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Al Jazeera
04-07-2025
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
Togo protests signal youth anger at dynastic rule – but is change possible?
Lome, Togo – The chants have faded in the streets, the barricades have been cleared, and an eerie calm hangs over Togo after days of mass protests in the West African nation's capital. But beneath the surface, anger simmers, security forces remain stationed at key intersections, and many fear the storm is far from over. From June 26 to 28, thousands took to the streets of Lome to protest constitutional reforms that critics say enable President Faure Gnassingbe to remain in power indefinitely. The 59-year-old leader – in office since 2005 after the death of his father, who ruled for 38 years – was recently sworn in as president of the Council of Ministers, a powerful executive role with no term limits under a newly adopted parliamentary system. The protests were swiftly and violently suppressed. At least four people are believed to have died, dozens were injured, and more than 60 were arrested, according to local civil society groups. Verified videos circulating online show beatings, street chases, and men in plainclothes dragging civilians away. But in a country long used to political fatigue and fractured opposition, the past week marked a rupture. Rejecting a political dynasty To many observers, these protests represent more than a reaction to constitutional reform: They signal a generational break. 'These young people are not simply protesting a new constitution,' said Pap Koudjo, a Togolese journalist and essayist. 'They are rejecting 58 years of political inheritance, from father to son, that has brought nothing but poverty, repression, and humiliation.' Most of the protesters were under 25. Many have never known another leader. They have grown up with frequent blackouts, crumbling infrastructure, joblessness and shrinking freedoms. The constitutional change, which removed term limits from the new executive role and eliminated direct presidential elections, was a red line. The government attempted damage control. A steep 12.5 percent electricity price hike – another source of rage – was quickly withdrawn. The activist singer Aamron, whose arrest days earlier had galvanised public anger, was discreetly released. But neither move stemmed the unrest. 'The arrest of Aamron was a trigger,' said Paul Amegakpo, a political analyst and chair of the Tamberma Institute for Governance. 'But the real story is that this regime has lost its ability to offer a negotiated and institutional solution to the crisis. It is relying purely on military strength.' He points to signs of disquiet within the state itself. A rare statement from former Defence Minister Marguerite Gnakade, condemning the violence and Gnassingbe's leadership, suggests fractures may exist at the highest levels of the security apparatus. 'There's an institutional void,' Amegakpo said. 'Two months after the transition to the Fifth Republic, the country still has no appointed government,' he added, referring to the post-amendment Togo. Civil society fills the vacuum Perhaps more telling than the protests themselves is who led them. Not traditional opposition parties, which have been weakened by years of cooptation and exile, but influencers from the diaspora, civil society activists, artists and uncelebrated citizens. 'The opposition has been exhausted – physically, politically, and financially,' said Koudjo. 'After decades of failed dialogue and betrayed agreements, the youth has stepped in.' As protests surged, more institutional voices followed. Several civic organisations issued strong statements condemning the 'disproportionate use of force' and demanding independent investigations into the deaths and disappearances. Though not leading the mobilisation, these groups echoed growing alarm about the government's response and the erosion of civic space. The Media Foundation for West Africa warned that the environment for free expression in Togo was 'shrinking dangerously', a sentiment echoed by other international observers. To Fabien Offner, a researcher for Amnesty International, the crackdown is part of a larger, entrenched system. 'What we're seeing is not an isolated event – it's the continuation of a repressive architecture,' Offner told Al Jazeera. 'We've documented patterns of arbitrary arrests, beatings with cords, posturing torture, and impunity – all now normalised.' Amnesty says families are still searching for loved ones taken during the protests. Some have received no information on their whereabouts or legal status. 'This is not just about protest management. It's about the systematic denial of fundamental rights,' Offner said. He added that the government's claim that protests were 'unauthorised' is a misreading of international law. 'Peaceful assembly does not require prior approval. What's unlawful is systematically preventing it.' Amnesty is calling for an independent inquiry into the deaths, a public list of detainees, and full transparency from prosecutors. But Offner also addressed a more uncomfortable truth: international silence. 'Togo has become a diplomatic blind spot,' he said. 