownership of security to avoid future violence. While an official ceasefire holds for now, its durability is uncertain: 1. Community divisions remain deep, with local factions loyal to al‑Hijri rejecting prior agreements and insisting on continuing autonomy efforts 2. Turkey has warned that it may intervene if autonomy within Syria becomes a breaking point, rejecting any fragmentation of the state. Turkish Foreign Minister Fidan called Israeli involvement destabilizing and confirmed Ankara's readiness to act in defense of Syrian unity 3. President al‑Sharaa's ability to reassert centralized governance remains fragile, as minority communities fear a repeat of past repression or exclusion from national decisions. Confidence in the transitional regime has eroded, particularly after reports of violence in the coastal Alawite region and now Suwayda.
CBC
13 hours ago
- General
- CBC
I got my first tattoo at 67. Here's what I learned as a geriatric tattoo virgin
Social Sharing This is a First Person column by Lynn A. Farquhar, who lives in Greater Madawaska, Ont. For more information about CBC's First Person stories, please see the FAQ. In 1974, when I was an insufferable 16-year-old, I told my mother that I'd decided to get a tattoo of a rose. I was planning, I said, to have it placed on my breast. To be honest, it was never a plan. Rather, it was an opening shot in the ongoing battle of wills between my mother and me. The threat of a tattoo was an in-your-face reminder that I had the autonomy to make terrible decisions I could regret and she would feel helpless to stop. To her credit, my mother didn't react with the histrionics I'd been hoping for. In fact, she didn't even look up from the crossword puzzle in her lap. From her armchair, speaking with perfect sangfroid, she said, "Rose tattoo on your breast? As you grow older, it's going to become a long-stemmed rose." It would be almost 50 years before I'd tentatively return to the idea of getting a tattoo. The inspiration came from my daughter, who had begun to accumulate a small gallery on her skin. Her first two tattoos were amateur pieces, discreetly placed on her ankle and back. I couldn't hide my dismay when I saw them, which, come to think of it, was probably the desired effect. Despite my whim to get a tattoo at age 16, I felt differently when it came to my daughter. To my eyes, she was perfect. To my eyes, her tattoos were like graffiti, impulsively thrown up against a pristine wall. Her next two tattoos were applied in parlours by artists. The quality of the designs and line work was impressive. The one on my daughter's hip especially caught my attention. When I asked her why she'd chosen to put it there, she replied, "It's a part of my body I've disliked. The tattoo makes it beautiful to me." WATCH | How the tattoo industry is changing: Tattoo artists aim to make industry more inclusive 3 years ago The emotional logic of this statement stuck. I could relate to feeling disgust for a certain part of my own body. For me, it was my right leg. From the time of my first pregnancy, at age 24, my calf had been blemished by spider veins: damaged blood vessels that lurk just beneath the skin. Although harmless, they can be as distressing as any other dermatological condition, such as acne. My spider veins took on the form of blue and red amoebae, expansive webs or dense bruises. Over the years, I spent many hundreds of dollars on sclerotherapy, playing a game of whack-a-mole with the culprit veins. A physician would inject them with an irritant that made them disappear. But no sooner would they fade than another batch would spring to vibrant life nearby. Eventually, they were joined by a thick varicose vein, which twisted down the inside of my leg like a sea serpent. In despair, and now in my 60s, I consulted surgeons. It occurred to me that perhaps having the varicose vein removed would be the equivalent of slaying a monster and her evil spawn. The first surgeon I spoke with encouraged this fantasy. He offered — for a fee of nearly $7,000 — to go in wielding a scalpel. The second surgeon, to his credit, gave me a reality check: no matter what I did, new spider veins would continue to appear. Having fought the losing battle for decades, I knew his prognosis was likely correct. It was then that I contacted a woman in Hamilton whose tattoo work struck me as being exceptional. She agreed to cover the calf on my right leg, where my skin had come to resemble the spider-like terrain of Mars. Her work would take approximately four hours. I booked the date and steeled myself. As my daughter drove me to the location, I felt much the way I had en route to the oral defence of my doctoral dissertation: dizzy, giddy and filled with nervous dread. I also felt a bit embarrassed. At 67, with inkless skin and grey hair tucked behind my hearing aids, I'd stand out as a geriatric tattoo virgin. I had no hope of blending in with the other clients. At the end of my long tattoo session, my daughter reported that people in the waiting room had referred to me as a "badass." As an introverted, apple-pie baking, bookish academic, I find this designation puzzling. Am I truly a badass? Far from it. Vain? Certainly. Peculiar? Well, maybe a little quirky. More accurately, I think I could be described as someone who quietly flips the bird at ageist stereotypes. When I look at my embellished leg, I see proof that growing old isn't a predictable paint-by-numbers template. Rather, it's an inviting blank canvas. When I look at my embellished leg, I also see something lovely — something that I chose — instead of a stretch of erratically marred skin. Before I went into the tattoo parlour, my daughter had warned me that tattoos are addictive. I'd laughed this off. Surely my ink would be a one-and-done event. But even before the end of my session, face down on the table, I was planning my next tattoo. Perhaps I can get a cross on my wrist or a Canadian flag on my shoulder. Or maybe, in commemoration of the true badass — my unflappable mother — I'll finally get that rose.