'We need stronger, more vocal engagement from the African Union, ECOWAS, the United Nations, and key bilateral partners. Their silence emboldens the cycle of repression. They must speak out and act.' Even the country's Catholic bishops, traditionally cautious, warned in a rare statement of the risks of 'implosion under suppressed frustration', and called for 'a sincere, inclusive and constructive dialogue'. Togo's unrest also reflects a broader trend across West Africa, observers note, where youth-led movements are increasingly challenging entrenched political orders – not just at the ballot box, but in the streets, on social media and through global solidarity networks. From the recent mobilisations in Senegal to popular uprisings in Burkina Faso, young people are asserting their agency against systems they view as unresponsive, outdated or undemocratic. In Togo, the protests may be domestic in origin, but they are part of a wider regional pulse demanding accountability and renewal. The government holds its line 'These were not peaceful assemblies – these were attempts to disrupt public order,' said Gilbert Bawara, minister of public service and senior figure in the UNIR governing party. Bawara denied that security forces committed systematic abuses, and insisted that 'if there were any excesses, they should be examined based on facts, not rumours.' He added that the government remains open to dialogue, but only with 'visible, structured interlocutors', not anonymous calls from abroad. He also defended the recent constitutional changes, arguing that they had followed a legitimate process. 'If anyone disagrees, they can petition, they can participate in elections. These are the foundations of a democratic society,' Bawara told Al Jazeera. But critics argue that such avenues are largely symbolic under the current government. With the governing party dominating institutions, controlling the security forces, and sidelining opposition figures through arrests, exile and cooptation, many view the political playing field as fundamentally rigged. 'There are democratic forms, yes,' said analyst Paul Amegakpo. 'But they are hollow. The rules may exist on paper – elections, assemblies, petitions – but power in Togo is not contested on equal footing. It is captured and preserved through coercion, clientelism, and constitutional engineering.' Amegakpo said the regime's recent moves suggest it is more focused on optics than engagement. 'The government has announced its own peaceful march on July 5,' he noted. 'But that reveals something deeper: they are not listening. They are responding to social and political suffering with PR and counter-demonstrations.' Moment of reckoning What comes next is uncertain. Protests have subsided for now, but the heavy presence of security forces and internet slowdowns suggest continued anxiety. Analysts warn that if unrest spreads beyond Lome, or if cracks widen within the security apparatus, the country could face a deeper crisis. 'We are not yet in a revolutionary situation,' Amegakpo said. 'But we are in a deep rupture. If the regime keeps refusing to acknowledge it, the cost may be higher than they imagine.' For the youth who led the protests, the message is clear: they are no longer willing to wait. 'There is a divorce between a generation that knows its rights and a regime stuck in survival mode,' said Koudjo. 'Something has changed. Whether it will lead to reform or repression depends on what happens next.'
The Guardian
12-06-2025
- Politics
- The Guardian
Bob Morris obituary
My friend and colleague Bob Morris, who has died aged 87, was the oldest among the many volunteers working for the Constitution Unit at University College London, which specialises in constitutional reform, with help from those with inside knowledge of government. He was also by far the longest serving, having worked with us for almost 30 years. His time with the unit was almost as long as his time in the Home Office, where he was a senior civil servant for almost 40 years. He was highly respected and much loved in both roles, for his strong sense of public service, the breadth and depth of his knowledge, and his generosity in sharing it with others. Born in Cardiff, Bob was the son of William Morris, a mechanical engineer, and his wife, Mary (nee Bryant). The family moved according to his father's wartime postings as a marine engineer with the Royal Navy, and Bob went to several schools, including Handsworth grammar in Birmingham. He was old enough to do national service in the South Staffordshire Regiment before going to Christ's College, Cambridge, in 1958 to read history. In his long Home Office career, which began in 1961, he worked variously on crime, policing, security, prisons, immigration and constitutional matters. He was private secretary to two home secretaries, Frank Soskice and Merlyn Rees, and secretary to departmental committees on Northern Ireland, and on UK prisons. He led UK delegations to the EU, the Council of Europe and the UN, and travelled widely on official business. In Bob's final position, as head of the Criminal Justice and Constitutional Department from 1991, he was in charge of relations with Buckingham Palace and the Church. After retiring from the Home Office in 1997, he became acting secretary for public affairs to the archbishop of Canterbury, and secretary to the Review of the See of Canterbury, chaired by Douglas Hurd in 2000-01. He found time to do a PhD on relations between the Metropolitan police and the government, 1860-1920, and started working for the Constitution Unit. There Bob launched a whole new programme of work on church and state. That began with a book and journal articles on disestablishment, and ended with detailed reports on the coronation, and revision of the accession and coronation oaths. That in turn kindled our interest in the monarchy, leading to a comparative study of the other monarchies in Europe, where we explored the paradox that countries like Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden are hereditary monarchies, but are also among the most advanced democracies in the world. Bob was also heavily involved in training government departments and public bodies for the advent of freedom of information. His latest book, published last year, was about the Home Office 1782-2007, and was based on private witness seminars with key participants, which he had organised with the Institute for Contemporary British History. He was steadfast and loyal to all the institutions for which he worked; unfailingly reliable, courteous and considerate, and immensely generous with his time as well as his wisdom and experience. Bob is survived by his wife, Janet (nee Gillingham), whom he married in 1965, their children, Emily, Matthew and Ben, and grandchildren, Isabel, Sally, Joe and Julia.
Arab News
02-06-2025
- Business
- Arab News
Bosnia-Herzegovina reforms a strategic necessity
This year marks the 30th anniversary of the Dayton Agreement, a landmark accord that ended the Bosnian War of 1992-1995 and brought a fragile peace to Bosnia-Herzegovina. On this significant occasion, I had the privilege of hosting a panel of experts in Dayton, Ohio — where the agreement was originally signed — that was titled 'Next Steps After Dayton? Getting to Constitutional Reform in BiH,' referring to Bosnia-Herzegovina. The panel, convened by the New Lines Institute, featured distinguished voices including former US Ambassador to Bosnia Michael Murphy; Ensar Eminovic, minister counselor at the Bosnia-Herzegovina Embassy in Washington; Dr. Miomir Zuzul, senior international policy adviser at Arnold & Porter; and Dr. Jasmin Mujanovic, author of the institute's recent report, 'Dayton Plus: A Policymaker's Guide to Constitutional Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina.' Together, we reflected on Dayton's legacy and the urgent need for reform to secure the country's future. The Dayton Agreement was a monumental achievement, halting a devastating conflict that claimed countless lives and displaced millions. It established a complex constitutional framework under Annex IV, dividing Bosnia-Herzegovina into two entities — the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska — alongside the self-governing Brcko District. However, while Dayton brought peace, it also entrenched a governance structure that has proven to be a barrier to progress. The agreement's rigid ethnic power-sharing mechanisms, designed to balance the interests of Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats, have fostered dysfunction, discrimination and stagnation. Today, Bosnia-Herzegovina's constitutional regime is a labyrinth of inefficiency. The tripartite presidency, entity vetoes and sectarian electoral rules exclude approximately 400,000 citizens — particularly those identifying as 'Others' (e.g., Jews, Roma or those who reject ethnic labels) — from meaningful political participation. The European Court of Human Rights has repeatedly struck down provisions of the constitution as discriminatory, a legal obligation the country is bound to address under its own laws, but progress remains stalled. This de facto constitutional crisis undermines Bosnia-Herzegovina's aspirations for EU and NATO membership, a goal that requires rational governance and accountability — outcomes the current system cannot deliver. The demographic reality in Bosnia-Herzegovina underscores the urgent need for reform. Since the 2013 census, which recorded a population of 3.5 million, estimates suggest that number has plummeted to under 2 million due to mass emigration, particularly among the youth. In Republika Srpska, claims of a 1.4 million population may mask a reality closer to 800,000. This exodus reflects a lack of hope in a system that denies citizens a stake in their future, perpetuating corruption and ethnic division over shared prosperity. Mujanovic outlined a clear case for reform. The current constitution promotes irrational governance, incentivizes sectarian maximalism and allows neighboring states to meddle in Bosnia-Herzegovina's affairs, heightening the risk of renewed conflict. Conversely, constitutional reform could foster accountable governance, ensure equal rights for all citizens and pave a credible path for Euro-Atlantic integration by 2040. The benefits are clear: a shift from zero-sum politics to a system that values individual rights over collective ethnic identities, reduces foreign interference and empowers Bosnia-Herzegovina to stand as a sovereign, democratic state. While the Dayton Agreement brought peace, it also entrenched a governance structure that has proven to be a barrier to progress Dr. Azeem Ibrahim However, the path to reform is fraught with challenges. Political elites, entrenched in the status quo, resist change, fearing a loss of power. The Office of the High Representative, with its expansive Bonn Powers, has intervened in the past — most notably during the 2022 Bosnia-Herzegovina election — but such external impositions are not sustainable. True reform must come from within, supported by international partners like the US and the EU, which have historically expected irrational systems to yield rational outcomes. This flawed premise has led to repeated policy failures in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as our report notes, unless accompanied by sustained international pressure. 