News.com.au
a day ago
- Politics
- News.com.au
Ukraine curbs anti-corruption agencies, sparking rare protests
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky signed a bill on Tuesday revoking the autonomy of two anti-corruption agencies, a proposal that has sparked rare street protests in Kyiv and alarm among the country's international backers. Critics say the legislation consolidates power in Zelensky's hands and will allow government meddling in high-profile graft cases. The European Union called the decision a "serious step back", while hundreds gathered in central Kyiv to oppose the measure -- a show of anti-government anger rarely seen since Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Lawmakers in Ukraine's parliament voted 263 to 13 to approve the bill, the majority of those in favour being from Zelensky's ruling party. Zelensky later signed the bill into law, a senior official told AFP. The bill would place the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) under the direct authority of the prosecutor general, who is appointed by the president. The NABU investigates instances of corruption among state institutions, while the SAPO prosecutes other corruption. The Anti-Corruption Action Center, an NGO, said the law would render the agencies meaningless as Zelensky's prosecutor general would "stop investigations into all of the president's friends". Protesters in the capital expressed anger at the measure. Some chanted "veto the law". "The bill is being rushed through," said 26-year-old game designer Anastasia. "It is clear that this is a targeted effort," she added. The protesters jeered and booed after Zelensky signed the bill into law, an AFP reporter saw. NABU began work in 2015, as Kyiv sought to bring the country closer to Europe after a 2014 pro-European revolution. Since its inception, the agency has uncovered widespread graft, including among figures in Zelensky's administration. - 'Bad day for Ukraine' - Many opponents of the law voiced concern that Ukraine was reversing course after a decade of democratisation. Ukraine has taken a tough stance on corruption in recent years, both as a prerequisite to joining the EU and to reassure allies who have sent wartime aid, but investigators say it remains a serious problem. EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos slammed the vote and said anti-graft institutions were "essential for Ukraine's EU path". "Seriously concerned over today's vote," Kos wrote on X. "The dismantling of key safeguards protecting NABU's independence is a serious step back." The chair of the Ukrainian parliament's anti-corruption committee, Anastasia Radina, said the bill ran counter to Ukraine's EU accession process. One European diplomat speaking on the condition of anonymity described the move as "unfortunate". "Is it a setback? Yes. Is this a point of non-return? No," the official told a small group of reporters, including AFP. Ukraine's former foreign minister Dmytro Kuleba, who resigned from the government in 2024, said the measures marked a "bad day for Ukraine". "Now the President has a choice -- to stand on the side of the people or not," he said. On Monday, law enforcement conducted large-scale raids at the NABU, detaining one employee on suspicion of spying for Russia. Transparency International's Ukraine office called the raids an "attempt by the authorities to undermine the independence of Ukraine's post-Revolution of Dignity anti-corruption institutions." Transparency International ranked Ukraine 105th out of 180 countries in its "corruption perceptions index" in 2024, up from 144 in 2013.