'Dayton Plus' proposes a model for limited constitutional reform that balances pragmatism with ambition. It suggests a single, non-ethnically designated president with ceremonial powers, elected through a two-round system to encourage moderate outcomes. Executive authority would shift to the Council of Ministers, with a redefined entity veto mechanism to prevent abuse. Unicameral legislatures at all levels, caucus-based vital national interest protections and electoral reforms like ranked-choice voting aim to dismantle the winner-takes-all mentality. These changes would not overhaul Bosnia-Herzegovina's structure entirely but would normalize constitutional reform as a routine democratic process, building momentum for future progress. Today, that reform is not just necessary — it is achievable. The original Dayton Agreement proved that, with political will, even the most intractable conflicts can be resolved. Today, the task of amending Bosnia-Herzegovina's constitution in line with European Court of Human Rights rulings is far less daunting than ending a war in 1995. What is needed now is the same determination, coupled with imagination, to chart a new course for Bosnia-Herzegovina. As we look to the future, the Euro-Atlantic community must recommit to Bosnia-Herzegovina's stability. The Western Balkans remains a geopolitical flashpoint, with Russia and China exploiting governance weaknesses to sow discord. Constitutional reform in Bosnia-Herzegovina is not just a domestic imperative but a strategic necessity for regional security. By supporting it in this endeavor, the US and the EU can help complete the vision of a Europe whole and free — a vision Dayton began but cannot fulfill without change. The 30th anniversary of Dayton is a moment to celebrate peace, but also to act. Bosnia-Herzegovina's citizens deserve a system that reflects their shared hopes, not their divided past. Let us work together to make that vision a reality. *Dr. Azeem Ibrahim is the director of special initiatives at the Newlines Institute for Strategy and Policy in Washington, DC. X: @AzeemIbrahim
Zawya
08-05-2025
- Politics
- Zawya
In Banjul, Special Representative Simão reaffirms United Nations's support to The Gambia to consolidate peace and democracy
The Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Office for West Africa and the Sahel (UNOWAS), Leonardo Santos Simão, concluded yesterday, a three-day visit to The Gambia. The mission was part of the Special Representative's continued engagements in the region and aimed to reaffirm UNOWAS support to The Gambia's efforts to consolidate peace and democracy. During his visit, the Special Representative was received by H.E. President Adama Barrow. Mr. Simão commended the ongoing constitutional reform process, as an important step consolidating The Gambia's democratic transition and national reconciliation, emphasizing the importance of national ownership and inclusivity to ensure its legitimacy and broad acceptance by the people of The Gambia. Mr. Simão also met with Mamadou Tangara, Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and Gambians Abroad as well as with Hussein Thomasi, Solicitor General at the Ministry of Justice. Additionally, he held discussions with Fabakary Tombong Jatta, Speaker of the National Assembly; Emmanuel D. Joof, Chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC); political parties and the Inter-Party Committee as well as its women and youth branches. He also met with civil society members, Ambassadors of West African countries and the ECOWAS representative based in Banjul, as well as development partners and the UN Country Team. The Special Representative reiterated the United Nations' commitment to continue working with the Gambian people and government to consolidate democracy in the country and the region. He called on all stakeholders to ensure constructive dialogue in the constitutional and other democratic reform processes, essential for the stability and development of the Gambia. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Nations Office for West Africa and the Sahel (UNOWAS).
